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MAN 



A MONTHLY RECORD OF ANTHROPOLOGICAL SCIENCE. 



PUBLISHED UNDER THE DIRECTION OF THE 



ROYAL ANTHROPOLOGICAL INSTITUTE 



OF 



GREAT BRITAIN AND IRELAND. 



IX. 



1009. 



Nos. 11 1 3. 
WITH PLATES A-M. 




PUBLISHED BY THE 

ROYAL ANTHROPOLOGICAL INSTITUTE, 

50, GREAT RUSSELL STREET, LONDON, W.C. 



v.^-io 



OOIsTTEISTTB. 



ORIGINAL ARTICLES. 

Nd. 
Africa, Central: Archaeology. Obsidian Implements in Central Africa. (Illustrated.) 

H. W. SETON-KARR 89 

Africa : Congo. On a Carved Wooden Cup from the Ba-Kuba, Kasai District, Congo Free 

State. {With Plate A: and Illustration.) T. A. JOYCE, M.A. ... 1 

Africa, East. Brief Notes on the Bakene. Rev. J. ROSCOE 70 

Africa, East. A Note on the Graves of the Wa-Nyika. (With Plate K.) A. C. HOLLIS ... 85 

Africa, East. Kikuyu Calendar. Hon. K. R. DUNDAS 19 

Africa, East. The Kikuyu Medicine Man. J. W. W. CRAWFORD, M.D. 30 

Africa, East. Some Dorobo Beliefs. (With Plate M.) 101 

Africa, East : Archaeology. Prehistoric Implements from Somaliland. H. W. SETON-KARB 106 
Africa, East : CraniolOgy. Report on Three Skulls of A-Kamba Natives, British East 

Africa. W. L. H. DUCKWORTH, M.D., Sc.D. 69 

Africa : Rhodesia. A Brief Note on Two Crania and some Long Bones from Ancient Ruins 

in Rhodesia. (Illustrated.') F. C. SHRUBSALL, M.D 41 

Africa: Uganda. Python Worship in Uganda. Rev. J. ROSCOE 57 

Africa, West. Steatite Figures from Sierra Leone. (With Plate E. and Illustrations.) 

T. A. JOYCE, M.A 40 

Africa. See also EGYPT. 

America, North- West. On the Language of the Ten'a (iii). Rev. J. JETTE, S.J 12 

Anthropology. Anthropology and the Empire : Deputation to Mr. Asquith ... ... ... 55 

Archaeology. The Pigmy Implements. W. J. LEWIS ABBOTT, F.G.S 103 

Archaeology: Eoliths. The Eolithic Problem. W. J. LEWIS ABBOTT, F.G.S. 88 

Archaeology. See also AFRICA, CENTRAL ; AFRICA, BAST ; CEYLON ; ENGLAND ; EGYPT ; 

INDIA ; IRELAND. 
Asia. See BURMA ; CEYLON ; INDIA ; NICOBAR ; PERSIA. 

Australia. Australian Huts and Shelters. (With Plate D.) WALTER E. ROTH 27 

Australia. Beliefs and Customs of the Australian Aborigines. Prof. J. G. FRAZER ... ... 86 

Australia: Totemism. Mr. Gason and Dieri Totemism. A.LANG 29 

Burma. Cheating Death. R. GRANT BROWN 13 

Ceylon : Archaeology. Early Defensive Works, Ceylon. J. B. ANDREWS 104 

Ceylon : Religion. Note on the Bandar Cult of the Kandyan Sinhalese. * C. G. SELIGMANN, 

M.D 77 

Egypt. The Porridge Stirrer as an Egyptian Hieroglyph. (Illustrated.) AYLWARD M. 

BLACKMAN, B.A. ' 96 

Egypt: Archaeology. String Nets of the XVII Dynasty. (With Plate I-J.) W. M. 

FLINDERS PETRIE, F.R.S 76 

Egypt. See also FOLKLORE. 

England: Archaeology. Dewlish "Eoliths" and ElepJias meridionalis. (With Plate H.) 

WORTHINGTON G. SMITH, F.L.S 68 

England : Archaeology. Excavation of a Barrow on Chapel Cam Brea, Cornwall. (Illus- 
trated.) H. KING and the late B. C. POLKINGHORNE, B.Sc., F.G.S 87 

England : Archaeology. Notes on a Late Celtic Rubbish-Heap, near Oare, Wilts. (Illus- 
trated.) Mrs. M. E. CUNNINGTON 11 

England : Archaeology. Palaeolithic Implement found near the British Museum. (Illus- 
trated.) WORTHINGTON G. SMITH, F.L.S. 56 

England : Archaeology. Remarkable Arrowheads and Diminutive Bronze Implement. 

(Illustrated.) Kev. H. G. O. KENDALL, M.A 21 

England: Archaeology. On a Remarkable Feature in the Entrenchments of Knap Hill 

Camp, Wilts. (Illustrated.) Mrs. M. E. CUNNINGTON 28 

England: Physical Anthropology. The Stature and Cephalic Index of the Prehistoric 

Men whose Remains are preserved in the Mortimer Museum, Driffield. J. R. MORTIMER ... 17 

England : Pigmentation. Notes on the Hair and Eye Colour of 591 Children of School Age 

in Surrey. BARBARA FREIRE-MARRECO ... ... ... 63 

Europe. See ENGLAND ; IRELAND. 

Fiji. Two Fijian Games. A. M. HOCART 108 

Folklore. The Fox as a Birth Amulet. (Illustrated.) AYLWARD M. BLACKMAN, B.A. 



IV 

No. 
India: Archaeology. Some recent Indian Palaeolithic Implements. (Illustrated.) H. W. 

SETON-KARR 79 

India. See also BURMA ; CEYLON ; NICOBAR. 

Ireland : Archaeology. Ancient Remains on the Rock of Cashel. A. L. LEWIS 107 

Ireland: Archaeology. The Older Series of Irish Flint Implements. (With Plate F. and 

Illustrations.) NINA F. LAYARD, F.L.S 54 

Linguistics. See AMERICA. 

Melanesia. Banks Islands Pudding-Knives. (Illustrated.) J. EDGE-PARTINGTON 105 

New Guinea. A Type of Canoe Ornament with Magical Significance from S.E. British New 

Guinea. (With Plate C.) C. G. SELIGMANN, M.D 16 

New Zealand. Maori Burial Chests. (Illustrated.) J. EDGE-PARTINGTON 18 

New Zealand. Maori Forgeries. J. EDGE-PARTINGTON ... 31 

NiCQbar. Possible Traces of Exogamous Divisions in the Nicobar Islands. B. F.-M. ... ... 42 

Obituary. DanielJohn Cunningham. (\VithPlateG.) Prof. ARTHUR THOMSON 62 

Obituary. Otis Tufton Mason. (With Plate B.) A. C. H ADDON, Sc.D., F.R.S., and DAVID 

I. BUSHNELL, Junr 10 

Obituary. See also 9, 61, 75, 84, 100. 

Pacific. See. FIJI ; MELANESIA; NEW GUINEA; NEW ZEALAND. 

Persia. Notes on Musical Instruments in Khorasan, with special reference to the Gypsies. 

( With Plate L. and Illustrations.) Major P. MOLESWORTH SYKES, C.M.G. ... ... 94 

Persia. Notes on Tattooing in Persia. Major P. MOLESWORTH SYKES, C.M.G. 102 

Physical Anthropology : Method. A Portable Stature Meter. (Illustrated.) J. GRAY, 

B.Sc 90 

Physical Anthropology. See also AFRICA ; ENGLAND. 
Religion. See AFRICA ; AUSTRALIA ; CEYLON. 

Sociology: Exogamy. Exogamy. A. LANG 78 

Sociology. See also NICOBAR ; TABU ; TOTEMISM. 

Tabu. The Incest Tabu. W. G. ASTON, C.M.G ... 95 

Technology. Netting without a Knot. (Illustrated) A. VAN GENNEP 20 

Totemlsm. Linked Totems. A. LANG 2 

Totemism. Linked Totems in British New Guinea. C. G. SELIGMANN, M.D 3 

Totemism. See also AUSTRALIA. 



REVIEWS. 

Africa: Congo. Johnston. George Grenfell and the Congo. RALPH DURAND 5 

Africa: Congo. Starr. A Bibliography of Congo Languages. T. A. J 38 

Africa: Congo. Van Overbergh. Les Basonge. T. A. J. 22 

Africa, East. Hollis. The Nandi. A. WERNER 71 

Africa, East. Weule. Native Life in East Africa. H. S. H 97 

Africa, East. Weule. Wisxensehaftliche Ergelnisse meiner ethnographischen Forschungsreise 

in den Siidosten Deutsch-Ostafrihas. A. WERNER ... 80 

Africa, South. Heale. History and -Ethnography of Africa South of the Zanibesi. T. A. J. 110 

Africa, South. Tongue. Bushman Paintings. T. A. J 98 

Africa, South. The South African Natives. RALPH DURAND 50 

Africa : Uganda. Hattersley. The Bagand,a at Home. R. W. F. 58 

Africa. See. also MADAGASCAR ; TENERIFFE. 

America: Mexico. Stare. In Unknown Mexico. A. P. M. ... ... ... 91 

America, South. Cherwin. Anthropologie Bolivienne. A. C. H. 72 

America, South. Oates. Alfarerias del Noroeste Argentina. OSWALD H. EVANS, F.G.S. ... 48 
America, South. Spence : Wallace. Notes of a Botanist on the Amazon and Andes. OSWALD 

H. EVANS 74 

Anthropology. British Museum. Guide to the Specimens illustrating the Races of Mankind. 

H. S. H 33 

Anthropometry. Ernst. Das Schulkind in seiner Ttorperlichen und geistigen Entwicklung. 

J. GRAY 109 

Archaeology. See AMERICA ; CEYLON ; ENGLAND ; FRANCE ; THUHINGIA. 

Asia. See BORNEO ; CEYLON ; INDIA. 

Australia, Central. Strehlow. Die Aranda und Loritja-Stamme in Zentral-Australien. 

A.LANG 14,23 

Australia : Linguistics. Planert. Australische Forschtingen. S.H.RAY 43 



Ho. 
Australasia. Guillemard : Keane. Australasia: Malaysia and the Pelagic Archipelagoes. 

E. A. PARKYN ' ... 44 

Austria. Prizzi. EinBeitrag zur Anthropologie dot " Homo Alpinus Tirolensix." J. BEDDOE, 

M.D., F.R.S '. 59 

Borneo : Languages. Beech. The Tidong Dialects of Borneo. S. H. R 93 

CerebrolOgy. Retzius. Dag Affenhirn in Bildlicher Darstellung. W. W 7 

Ceylon : Stone Age. Sarasin. Ergebnisse Naturwissenshaftlichter For seining en auf Ceylon. 

C. G. SELIGMANN 49 

Classics. Evans and others. Anthropology and the Classics. 0. M. D 67 

Culture. Frobenius. The Childhood of Man. BARBARA FREIRE-MARRECO 73 

England: ArehSBOlOgy. Allcroft. Earthwork of England. A. G. CHATER 25 

England : Archaeology. Gray. Report on the Excavations at Wick Barrow, Stogursey, 

SomertetthAre. R. A. S. ... ... ... ... ... ... ... ... ... ... 24 

Ethics. Westermarek. The Origin and Development of the Moral Ideas. R. R. MARETT, M:A. 64 

Ethnology. Matsumura. A Gazetteer of Ethnology. T. A. J 47 

Europe. See AUSTRIA ; ENGLAND; FRANCE; RUSSIA; SCOTLAND; THURINGIA ; UNITED 

KINGDOM. 

Fiji. Thomson. Tlte Fijians. A. H. Q. 36 

Folk-Lore. Johnson. Folk Memory. R. A. S 46 

France : Archaeology. Congress. Congres prehistorique de France. A.C.BRETON ... 92 
India, North- West. Pennell. Among the Wild Tribes of tlie Afghan Frontier. M. LONG- 
WORTH DAMES. 52 

Ireland. See UNITED KINGDOM. 

Linguistics. See AFRICA ; AUSTRALIA ; BORNEO ; NEW GUINEA. 

Madagascar: Magic. Ferrand Textes M/igiques Malgaches. S. H. RAY, M.A 66 

Magic. Thompson. Semitic Magic. W. L. H. 32 

Magic. See also MADAGASCAR. 

New Guinea : Languages. Meyer. Die Papuasprache in Niederlandiwh-^'euguinea. 

S.H.RAY ... ... ' 45 

Pacific. See FIJI ; NEW GUINEA. 

Physical Anthropology. See AMERICA; ANTHROPOLOGY; ANTHROPOMETRY: AUSTRIA; 

CEREBROLOGY ; RUSSIA ; SCOTLAND : TENERIFFE. 
Prehistory. Hewitt. Primitive Traditional History. W. M. FLINDERS PETRIE, D.C.L., 

F.R.S 60 

Religion. Abrahams arid others. Religions Ancient and Modern. A. H. KEANE, LL.D. ... 6 

Religion. Hall. The Inward Light. Sir R. C. TEMPLE 35 

Religion. Marett. The Threshold of Religion. A. E. CBAWLEY 81 

Religions. Van Gennep. Religions, Moeurs et Legendes. M. LONGWORTH DAMES ... ... 65 

Religion. See also ETHICS ; MADAGASCAR ; MAGIC ; SUPERSTITION. 

Russia : Anthropometry. Tarnowsky. Les Femmes homicides. F. S. ... 51 

Scotland: Pigmentation. Tocher. Pigmentation Survey of School- Children in Scotland. 

G. U. Y 15 

Scotland. See also UNITED KINGDOM. 

Superstition. Frazer. Psyche's Task. B. FREIRE-MARRECO 83 

Teneriffe : CraniolOgy. Von Behr. Metrische Studien. an 152 Guanchenschiideln. F. S. ... 39 
Thurlngia : ArchSBOlOgy. Goetze and others. Die vor- und Friihgtschichtlichen Altertiiiner 

Thuringens. J. A. ... ... ... ... 82 

Totemism. Van Gennep. Totemisme et Methode comparative. A.LANG ... 34 

Trade. Roth. Trading in Early Days. W. CROOKE 37 

United Kingdom : Arch830lOgy. Smith. The Stone Ages in Xortk Britain and Ireland. 

Prof. B. C. A. WINDLE, F.R.S Ill 

Voyages. Nicoll. Three Voyages of a Naturalist. J. E.-P. ... ... ... 8 



PROCEEDINGS. 

Anthropology at the British Association 99, 112 



ANTHROPOLOGICAL NOTES. 

See Nos. 9, 26, 53, 61, 75, 84, 100, 113. 



VI 



ERRATA. 

No. 23. The reference in the title should be to MAN, 1909, 14, not 1908. 
No. 92, page 156, line 12, for history read industry. 
See aho page 48. 



DESCRIPTION OF THE PLATES. 

A. Carved Wooden Cup from the Bakuha With No. 1 

B. Otis Tufton Mason 10 

C. Canoe Ornaments from S.E. British New Guinea ... ... ... ... ... .. 16 

D. Australian Huts and Shelters ... ... ... ... ... ,. 27 

E. Steatite Figures from Sierra Leone .. 40 

F. Worked Flints from Raised Beach, Larne ... ... ... ... ... ., 54 

G. Daniel John Cunningham ... ... ... ... ... ... ... ... ... 62 

H. Dewlish " Eoliths " 68 

i-j. String Nets of the XVII Dynasty 76 

K. Graves of the Wa-Nyika ... ... ... ... ... ... ... 85 

L. Musical Instruments in Khorasan ... ... ... ... 94 

M. Some Dorobo Beliefs .. ... ... 101 



ILLUSTRATIONS IN THE TEXT. 

N.B. All are PhotograpJu, unless otherwise ttated. 

Carved Wooden Cup from the Bakuba With No. 1 

Figs. 1-4. The Fox as a Birth Amulet. (Fig. 1, Drawing.) 4 

Figs. 1-6. Pottery from Late Celtic Rubbish- Heap at Oare. (Drawings.) ... ... 11 

Maori Burial Chests ... ... ... ... ... ... ... 18 

Netting without a Knot ... ... ... ... 20 

Figs. 1-3. Remarkable Arrowheads and Diminutive Bronze Implement. (Drawings.) ... 21 

Plan of Knap Hill Camp. (Drawing.) ... ... ... ... 28 

Fig. 1. Steatite Figures from Sierra Leone. Sketch of Stool. (Drawing.) 40 

Skull from Old Mine. Skull from Chum Ruins ... ... ... 41 

Fig. 1. Section of Raised Beach, Larne. (Drawing.) ... ... ... ... ... ., 54 

Fig. 2. Implement of Palaeolithic type, Raised Beach, Larne. (Drawing.) ... ... 54 

Palaeolithic Implement found near the British Museum. (Drawing.) ... ... ... ., 56 

Fig. 1. Map of District (Surrey). (Drawing.) ... ... ... ... ... ... 63 

Indian Palaeolithic Implements. (Drawing.') ... ... ... ... 79 

Urn. Barrow on Chapel Carn Brea ... ... ... ,, 87 

Obsidian Implements in Central Africa. (Drawing.) ... ... ... ... ... ., 89 

A Portable Stature Meter 90 

Figs. C. and D. Khorasan Musical Instruments ... ... ... ... ,. 94 

Figs. 1-3. The Porridge Stirrer as an Egyptian Hieroglyph. (Drawings.) ... ... ,. 96 

Banks Islands Pudding-Knives 105 



Vll 



LIST OF AUTHORS. 



N.B. The Numbers to which an asterisk is added are those of Reviews of Books. 



A., J., 82*. 

ABBOTT, W. J. L., 88, 103. 
ANDREWS, J. B., 104. 
ASTON, W. G., 95. 

BEDDOE, J., 59*. 
BLACKMAN, A. M., 4, 96. 
BRETON, A. C., 92*. 
BROWN, R. G., 13. 

CHATER, A. G., 25*. 
CRAWFORD, J. W. W., 30. 
CRAWLET, A. E., 81*. 
CROOKE, W., 37*. 

CUNNINGTON, M. E., 11, 28. 

D., 0. M., 67*. 
DAMES, M. L., 52*, 65*. 
DUCKWORTH, W. L. H., 69. 
DUNDAS, K. R., 19. 
DURAND, R., 5*, 50*. 

EDGE-PARTINGTON, J., 8*, 18, 31, 105. 
EVANS, O. H., 48*, 74*. 

F., R. W., 58*. 
FRAZER, J. G., 86. 

GENNEP, A. VAN, 20. 
GRAY, J., 90, 109*. 

H., H. S., 33*, 97*. 
H., W. L., 32*. 
HADDON, A. C., 10, 72*. 
HOCART, A. M., 108. 
HOLLIS. A. C., 85, 101. 

JETTE, J., 12. 

JOYCE, T. A., 1, 22*, 38*, 40, 47*, 98*, 
110*. 



KARR, H. W. SETON, 79, 89, 106. 
KEANE, A. H., 6*. 
KENDALL, H. G. O., 21. 
KING, H. C., 87. 

LANG, A., 2, 14*, 23*, 29, 34*, 78. 
LAYARD, N. F., 54. 
LEWIS, A. L., 107. 

M., A. P., 91*. 

MARETT, R. R., 64*. 

MARRECO, B. FREIRE-, 42, 63, 73*, 83. 

MORTIMER, J. R., 17. 

PARKYN, E. A., 44*. 
PETRIE, W. M. F., 60*, 76. 

POLKINGHORNE, B. C., 87. 

Q., A. H., 36*. 

RAY, S. H., 43*, 45*, 66*, 93*. 
ROSCOE, J., 57, 70. 
ROTH, W. E., 27. 

S., F., 39*, 51*. 

S., R. A., 24*, 46*. 

SELIGMANN, C. G., 3, 16, 49*, 77. 

SHRUBSALL, F. C., 41. 

SMITH, W. G., 56, 68. 

SYKES, P. M., 94, 102. 

TEMPLE, R. C., 35*. 
THOMSON, G. 62. 

W., W., 7*. 
WERNER, G., 71*, 80*. 

Y., G. U., 15*. 



PLATE A. 



MAN, 1909. 




CARVED WOODEN CUP FROM THE BAKUBA, KASAI DISTRICT. 
CONGO FREE STATE. 

(Restored and slightly enlarged.) 



MAN 



A MONTHLY RECORD OF ANTHROPOLOGICAL SCIENCE, 




N.B. All communications printed in MAN are signed or initialled by their 
authors, and the Council of the Institute desires it to be understood that in giving 
publicity to them it accepts no responsibility for the opinions or statements expressed. 

N.B. MAN, 1909, consists of twelve monthly -published sheets, of sixteen pages 
each, printed in single column; containing " Original Articles" and substantial 
"Reviews" of recent publications ; all numbered consecutively 1, 2, 3, onwards. 

N.B. Articles published in MAN should be quoted by the year and the 
reference-number of the article, not by the page-reference ; e.g., the article which 
begins on p. 4 below should be quoted as MAN, 1909, 3. 



ORIGINAL ARTICLES. 

Africa : Congo Art. With Plate A. Joyce. 

On a Carved Wooden Cup from the BaKuba, Kasai District, I 
Congo Free State. By T. A. Joyce, M.A. 

A large ethnographical collection, comprising a great number of specimens of 
unusual interest has already resulted from the labours of the expedition, under the 
leadership of Mr. E. Torday, still in the Congo Free State. That part of the 
collection which is illustrative of the art of the BaKuba people (or, as they should 
more properly be called, Bushonge) is especially noteworthy, and of that series the 
specimen figured herewith is one of the most remarkable. This wooden cup, unfortu- 
nately somewhat damaged, was obtained in Misumba, a village of the BaNgongo 
sub-tribe of BaKuba, from an old fetish man, who stated that it was of great age. 

The cup is carved from solid, hard, dark wood ; it is vase-shaped with hemi- 
spherical body, and stands on a circular foot ; it is furnished above the hemispherical 
portion with a well-marked shoulder, above which is a curved lip, the curve approxi- 
mating to a semi-circle ; the edge of the lip extends very slightly beyond the shoulder. 
The cup is elaborately ornamented with patterns in relief as follows : Four lizards, the 
scales, indicated by lozenge diaper, are carved in high relief on the body of the vessel, 
disposed at equal distances, their tails touching the stem, their hands reaching to within 
a short distance of the shoulder ; the space between each pair of lizards is filled with 
three series of continuous loop pattern on a ground of minute lozenge diaper ; along 
the edge of the shoulder runs a band of zigzag and line pattern .divided into panels ; a 
broader band of similar panels, alternating with panels of lozenge diaper, encircles 
the concave portion of the lip ; vertically across this concave portion, and at four 
intervals round the cup not quite equidistant, extend four weevils of the genus Brachy- 
cerus, arranged so as to alternate with the lizards below, their heads pointing alternately 
up and down. These are carved quite free of the lip, touching it only at two points 
respectively a little below the rim and a little above the shoulder ; they are covered 
with lozenge diaper. On the foot, directly below each, weevil, is carved a trapezoid panel 



No. t] 



MAN. 



[1909. 



in high relief, filled with lozenge diaper ; round the rim of the foot are four continuous 
loops, separated by triple mouldings. The dimensions of the cup are as follows : 
height, 123 cm. ; diameter of lip, 117 cm. ; diameter of foot, 81 cm. 

As said above, the owner of the cup asserted that it was of great age. Of course, 
the statements of natives on this point are not trustworthy evidence, but the fact is 
clear from a glance at the specimen ; in fact, in none of the other carvings obtained, even 
those of which the ornament has nearly disappeared by wear, does the actual wood show 
such evident traces of age. I think it may be concluded that the cup is a genuine 
"antique" in the limited sense of antiquity which can be applied to objects from savage 
Africa. Another point of interest lies in the fact that the carving of this cup evidences 
a greater mastery of material than any other woodcarving obtained in what may be 
termed the " provinces " of the BaKuba kingdom ; the shape is remarkably graceful 

and symmetrical, and is 
one proper rather to 
pottery or metal than to 
wood : the continuous 
loop pattern is, on the 
contrary, obviously de- 
rived from textile art ; 
while the trapezoid pro- 
jections on the foot are 
decidedly reminiscent of 
jewel work. On the 
whole the shape of the 
vessel distinctly sug- 
gests European influ- 
ence,just as the ornamen t 
of the body suggests the 
art of Benin. But it 
is impossible to find in 
this neighbourhood even 
the remotest traces of 
direct European influ- 
ence earlier than the 
comparatively recent 
date of Wissmann's vi- 
sit. Of possible trans- 
mitted influence at a 
far earlier date I have 
a trace in the volu- 
minous notes collected by the expedition. This question will, I hope, be discussed 
fully in the ultimate report of the expedition ; at the present time I can gire no more 
than a few bald statements, omitting the evidence on which they are founded. 
Culturally the BaKuba face the west ; from this quarter was introduced the game 
mancala, tobacco, cloth-embroidery, &c., as early as the middle of the seventeenth 
century ; this date can be fixed with almost absolute certainty. According to the native 
account much was learnt from the BaPindi, a people whom we know to have been 
directly or indirectly in contact with the Portuguese of the early seventeenth century ; 
so it is impossible to deny that there is a possibility of some faint shadow of 
Portuguese influence having been transmitted to the BaKuba. But it can have been 
no more than the merest shadow. 

[ 2 ] 




1809.] MAN. [Nos. 1-2. 

In considering the ornamentation of the cup in detail there is hardly a feature 
which does not seem to belong to the indigenous local art, and there is, moreover, one 
which appears to be peculiar to it ; I allude to the weevils round the edge. This insect, 
often conventionalised almost beyond recognition, and nowhere else in so naturalistic 
a form, occurs on more than 50 per cent, of the large series of carved boxes collected 
by the expedition. The insect is evidently likened in the native imagination to a 
human head with high bulging forehead, and it is called Mutu Jambi, the head of 
God. In some of the conventionalised examples of this pattern, it is interesting to 
note, features have been added to what is in reality the thorax of the insect, which 
is supposed to represent the facial portion of the head. In conclusion, I will add 
that the apparent discrepancy between the photograph and restoration with respect to 
the position of the weevils relative to the curve of the lip arises from the fact that 
these weevils are not disposed at regular intervals round the cup, and the restoration 
and photograph show different aspects. The cup is now in the British Museum. 

T. A. JOYCE. 

Totemism. Lang". 

Linked Totems. />'// -' Lang. O 

I am greatly indebted to Dr. Seligmann for his explanations (MAN, 1908, 
100). My difficulty was caused by his use of the word " clan," which I have only 
known as applied to the clans of the Highlands, on one side, and, on the other, 
erroneously, to totem kins. The paper of R. P. de Marzan has only added to my 
perplexities, for he uses the words " tribe," " clan," and " family " as equivalents, and 
applies them all to the same community, which also contains a " subdivision " with a 
totem of its own.* 

The remarks of Dr. Rivers on Fijian totemism (MAN, 1908, 75) are perfectly 
lucid, if I rightly understand him as meaning " totem kin," or " totem claa " when he 
writes " sept," a term of very vague sense. 

Fijian totemism, however, is remote in social characteristics from the unique 
and most interesting variety discovered by Dr. Seligmaun in South-East British 
Is'ew Guinea. There, if I understand him, society is organised on a hitherto unheard-of 
model. 

In Fiji, as I conceive Dr. Rivers to think possible, the totem of the tribe is 
parallel to the African tribal Siboko, or sacred animal ; and is, as he suggests, the 
original totem of the kin of the chief, imposed by him on the whole tribe. It has 
no exogamous influence, and, as food, it is tabu to all members of the tribe. " The 
smaller divisions which may possibly be the representatives of exogamous septs" (in 
my terminology " totem kins "), " have also their special sacred animals." Thus every 
member of the tribe has at least two tabu animals, the tribal (originally the chiefs) 
and that of his own " smaller division " (originally his totem kin, but now no longer 
exogamous). I do not understand that to each member of the tribe all the tabu 
objects, of all the smaller divisions in the tribe, are equally tabu : in any case none 
of these objects marks the exogamous limit. The Fijians have no totemic exogamy. 
Meanwhile the causes of the " linking " of the tabu objects, or totems, are clearly 
explained. Let it be added that the Fijians have male descent. 

Very different is the state of society in South-East British New Guinea. Here, 
as I gather from Dr. Seligmann's reply to me, the " clan " is the " unit," and 
the clan is a local community, for it usually, though not invariably, has " a geo- 
graphical name,'' not a totemic name, though some " clans " bear the name of one of 
their totems. Descent is through females, and the " clan " is exogamous. " Every 

* Antkroj)os, Vol. II. Part 3, p. 403. 
[ 3 ] 



Nos. 2-3.] MAN. [1909. 

individual of a particular clan has the same linked totems," four in all, if the clan 
has four. 

As to the exogamy of the clan Dr. Seligmann writes, " There may also be a dual 
" or multiple grouping of the clans, but I must ignore this here." Now the " clan," 
being exogamous and local, must marry out of its four totems, and therefore out of 
its locality, like the Kurnai. With whom do its members intermarry ? Apparently 
into one or more other " clans," possessing totems which are not its own totems. If 
so, the intermarrying " clans," for purposes of marriage law, are phratries, whether 
only two phratries in each case, as in Australia, or three or even more, as in some 
American tribes. 

Thus it is as if, in the Dieri tribe (exogamous, with female descent), the phratry 
Kararu had but four totems, carpet snake, crow, kananguru seed, and bandicoot ; 
while phratry Matteri had but four totems, cormorant, Markara fish, dingo, and 
caterpillar ; and as if each member of either phratry belonged to all four totems of 
that phratry. We must also suppose each phratry to be locally apart from the other, 
as the New Guinea clans are local communities. This local separation of phratries 
occurs in some North Central Australian tribes, as these have descent through males. 
How it can occur in New Guinea, where each exogamous unit or " clan " reckons 
descent through females, I am unable to conjecture. 

I am anxious (as it has been laid on me to write an account of totemism for 
a work of reference) to know whether I have correctly interpreted the statements 
of Dr. Seligmann. It is obvious that as each " clan " may not marry into itself, and 
into its own totems, it must marry into one or more other " clans," or exogamous 
local communities ; and I presume that no man or woman may marry a person who- 
owns even one of his or her " linked totems." The " clan " of South-East British 
New Guinea is certainly very unlike any community that has hitherto been spoken of 
as a " clan," and I suggest that we should call it by the native name for such a social 
aggregate. A. LANG. 



Totemism. Seligmann. 

Linked Totems in British New Guinea. /;// ('. G. Seligmann, M.I). Q 

It would be possible to reply to the particular points raised by Mr. Lang's V 
note in sufficient detail to enable him to utilise my account for the " work of reference," 
but to do this would need so many lengthy explanations and reservations that it 
seems that my best course is to send to MAN sufficient extracts from my worked-up 
material to make clear the chief peculiarities of the totemism of South-East British 
New Guinea. To this end I will describe the conditions I found at Wagawaga, a 
Milne Bay community. 

I must preface my remarks by stating that the dwellings of the communities of 
this part of New Guinea are arranged in scattered groups (at Wagawaga they are 
spread over a frontage of about 1,000 yards) which I call hamlets. The members of 
each hamlet, excepting people who have married in or been adopted, are closely related 
by blood, and are, in fact, a somewhat extended family group. Thus the householders 
of each hamlet are, or should be, of one clan, but in the community there are many 
hamlets belonging to each of its constituent clans, though each hamlet has its own 
name and exercises a considerable degree of autonomy. 

Omitting certain immigrant folk who are still looked upon more or less as 
strangers, there are three clans in Wagawaga, the names of which are Garuboi r 
Modewa, and Hurana. Each of these has at least one bird totem, with, in each case, 
a linked fish, snake, and plant totem, all of which are called pianai. The hamlets 
and totems of each clan are as follows : 

[ 4 ] 



1909.] 



MAN. 



[No. 3. 



Clan. 


Hamlets. 


Bird. 


Totems. 


Fish. 


Snake. 


Plant. 




f Kanabwahi 


WltMiwhai (crow) 


Ipl (skate). 


Garuboi. 


Okioki. 




Suaiaro 


and 








Garuboi 


{ Kasaiauura 


Bui (reef heron). 










Wagawaga 












t Wagawaga pupuna 










Modewa 


r Duria 
Modewa 
Yabarawa 


Siai (Paradixea 
raggiana) 

and 


Kurau. 


Mota idai- 
idaga. 


Modau. 




I Dobuapa 


Kulokulo. 










f Hehego 


Wtkiwiki (a hawk). 


Bahibahi. 


Grt adi. 


Daberima. 


Hurana 


Taradiu 

Hurana (of Waga- 
L waga) 











Modewa. 



Excluding the immigrants already alluded to, there is a dual grouping of the 
Wagawaga clans into two clan-groups, as in the following scheme : 

CLAN. CLAN-GROUP. 

Garuboi - Garuboi'. 

Modewa | 

Hurana j 

This dual grouping of the clans regulated the terms by which each individual was 
addressed, while formerly it determined who should take part in the cannibal feast 
held to revenge a fellow villager killed by a hostile community. Further, until 
recently it determined a particular form of exogamy, but with the extinction of war- 
fare and cannibal feasts within the last few years the dual grouping has so fallen 
into decay as to be largely ignored in the regulation of marriage, although totem 
exogamy is still quite generally observed.* 

No man or woman might contract marriage with a member of his or her own 
clan-group, nor might any individual marry a member of his or her father's clan. Thus 
Ipunesa, a man of Modewa clan, might not marry into either of the clans Modewa or 
Hurana, since these composed his own clan-group. Nor might he marry into the clan- 
group Garuboi (the other clan-group of the Wagawaga village-system), since this 
contained but one clan, Garuboi, to which his father belonged. Hence, Ipunesa, in the 
old days would have necessarily married out of his own village-system.t But, besides 
the limitations above referred to, there was, and still is, the very real limitation imposed 
by consanguinity. How far this extended was never clear, but it certainly seemed that 
third cousins might not marry. 

At the present day the clan-group restrictions above mentioned have broken down, 
but it seems that marriage between individuals of the same clan never occurs while 

* These clan-groups resemble phratries, in that a man may not marry a member of his own 
clan-group and may marry a member of the other chin-group of his community if that clan-group be 
not barred to him by its being the clan-group to which his father belongs. J tend to regard the 
clan-groups as originally phratries, which, as the importance and avoidance of the father's totems 
became marked, ceased in a very large number of instances to be inter-marrying groups, although 
the old prohibition of marriage within the clan-group to which the individual belonged persisted. 

t The communities of Milne Bay intermarry quite freely. 



No. 3,] MAN. [1909. 

the prohibition of marriage into the clan of an individual's father is still equally 
observed, as are the rules of consanguinity. 

It seemed that men were not usually considered to partake of any of the qualities 
of their totem birds, fish, or snakes. 

There are no totem shrines, and no one was supposed to have particular influence 
over the birds or other animals which are his totems. There does not seem ever to have 
been any ceremony which had for its purpose the increasing of the totem, nor was there 
any tendency for a man to tame and keep his totem birds as pets ; in fact, it was said 
that the keeping of pets was a recently-introduced habit learnt from Europeans. 

It was clear that at Wagawaga a man showed more regard for his father's totem 
than for his own ; that is to say, there was very much more ceremonial avoidance of his 
father's totem than of his own. It was alleged that a man might kill and even eat his 
own bird totem, though it seemed uncertain that he Avould eat it. In any case it may be 
noted that the bird totems of Wagawaga are birds that are not commonly considered 
good to eat, and that, even where this is not the case, the natives of South-Eastern New 
Guinea are not keen hunters of birds except such as provide feathers for dancing 
ornaments. It was said that a man would catch and eat his own totem fish, and there is 
no doubt of the accuracy of this information. It was further stated that a man would 
not hesitate to kill his totem snake if it lay across his track, or to destroy his totem 
plant whenever it was convenient to do so. 

On the other hand, it was clear that no Wagawaga man would eat or destroy his 
father's' totem birds, or would even approach a fire at which they were cooking ; 
further, if a man saw his father's totem bird being killed he would go away for a short 
time or remonstrate with the killer, but he would not fight him nor quarrel with him, 
and, with the exception of not touching the dead totem bird, he would show no special 
regard for it. If in fishing his father's totem fish were caught the fisherman would ask 
one of his companions to remove it from the net, but he would not suggest that it 
should be returned to the water ; on the other hand, he would not touch or eat it. A 
man respected his father's totem snake and would seek to avoid it ; he would certainly 
not kill it. 

The relation of a man to his father's totem plant was less clear ; it seemed that he 
would generally avoid injuring it. A number of Modewa men whose fathers were of 
Garuboi clan agreed that they would not injure their father's totem plant okioki when 
met with when in the bush ; but they said that if it interfered with garden-making 
they would destroy it. This partial avoidance of a father's totem plant did not, in the 
case of okioki, extend to lying-in women, whose diet for some time after parturition 
consists of a decoction of yams and okioki fruit or leaves. It was repeatedly and 
independently asserted that every woman, no matter whether okioki were her own or 
her father's totem, would eat this food during her puerperium. A man would not marry 
a woman with the same totems as his father, and one informant stated that all women 
of his father's totem were " half mother " to him. In the old days he would not sleep 
with a woman of his father's totem, nor should he sit close to her when visiting the 
girl-house (poluma) ; but in spite of this, and although in the old days no one would 
marry a girl of his own totem, some of the bolder or more amorous men would sleep 
with such girls. Nowadays this condition of things has changed and prenuptial 
connection is not even slightly limited by the old clan rules, and, although this conduct 
is not considered rigidly correct, no objection is ever raised ; certainly the non-observance 
of this rule was considered too small an infringement of the clan laws to bring any 
harm on the lovers or their kin. A man would eat his wife's totem fish as he 
would his own, and the same rule applies to the wife's treatment of her husband's totem 
fish ; it was said that a man would be no more and no less frightened of his wife's 
totem snake than he would be of any other snake in which he had no special interest. 

[ 6 ] 



1909.] MAN. [No. 3. 

No man would wear the feathers of his father's totem bird, although he would 
riot hesitate to wear the feathers of his own totem bird. Indeed, these are his usual 
ornaments, and there is a feeling that it is specially appropriate that a man should 
wear the feathers of his totem bird, although he is not even theoretically limited to 
their use. The most commonly worn feathers were those of the cockatoo ; with 
these the much rarer feathers of white individuals of the reef heron (hot) were worn 
when they could be obtained. During the toreha ceremonies the older men of the 
community would wear round their heads two, three, or even four hornbill beaks. 
A man would wear these beaks if his own totem were the hornbill, but on this, as on 
other occasions, would avoid coming in contact with the bird or its feathers, if the 
hornbill were his father's totem. Another instance of the avoidance of the feathers 
of a father's totem bird occurs at the waiapa ceremony, when bird-of-paradise feathers 
are worn by all who have not fathers with that bird as totem. Similarly a man whose 
father's totem is the reef heron will avoid wearing the feathers of the rare white variety 
of this bird ; while a man, whose father's totem is the cockatoo will not wear this bird's 
feathers, but substitute feathers of white individuals of the reef heron when these can 
be obtained. No information concerning the origin of bird, fish, or snake totems could 
be obtained, but a rather trivial legend accounting for the origin of plant totems exists. 

Totem birds, snakes, and fishes are commonly represented upon houses and canoe 
prows, and upon lime spatulas and net floats, and, in fact, upon practically all the wooden 
utensils and ornaments of the folk of South-Eastern New Guinea and the neighbouring 
archipelagos. These carvings are, however, executed by any man who has the necessary 
skill and art, and it is certain that no man is limited in his designs to the use of his 
own totem or the totems of the man for whom he is carving. In many places, including 
Milne Bay, certain totem animals have passed into art, and in this connection their 
limitation to a particular group of people has been forgotten entirely. Thus, although 
the dominant patterns of a district or village may be derived from an animal which is the 
totem of only a few people in the village or district, and although it may be recognised 
that the pattern really does represent the totem of a small group of people, it is 
nevertheless used indifferently as a means of decorating the houses and utensils of folk 
whose totem it is, and of those entirely unconnected with it. 

In the vast majority of cases of cannibalism in the Massim district the eating 
of human flesh was part of a ceremonial and solemn act of revenge which it was the 
duty of each community to observe on behalf of its own members killed and eaten by 
other communities with which it was at enmity.* The individual or individuals eaten 
in revenge for a fellow villager who had been eaten by the folk of a hostile community 
were called niaia or maiha ; and the clan organisation of the community profoundly 
affected this cannibalism as is shown by the following summary of an instance occurring 
a few years ago. 

It became known at Maiwara, a community at the head of Milne Bay, that a 
Wagawaga canoe was about to visit Basilaki (Moresby Island), so three canoes put 
off quietly at night and an ambush was formed behind an island called Seraumi, close 
to which the Wagawaga canoe would pass. The ambush was successful, and the 
Maiwara men drove the Wagawaga canoe ashore where the majority of its crew took 
to the bush, leaving, however, two prisoners in the hands of the man of Maiwara, 
namely, Keori a man of clan Garuboi, and Bonadiero, a girl of about ten belonging to 
Modewa clan.f The captors tied up their prisoners and flung them into one of the 

* In a smaller number of cases human flesh was undoubtedly eaten for the pleasure it afforded, 
and complete strangers were commonly killed and eaten ; but there was, of course, no large or 
constant supply of food of this kind. 

t Keori was a man of Wagawaga hamlet : his father, who had as bird-totems siai, the bird of 
paradise, and kulokulo, came from Bogohodu in the bush behind Discovery Bay. 

[ 7 ] 



No. 3,] MAN. [1909. 

Maiwara canoes, which leisurely started home, taking care to pass Wagawaga on the 
way. When opposite Wagawaga the Maiwara canoes approached to within some 
,200 yards of the shore, the majority of their crew drumming, shouting, gesticulating, 
and blowing conch shells. Then they halted and gave the dance bcsa or boriri used 
on such occasions. Their captives were made to stand up and stripped naked, while 
the girl's petticoat and the man's perineal band were waved in the air by the captors, 
who yelled the names of the prisoners and detailed how they would be cooked and 
eaten. Bonadiero cried and made repeated efforts to escape ; Keori appeared to those 
on shore to be resigned. Wagawaga was wild with anger, but nothing could be done, 
and when the Maiwara men had amused themselves enough, they paddled on to their 
own village, where Keori was duly eaten after the usual preliminaries which I shall 
describe when considering the death of the Maiwara man, who was afterwards killed 
in revenge for him. The girl was not injured, but was adopted by one Taumaia, who 
did not, however, keep her long, for shortly afterwards, at a big dance, some Rabi 
guests kidnapped her and restored her to her own folk.* 

At Wagawaga talk ran high and revenge was determined, but nothing was done 
for some six weeks ; then canoes and weapons were prepared and the necessary feast, 
ogatara or losuma, was held, without which no party could seek for maiha. 

Near sundown the war party started, the men being fully armed and provided with 
drums and conches, called himorgo, made of Cassis and Triton shells. They set out in 
ten canoes, each of which was stated to hold from twenty to thirty men, and, paddling 
quietly, they entered the Maiwara river, reaching the village about midnight. Landing 
noiselessly they surrounded and rushed a clubhouse, from which, however, all the inmates 
escaped with the exception of a man taken prisoner by one Rerenia. This man was 
securely tied up and thrust into the canoe. To avoid a possible counter-attack the 
attacking party took to their canoes and gained the mouth of the river as quickly as 
possible, where they lingered till daylight, when with beating of drums and blowing of 
conches they danced besa, replying with shouts and insults to the Maiwara men, who 
from the safety of the shore were heartily abusing them. Then the canoes returned 
triumphantly to Wagawaga, where their captive was pitched into the shallow water, 
speared by as many men as could reach him, and dragged ashore. The greatest care 
was taken not to kill the captive, for it was necessary that he should be more or 
less severely wounded by the next-of-kin of the man for whom revenge was being 
taken. In this instance Bakaiya, the brother of the dead man, who was not a 
member of the war party, slashed him across the shoulder with a tomahawk. If Keori 
had no brother his aue (maternal uncle) would have inflicted the wound, and if, as 
rarely happened, he was mortally injured at this stage it was looked upon as a 
regrettable mishap. As soon as the maiha was dragged to land the next-of-kin 
of the man whose death was being revenged made a considerable present, called 
gudu, to the victim's captor. In the instance narrated Bakaiya paid Rerenia one 
ceremonial stone adze, one shell disc (sapisapi) necklace, three shell nose ornaments, 
one boar's tusk, one pig, and one bagi. It seemed clear that Rerenia received these 
things not because he had given the ogatara or led the attacking party, but because he 
had himself taken a prisoner who would be maiha for Keori. 

The victim was then dragged to the stone circle (gahand) of the clan which was 
reserved for cannibal feasts. There he was enveloped in dry cocoanut leaves and 
lashed to the tree (usually a cocoanut) which always stood in these gahana and 
burnt. 

After the burning the victim's captor made a return present to the next-of-kin 
of the man for whom maiha was taken. Thus Rerenia gave Bakaiya a bagi. 

* I am indebted to Mr. E. L. Giblin for pointing out that Taumaia is not strictly a personal 
name but literally means payer or redeemer and is derived from tau, "man," and maia, "to pay." 

[ 8 ] 



1909,] 



MAN. 



[Nos. 3-4. 



The aue of Keori who, as was customary, had helped Bakaiya to make up the gudu 
received nothing from Rerenia. It has already been stated that a dual grouping of 
the clans existed hy which Modewa and Hurana could not intermarry, but together 
they formed the clan group which intermarried with Garuboi or with other clans outside 
the Wagawaga community. When maiha was taken for a Wagawaga man, the dual 
grouping was adhered to, but in the opposite sense, i.e., neither individuals of the 
intermarrying clan-group nor those belonging to outside clans might take part in the 
feast, which was strictly limited to the dead man's clan-group. The same limitation 
applied to the right of entry into each clan's cannibal gahana. Hence the maiha taken 
for Keori was eaten only by Garuboi men, had Keori been a member of either Modewa 
or Hurana clan, Garuboi would have abstained from eating his maiha, but both these 
clans together forming the clan group Modewa would have shared in the feast. It 
follows that in no instance should the father or the paternal relatives of the dead man 
for whom maiha was exacted, take part in the cannibal feast, and this was found to 
be the case. On the other hand, a mother would eat her son's maiha, as would all 
relatives on the maternal side. Further, no one would eat a man of his own killing or 
a prisoner he had taken, though it was said that he might eat a man of his own or even 
of his father's clan killed or captured by another individual. C. G. SELIGMANN. 




FIG. 1. 



Folklore. Blackman. 

The Fox as a Birth-Amulet. By Aylward M. Blackman, B.A. 1 

In the Zeitschrift fur Agyptische Sprache (December 1907, page 75) 
Dr. Borchardt publishes an article on the sign [U ms, showing by two carefully worked 

examples, the one of an early and the other (Fig. 1) of a late period, 
that it is made up of the skins of three foxes. The skins in these 
examples are complete and hang by the mouth to a handle of some 
material such as leather (?). Among the paintings, on the insides of 
the wooden coffins of the Middle Kingdom, depicting the outfit for 
the dead, Dr. Borchardt finds in a few instances an object apparently 
made up of the hides of foxes. Its name ms-t is written above it, 
and in one case a small gloss by the side reads " A m6-[t] in his 
right hand." 

From these examples and instances in tomb-scenes in which fox 
tails fastened in a handle are shown 
carried in the hands of men and 

women, Dr. Borchardt concludes that the sign (Tj ms is 

& sort of fly-flap, the name of which is the feminine 
word ms-t, producing the word-sign value ms. The 
commonest use of this sign is for writing the verb ms'y, 
*' to give birth to." 

From October 1907 to April 1908, when acting as 
assistant in the Archaeological Survey of Nubia, in the 
course of the work between Shellal and Bab el- 
Kalabsheh, I came across two instances of dead foxes 
used as charms, which may, perhaps, throw another 

light on the reason why the sign [fi was used as 

a word- sign for ms'y, to bear. 

The first example (Fig. 2) comes from Godi, a 
small village some few miles south of Shellal and on 

C 9 ] 




FIG. 2. 



No. 4.] 



MAN. 



[1909. 



the east bank of the river. Over the door of the forecourt of the Omdah's house 

was suspended an entire fox. During conversation with the Omdah on one occasion 

I enquired why this animal was hung over his door, and he informed me it was a 

charm. After telling him of 
similar practices in England to 
show I was not laughing at him, 
I asked what were its special 
virtues, and he replied that it 
was an amulet that especially pro- 
tected the women of the house- 
hold, preventing miscarriages, 
and helping them in labour. 

In a small village not far 
north of Bab el - Kalabsheh, 
overlooking the little temple of 
Tafeh, there was a house with 
three foxes, lying at full length 

with extended forelegs, on the flat roof above the door (Fig. 3). 

On questioning the occupants I received an answer similar to that of the Omdah 

of Godi. 

It appears, therefore, from these two instances, that the modern Nubians use the 

fox as an amulet for protecting women in pregnancy and child-birth. 

It is a possibility that Fig. 1 was a birth amulet, its use as a fly-flap being 

secondary, and receiving the name ms'-t owing to its similarity to, or rather identity 

as regards materials with, the former. 

I put this forward as a suggestion only. There are other cases of the survival of 

old Egyptian usages in Nubia, such as the method of grinding corn (Fig. 4, and see 

Befit Hassan /., Plate 12). 
It may be noted that 

the Old Kingdom form of 

the determinative of msy, to 

bear, later a woman giving 

birth to a child whose head 





and arms protrude (W), ] 


where [H occurs in place of 

the child, possibly a case of 
the woman with the birth 
amulet beside her to help her 
in labour (??) 

Butj as Dr. Borchardt 
remarks in footnote 6 of his 
article, this may be only a 

combination of the words " to 

bear," and the sign of a FIG. -1. 

woman. For a similar example see Griffith, on f 3, "to carry," Ptahhetep I, p. 14. 

It is perhaps worth referring to the fox- or jackal-headed spirits, the B;w Nhw, 
which are represented in the birth-scene at Deir el-Bahari. (Naville, Deir el-Bahari, II, 
PL 51.) 

N.B. The animal was named cJ^J by the Omdah of Godi. 

AYLWARD M. BLACKMAN. 

C 10 3 



1909,] MAN. [No. 5. 

REVIEWS. 
Africa : Congo. Johnston. 

George Grenfell and the Congo. By Sir Harry Johnston. London : Hut- C 
chinson, 1908. Two Vols. Pp. xviii + 497 ; xx + 498-990. 24 x 16 cm. U 
Price 30*. 

Probably no European has ever had better opportunity of studying the Congo 
peoples than the late George Grenfell. At one time and another he explored nearly 
every one of the Congo's navigable tributaries, and his acquaintance with the Congo 
territory, which lasted until his death in July, 1906, began at a time when the Congo 
natives were so little influenced by Europeans that he was frequently asked to sell 
his Kru servants for cannibalistic purposes, and has " all unavailingly stood by open 
" graves and tried to prevent the living being buried with the dead." Although 
Grenfell's journals, letters, and memoranda form the framework on which the book 
is written, Sir Harry Johnston has used the opportunity to place on record much 
information that he has derived from other sources. He has used the records of 
the British Baptist Missionary Society, and has obtained information from the 
Rev. Lawson Forfeitt, Mr. Emil Torday, and others, in order to elucidate, amplify, 
and supplement the information gathered by Grenfell. 

The result is a compilation of the most important data concerning the Congo 
territory and its inhabitants. Nearly half the book almost all the second volume, 
in fact is devoted to a mass, and a somewhat bewildering mass, of anthropological 
matter, concerning a great variety of peoples of very different stages of culture, from 
the nomadic pygmies to the greatly superior Hamiticised Manbettu. So great a 
number of peoples come under review, peoples whose customs differ sufficiently to 
render separate notice necessary, and yet are sufficiently similar to make separate 
notice tedious, that parts of the book are necessarily somewhat heavy reading. 
Sir Harry Johnston would have made the book lighter if he had generalised more, 
and devoted more space to comment and speculation. He has chosen instead the 
less popular and infinitely more valuable course of laying before the reacler the 
" raw material " of his subject, to the loss of those who read for amusement and 
the gain of the serious student. 

To the anthropologist, perhaps, the most valuable feature of the book is the 
opportunity it gives of comparing one tribe with another, of tracing the evolution 
or decay of various customs, and the growth of arts, crafts, and institutions. The 
most primitive form of commerce practised in the Congo basin, for instance, is a 
form of the world-old " silent trade " carried on between the pygmies and their more 
powerful neighbours. Among more advanced tribes we find barter, the trade media 
used being articles of definite value such as salt, smoked fish, spear heads, and 
shells. From commerce of this kind has grown the use of small grass mats, that 
passing from hand to hand become so tattered that they come to have no more 
intrinsic value than bank notes, but retain their theoretic value as media of exchange. 

The range of culture indicated by the construction of dwellings is very wide. 
The most advanced type is that of the Manbettu, whose buildings surpass those of 
any other tribe in Central Africa in size, arrangement, and richness of decoration. 
The most primitive is that of the Balomotwa and Basanga, who live in natural 
caves and artificial caverns. On the Upper Lualaba are found strongly fortified 
subterranean dwellings, the plan of which has features that resemble the fortified 
pit-dwellings (Niekirk ruins) discovered in Mashonaland by Dr. Randall-Maclver. 

Of food tabus some are inexplicable and dependent on the whim of the doctor 
who attends a child's birth, others are apparently attributable to some half -forgot ten 
totemic observance. Some tribes will not eat bull frogs lest their eyes should bulge 
like those of the frog. Certain kinds of food, usually the most delectable, are forbidden 



Nos. 5-6.] MAN. [1909. 

to women who violate this selfishly-imposed tabu on the sly. Women accustomed to 
express abhorrence at the idea of eating human flesh have confessed to Mr. Torday that 
they often took their share under cover of darkness. Among the Bambala, the members 
of a class named Muri, that seems to be the relic of a former aristocracy, are forbidden 
to eat human flesh. Among the Bayanzi human flesh is forbidden to chiefs.* 

Of secret societies, guilds, and brotherhoods there is a great variety, though their 
influence is declining under European and missionary inflxiences. The bond that unites 
some of these is the gratification of sensual or morbid desires, such as hemp-smoking, 
corpse-eating, and sexual indulgence. Other societies exist to combat these vices. 
An interesting feature of the Ndembo (Initiation) Society is that initiates are supposed 
to die and come to life again. During the period of initiation, in order to emphasise 
the complete change that takes place in their lives, initiates behave as if they belonged 
to another world. They speak a secret dialect, pretend not to understand anything that 
is said to them, and are immune both from justice and from all moral restrictions. 

Cannibalism is among some tribes so commonplace that a speculator will take a 
carefully fattened slave into the market place and arrange for the disposal of each part 
of his body by retail before killing him. Among other tribes it is confined to certain 
secret societies or practised as a fetishistic rite. Among the Baluba only members of 
the Bakanzanzi sect are cannibals. They eat stolen corpses with many formalities, one 
of which is to imitate the actions of the hyaena as they eat. It would be interesting to 
know whether they do this in order to justify their loathsome behaviour, or whether 
they eat human flesh from an inexplicable desire to resemble hyaenas. 

The book contains interesting notes on the connection between polygamy and 
physical development, on survivals of marriage by capture (mock and real), the origin 
of the blood-brotherhood ceremony, methods of signalling by drum beats, &c. One 
would like to know more about the picture writing, evidence of the existence of which 
seems to be furnished by carved pieces of wood found in the cataract region of the 
Congo. Some of the games played present startling parallels to the parlour games to 
which we submit at Christmas time. In Congo folklore there are two stories to 
account for the mortality of the body. In another the chameleon challenges the 
elephant to a race and steals a victory by precisely the same dodge as that by which 
Uncle Remus's Brer Terrapin defeated Brer Rabbit. The book is admirably arranged 
and beautifully illustrated, but one wishes that some index system had been devised to 
assist the reader in using the very complete ethnographical map of the area covered 
by Bantu, semi-Bantu, and Negro tribes. RALPH DURAND. 



Religion. Abrahams and others. 

Religions Ancient and Modern: 

(1) Judaism. By Israel Abrahams, M.A. London : Constable, 1907. W 
18 x 12 cm. Pp. 107. Price 1*. 

(2) Shinto, the Ancient Religion of Japan. By W. G. Aston, C.M.G., D.Lit. 
Same publishers, size and price. Pp. 83. 

(3) The Mythologies of Ancient Mexico and Peru. By Lewis Spence. Same 
publishers, size and price. Pp. 80. 

The high level of scholarship and criticism established by Messrs. Constable's 
Religions Ancient and Modern is fully maintained by these latest contributions to 
the series. 

(1) Nothing could be more satisfactory than the Judaism of Mr. Abrahams, who, 
himself a Jew, handles the subject not only with competent knowledge, as might be 

* Portuguese chroniclers record that the king of the Mazimba, a cannibal tribe that devastated 
the north bank of the Zambesi in 1592. did not eat human flesh in order " to be different from 
his subjects." 

[ 12 1 



1909.] MAN. [No. 6. 

expected, but with a singular absence of prejudice which takes the reader almost by 
surprise. Such an attitude, not of indifference, for the personal element may still 
be read between the lines, but of philosophic impartiality, was possible only for a 
thoughtful student capable of standing outside his subject and contemplating it from 
an absolutely objective standpoint. How rare such cases are may be inferred from the 
statement often made that Thucydides is the one impartial historian ! One is almost 
tempted to add, and Mr. Abrahams is the one impartial religious writer ! At any 
rate this unbiassed spirit carries him far enough to " admit that Islam has absorbed 
" and purified the Jewish Monotheism. Islam has certainly a pure creed ; it freed 
" itself from the entanglements of anthropomorphic metaphors and conceptions of God, 
" which are apparent in the early strata of the Hebrew Bible, and from which 
" Judaism, because of its reverence for the Bible, has not emancipated itself yet." 

The reader feels that he is safe in the hands of a guide who can write thus when 
he comes to deal with the later phases of the subject, and it is the later phases that 
are mainly discussed in this ideal monograph. Its starting point is taken, not at any 
pre- or post-exilic period, nor even at the capture of Jerusalem by Titus, but at its 
last capture and destruction by Adrian after the suppression of the revolt headed by 
Bar-Kokhba about A.D. 134-5. It was then that the Jews ceased to be a nation, and, 
while preserving a large measure of racial purity, sank to the position of a religious 
sect dispersed in small isolated communities over a great part of the known world. 
Hence the author is here concerned, not with the origin and evolution of Judaism 
through the early stages of animism, totemism, and polydemonism, to monolatry or 
henotheism and pure monotheism, but with the legacy bequeathed to it from the past, 
a legacy which is a real syncretism of most diverse heterogeneous elements. Herein 
lies the special merit of this essay, which shows in luminous language that in the 
present Judaism nothing is forgotten, all the old crudities and traditions are reverently 
preserved and merged in an incoherent system essentially illogical, inconsistent, and 
full even of contradictions. " God, in the early literature a tribal non-moral deity, 
" was in the later literature a righteous ruler," and " Judaism took over as one 
" individual body of sacred teachings both the early and the later literature in which 
" these varying conceptions of God were enshrined. Judaism, in short, included for 
" the Jew all that had gone before." Hence " in the Jewish theology of all ages we 
" find the most obvious contradictions. There was no attempt at reconciliation of 
" such contradictions. They were juxtaposed in a mechanical mixture, there was no 
" chemical compound. . . The Jew transferred the changelessness of God to men's 
" changing ideas about him. With childlike naivete he accepted all, he adopted all, 
" and he syncretised it all as best he could into the loose system in which Pharisaism 
" grafted itself. The legacy of the past thus was the past." The whole essay is but 
a lucid exposition of these axiomatic truths. 

(2) The obscure subject of the Japanese national religion, commonly called Shinto, 
could not have been placed in better hands than those of Dr. Aston, whose whole life 
has been lived mainly in a Japanese environment. In dealing with Shinto as a whole 
he shows clearly that, despite its Chinese name (Ch. Shinto = Jap. Kami no Michi = 
" Way of the Gods "), it has no special relation with the Chinese or, indeed, with the 
Korean, the Siberian, the Polynesian, or any other religious system, but "is, on the 
" whole, an independent development of Japanese thought." This, however, does not 
carry us very far, and when we read that the extremely vague term, Kami, is alike 
applicable to such impersonal beings as the 80 or 800 myriad gods of the national 
pantheon, and even to such shadowy entities as the spirits of plants and animals, 
seas, rivers, mountains, or whatsoever else may be credited with hidden virtues 
and powers for good and evil, we seem lost in a shoreless ocean of terrestrial and 
celestial beliefs. 

[ 13 ] 



No. 6.] MAN. [1909. 

But here Dr. Aston comes to the rescue and explains that the superhuman Kami 
claiming worship, or at least reverence, are twofold, Nature-gods and Man-gods, " the 
" first being the result of personification, the second of deification." This seems like 
saying that Shinto is the outcome of animism and ancestor-worship, the two funda- 
mental concepts which lie at the base of all primitive beliefs. Only Mr. Aston will 
not have it so, and protests, to me it seems against the evidence, that the cult of 
ancestors formed no part in the evolution of the Japanese national religion. He himself 
speaks in one place of " the progressive development of ancestor-worship in Shinto," 
and elsewhere admits that " nine out of ten educated Japanese will declare that Shinto 
" is ancestor-worship," while Mr. Daigoro Goh adds that this cult was " the creed of 
" the ancient inhabitants." Hence Mr. Aston's contention that it is a later development 
unknown to the primitive system appears to be untenable. He also argues that the 
great deities of the older Shinto were not Man-gods (deified ancestors) but Nature-gods, 
such as the Sun, the Moon, the Earth, the Sea, Fire, Thunder, &c. But there was 
still a superfluity of lesser deities who may well have been regarded as Man-gods, and 
so worshipped. So it was elsewhere, as, for instance, in Greece, where the " Nature- 
gods " (Zeus, Apollo, Poseidon, &c.) were certainly greater than the " Man-gods " 
(Hercules, JEsculapius, &c.). No religious system stands apart, and all must be 
studied from the comparative platform in order to reach their inner essence. 

(3) With one important reservation, Mr. Spence's Mythologies of Ancient Mexico 
and Peru will be accepted as a welcome introduction to tlie religious thought of the 
cultured Amerindians. The reservation has reference to the statement in the foreword 
about the supposed " neglect into which the study of the Mexican and Peruvian 
" mythologies has fallen." The charge of " neglect " is unwarranted, and merely serves 
to mark the author's limited range of vision, which has had no eye for the astonishing 
amount of work carried out by German, American, and Mexican students during the 
last decade or so in this field of research. Most of the names entered in Mr. Spence's 
short bibliographies are either antiquated or superseded by such specialists as Dr. Arthur 
Baessler {Ancient Peruvian Art, Englished by A. H. Keane, 1902-3), Dr. Cyrus Thomas 
(many papers in 16th An. Rep. Bur. Eth., and elsewhere), Dr. E. Forstemann (Neue 
Maya-Forschungen), Dr. E. Seler {The Aubin Tonalamatl, and Codex Fejervdry, both 
fully elucidated and Englished by A. H. Keane, 1901, 1902), C. A. Robelo (Diccionario 
de Mitologla Nahoa, in Anales del Museo Nacional de Mexico, 2nd series). 

How much the book must suffer from this neglect of the latest and best authorities, 
may be seen in the treatment of any particular subject, such, for instance, as Tezcatlipoca, 
the " Mexican Jupiter," as he is called by Sahagun. The account here given of this 
bloodthirsty god appears to be taken from Clavigero, or else from his copyist, T. Payne ; 
hence the mistake of translating his name " Shining Mirror," instead of " Smoking Black 
Mirror," as pointed out by Robelo. Nor. was he " the god of the cold season," and 
originally " an ice-god," since his feast was held in the balmy month of May with a 
profuse display of fruits and flowers. 

In all other respects Mr. Spence's memoir may be warmly recommended for its 
sane and sober views on the Amerind cults and cultures. On the still much-discussed 
question of the origin and development of the native religions and civilisations he is 
strongly opposed to what I have elsewhere called the " Asiatic School," that is, those 
who bring everything from the Eastern hemisphere, and will not allow the American 
aborigines to have initiated any of their social and political systems. He rightly points 
out that such foreign influences, did they ever exist, " must have been of the most 
" transitory description, and could have left but few traces upon the religion of the 
" peoples in question." Then it is added, that " almost exhaustive proof of the wholly 
" indigenous nature of the American religions is offered by the ruins of the large centres 
" of culture and civilisation which are found scattered through Yucatan and Peru." 



1909.] MAN. [Nos. 6-8, 

And the work concludes with the trenchant remark that " the origins of the religions 
" of Mexico and Peru could not have been of any other than an indigenous nature. 
" Their evolution took place wholly upon American soil, and if resemblances appear 
' in their systems to the mythologies or religions of Asia, they are explicable by that 
" law now so well known to anthropologists and students of comparative religion, that, 
" given similar circumstances, and similar environments, the evolution of the religious 
" beliefs of widely separated peoples will proceed upon similar lines." 

A. H. KEAJSE. 



Cerebrologry. Retzius. 

Das Affenhirn in Bildlicher Darstellung. By Professor Gustav Retzius. T 
Stockholm, 1906. Pp. 24 ; eighty-seven plates. 39 X 30 cm. I 

This is a large folio volume containing upwards of sixty plates, which present 
photographic illustrations of the brains of a large number of monkeys. Facing the 
illustrations there are in most cases line drawings which serve as a key. 

The value of the illustrations is enhanced by the care which has been shown in 
the selection and preparation of the brains ; they were hardened by being suspended 
in a solution of formalin, or formalin and bichromate of potash. In order to prevent 
as far as possible any loss of shape, the brains were suspended by means of the 
basilar artery. 

The text, other than the brief description of the illustrations, consists of less than 
twenty pages, and is concerned with the brains of the Hapalidte and Cebidce. The 
chief fact which is brought to light is the great variation which is found in the sulci 
and convolutions of closely related animals, such as, for instance, Mycetes and Chrysothrix. 

It will be seen that the book is one for reference, and as such it cannot fail to 
prove of the greatest assistance and value to workers in the field of comparative 
cerebrology. W. W. 



Voyages. Nicoll. 

Three Voyages of a Naturalist, being an Account of many little-known Q 
Islands in Three Oceans visited by the " Valhalla," R.Y.S. By M. J. Nicoll, 
with an introduction by the Right Hon. the Earl of Crawford, K.T., F.R.S. London : 
Witherby & Co., 1908. Pp. xxvi + 246. 23 x 15 cm. Price 7*. 6d. 

The above work is an account of three voyages made by Mr. Nicoll, a naturalist 
on board the Earl of Crawford's yacht ; the first round Africa, when several 
uninhabited islands were visited ; the second to the West Indies ; and the last round 
the world by way of the Straits of Magellan and the South Pacific Islands. It 
is not often that a purely scientific work can be made interesting to the lay reader, 
but in this Mr. Nicoll has been eminently successful, and his work can be read 
with unflagging interest from start to finish. The keeping of scientific names to 
footnotes is an idea which greatly assists the reader, as well as the fifty-six most 
excellent reproductions of photographs taken by the author and his fellow naturalist, 
Mr. Meade-Waldo. 

In a book on natural history, however, one would have wished that the author 
had adopted the correct way of spelling the fruit of the cocos palm. The French 
recognise the difference between cacao and coco, why should not we ? 

So many of the islands visited were uninhabited, that it is only towards the end 
of the book that we get any anthropological notes. Chapter XX is devoted to Easter 
Island, where some good specimens of skulls were obtained. These have been reported 
on by Mr. T. A. Joyce, of the British Museum, who found in them distinct evidences 
of a Melanesian type. If this is so, what a vast field of conjecture is opened. 
Were they in any way related to the supposed earliest inhabitants of New Zealand, 



Nos. 8-9.] MAN. [1909. 

as the present New Zealanders are to the inhabitants of the Eastern Pacific ? Surely 
with so much that is being done for scientific research, Easter Island ought to be 
thoroughly examined before all evidence is swept away. "If anything is going to be 
" done it must be done soon ; " says Mr. Nicoll, "every year makes a great difference 
" to the state of the carvings and caves, as the latter are now much used as shelters 
" for sheep, and in a comparatively short time all traces of any carvings will be worn 
" away by the frequent passing to and fro of these animals." 

Pitcairn was the next island visited (Chapter XXI), and Mr. Nicoll there collected 
" records of inhabitants previous to the mutineers, in the shape of stone axe-heads, 
" but these," he says, " might have been left by visitors from a neighbouring shore." 
Mr. Nicoll does not figure these, or give any description as to size and shape. 

In 1900 Mr. Allen-Brown exhibited before the Anthropological Institute some 
absolutely unique stone implements (afterwards described and figured in Journ. Anthr. 
Inst., Vol. XXX, 1900). It would be interesting to know if the ones collected by 
Mr. Nicoll were of this form, or of the ordinary Tahitian type. 

After leaving Tahiti, the " Valhalla " sailed for Samoa, where Mr. Nicoll describes 
the dances (siva) and Kava drinking parties. These are invariably conducted by the 
village virgin, or tapu (not taupau), who acts as hostess, and cannot fairly be described 
as " the chief dancing girl of the village " any more than a lady who leads a cotillion 
would be called a ballet dancer. It is evident that Mr. Nicoll took the spelling, 
taupau, from Mrs. Churchill, who in her prospectus spells it taupau, but changed it 
to toupou in the text of her work (Samoa Uma). Miss Kingston, in the Women of all 
Nations, uses the word taupou. I have searched through the works on Samoa but 
cannot find the word taupou. I was always under the impression that the word was 
tapu, as referring to the care with which the village virgin was guarded by her 
attendant girls, to preserve her intact for marriage to some chief. 

In describing (p. 229) the dress of tapa (not tappa) worn by one of the villagers, 
Mr. Nicoll says it was made from the bark of the bread-fruit tree ; this is the case 
in Tahiti, and even there applies only to the coarser kinds, the finer and more usual 
tapas are made from the inner bark of the paper mulberry tree (Broussonetia 
papyrifera). In Samoa the bark of the paper mulberry alone is used. 

While congratulating Mr. Nicoll 011 his appointment to the Zoological Gardens 
of Giza, we sincerely hope that, although he may be unable to take further voyages 
with Lord Crawford, yet he will not be prevented from continuing his investigations. 

J. E.-P. 



ANTHROPOLOGICAL NOTES. 

THE death occurred, on November 18th, of Dr. E. T. Hamy, Professor in the Q 
Museum of Natural History and Honorary Director of the Museum of Ethno- U 
graphy in Paris. He was born at Boulogne in 1842, and had been President of the 
Anthropological Society of Paris. He collaborated with Quatrefages, in Crania Ethnica, 
but his studies covered a wide field by no means limited to that of craniology, in which 
he was best known. He had been an Honorary Fellow of the Royal Anthropological 
Institute since 1884. 

MR. ROBERT EDWARD CODRINGTON, Administrator of North- Western Rhodesia, died 
on December 16th. He was born on January 6th, 1869, and joined the Bechuanaland 
Police in 1890, seeing service in the Matabele War. He became Administrator of 
North-Eastern Rhodesia in 1900, and was transferred to North-Western Rhodesia in 
May, 1907. He had been a Fellow of the Royal Anthropological Institute 
since 1898. 

Printed by EYBE AND SPOTTISWOODE, LTD., His Majesty's Printers, East Harding Street, K.C. 



Pi. ATE B. 



MAN, 1909. 




OTIS TUFTON MASON. 



1909.] MAN. [No. 10. 



ORIGINAL ARTICLES. 

Obituary : Mason. With Plate B. Haddon : Bushnell. 

Otis Tufton Mason. Born April lOth, 1838; died November 5th, 411 

1908. By A. C. Haddon, ScD., F.R.S. IU 

Our colleagues in Washington have suffered a great loss in the death of Otis 
Tufton Mason, head curator of the Division of Ethnology of the United States National 
Museum, who died on November 5th at the age of seventy years. Dr. Mason was well 
known by ethnologists as the great exponent of the technology of the American 
Indians. Most of his memoirs were published in the Annual Reports of the United 
States National Museum, among which the following may be noted : The Human 
Beast of Burden (1887), Cradles of the American Aborigines (1887), The Ulu 
or Woman's Knife of the Eskimo (1890), Influence of Environment upon Human 
Industries or Arts (1896), The Man's Knife among the North American Indians 
(1899), Pointed Bark Canoes of the Kutenai and Ainu (1899), Traps of the 
American Indians (1901), A Primitive Frame for Weaving Narrow Fabrics (1901), 
Aboriginal American Harpoons (1902). A general summing up of much of his work 
will be found in the two interesting little books, Woman's Share in Primitive Culture 
and The Origins of Invention : a Study of Industry among Primitive Peoples, both 
published in 1895. The great development of the art of basketry among the American 
Indians induced Dr. Mason to pay a particular regard to this subject, on which he 
published several papers, and in 1904 appeared his greatest work, Aboriginal American 
Basketry : Studies in a Textile Art without Machinery, which consists of 377 pages, 
212 figures in the text, and 248 plates : this will long remain the standard monograph 
on American basketry. Dr. Mason's latest contribution to this subject, Vocabulary of 
Malaysian Basketwork: A Study in the W. L. Abbott Collection, has just reached 
this country. It is a very useful guide to the basketry of the East Indian Archipelago, 
illustrated by forty-one figures in the text and seventeen plates. Dr. Mason arranged 
some very instructive cases in the Museum illustrating the evolution and distribution of 
various implements. It was an enjoyable experience to be taken round the National 
Museum by Dr. Mason, as he was brimming over with information and enthusiasm, and 
it was inspiriting to share his delight in the many examples of fine basketwork in that 
notable collection. Indeed, it is a privilege to have known that lovable man. 

A. C. HADDON. 
By David I. Bushnell, Junr. 

Professor Otis Tufton Mason died in Washington on Thursday, November 5th, 
1908. Born at Eastport, Maine, April 10th, 1838, he, while still quite young, 
removed with his parents to Virginia. There, in the south, he was educated, and, 
in 1861, graduated from Columbian University, Washington, D.C. From that year 
until 1884 he was principal of the Columbian Preparatory School ; but during the 
latter year he severed his connection with the school to become Curator of Ethnology 
in the National Museum. As early as 1872 he was interested in anthropological 
research, and in 1874 was made collaborator in ethnology in the museum, his first 
work being to arrange and classify the accumulated collections. At the time of his 
death Professor Mason was head curator of the much enlarged department of ethnology 
of the National Museum. 

He was a man of distinguished bearing, though of delicate physique, whose 
purely chiselled features clearly bore the imprint of culture and birth. Through life 
he was just, kind, and benevolent in his dealings with others and of a personality 
that endeared him to those with whom he came in contact. Thus he will be missed 
by all. 

[ 17 ] 



Nos, 10-11.] 



MAN. 



[1909. 




FIG. l. 



By his death America has lost its most profound and ardent student of anthro- 
pology. During his years of untiring labour he produced many volumes and innumerable 
shorter papers, all of which reflect his high degree of learning and thorough knowledge 
of his favourite subject. DAVID I. BUSHNELL, JR. 

England : Archaeology. Cunning-ton. 

Notes on a Late Celtic Rubbish Heap near Oare, Wiltshire. 41 

By (Mrs.} M. E. Cunnington* 

The chalk downs that border the Pewsey Vale rise immediately behind the village 

of Oare. On this high ground and about a mile north-east from the village is Withy 

Copse, in which an ancient rubbish heap, pre- 
senting the appearance of a low, irregularly- 
shaped mound, is now the only visible sign that 
the place was ever the site of human habita- 
tion. To-day the spot is lonely and secluded, 
and its chief inhabitants are the rabbits who 
find the mound easy to burrow in, and to whose 
unaided efforts in digging out fragments of 
pottery the discovery of the interesting nature 
of their home was in the first place due. Withy 
Copse lies on sloping ground just to the north 

of the large earthwork known as Martinsell Camp ; on its upper side the copse is 

bounded by the ditch and rampart of the camp, and the mound itself is only 100 yards 

from the rampart. 

The mound is 63 feet long by 43 feet across at the widest part, and is nowhere 

higher than 2^ feet above the ground level. 

On account of the large quantity of potsherds in it, it has been suggested that 

the mound was the accumulated debris of a pottery, but there is no evidence of 

this being so. None of the pottery shows any sign of distortion in the baking, such as 

wasters from a kiln would ; nor were any objects found that are particularly likely to 

have been used by a potter. The number of fragmentary bones of animals, of which 

sheep, pig, and ox are by far the most common, is large ; and all the pottery is, without 

a single exception, in fragments ; these facts, and the 

occasional occurrence of other relics, odds and ends, 

all of which, with scarcely an exception, had been 

broken or rendered useless before they were thrown 

away, make it as clear as any such evidence can, that 

the heap is simply an accumulation of rubbish from 

some dwelling that doubtless stood at no great 

distance from the spot. 

Although so near to Martinsell Camp, it does 

not, of course, follow that the dwelling (that must 

once have stood here) had any real association with the camp. It is unfortunate 

that like most of the early and prehistoric camps of Wiltshire the date of Martinsell 

is unknown. 

The pottery found in the mound may be divided roughly into two classes, that 

which is probably of native manufacture and that of foreign importation. As might 

be expected, the quantity of the latter is small in proportion to that of the former. Of 

the native pottery fully two-thirds of the fragments belong to one type of vessel, namely, 

* The excavations were carried out by Mr. B. H. Cunnington, F.S.A., Scot., during the autumn 
1907, and the spring, 1908, by kind permission of Mr. F. N. Rogers, M.P., who has also kindly allowed 
the finds to be placed in the museum of the Wilts Archaeological and Natural History Society at 
Devizes. 

[ 18 ] 





1909.] MAN. [No. 11. 

bowls with a bead rim. These bowls are of not inelegant outline, with slightly con- 
tracted mouth, and with a shoulder more or less rounded from which they taper to 
a base, often small in proportion to the size of the vessel, and sometimes rounded. 
(Figs. 1 and 2.) 

They are of all sizes, from little things a few inches in diameter, holding perhaps 
a gill, to large heavy vessels the capacity of which might have been measured in 
gallons. There are, however, comparatively few very small or very large ; the majority 
of them being apparently from about 6 to 8 inches in diameter at 
the shoulder, and from 5 to 7 inches high. Most of the bowls 
are of grey pottery, varying in shade from a very pale grey to 
black ; the others are brown, in shades varying from pale buff 
to chocolate, breaking out occasionally in a bright red. Some 
of the paste is mixed with a micaceous sand, and some with 
pounded flint or quartz. The paste of some of the largest bowl- 
shaped vessels is very coarse, and is mixed freely with large 
FIG. 3. Q) grains of flint, pounded brick or pot, ashes, and occasionally 

even with iron pyrites. The surfaces are often very smooth, finely tooled and polished. 
The bowls are all quite devoid of ornament, but a few have a band of incised lines or 
" cordons " round their shoulders (Fig. 6). The pottery of the other vessels of possibly 
native make shows the same characteristics as that of the bowls. They include jugs 
and jars with curving rims, round covers with hollow knobs, and flat plates or saucers. 
All the pottery, including the boAvls, appears to bf> wheel turned, and is well baked 
and well made. 

The bowl with the bead rim so common at Oare is, it appears, of a purely British 
type and characteristic of late Celtic pottery.* This type appears in the local ware 
from Weymouth in the British Museum, and among the late Celtic pottery in the 
Colchester Museum. | The bowls with round bottoms (Fig. 2) are suggestive of metal 
prototypes, and it is interesting to find that they bear close resemblance to a small 
bronze cup found with a late-Celtic burial at Colchester. 

Among the pottery of foreign make may be noted : A fragment of Belgic black 

ware of the first century A.D., characterised by its low foot rim similar to that on one of 

the pieces of Arretine ware. A similar piece of very fine grey ware with a low foot rim. 

A fragment of green glazed Roman ware, very rare in this country, and no doubt 

imported from Gaul early in the first century A.D. 

Several pieces of very thin white and cream-coloured pottery, perfectly baked, 
hard and smooth like unglazed china ; possibly imported from Rheims 
in the first century A.D. This is of exceptionally fine quality. 

Several fragments of similar ware, but of not quite such a fine 
quality, with " roulette " or " engine-turned " ornament (Fig. 3), and 
with a feathered zigzag ornament (Fig. 4). 

Very fine micaceous buff-coloured ware, painted grey on the 

outside, red on the inside, with " roulette " ornament. There are 

FIG. 4. 
examples ot a similar ware at Colchester. 

Fragments of painted red pottery, some of which are of an exceptionally fine 
quality. Locality unknown. 

* I am much indebted to Mr. Reginald Smith of the British Museum, and to Mr. Arthur Wright 
of the Colchester Museum, for their valuable notes upon the pottery, etc. 

f General Pitt-Rivers found it a common type at the Romano-British villages of WooJcuts and 
Rotherly, but scarce at Woodyates {Excavations, Vol. Ill, 17, 53). Evidence led him to the inference 
that bead rims may have been in earlier use than other kinds of vessels (in the villages), and that they 
were apparently in commoner use among the poorer than among the richer inhabitants (Exeat-ration*, 
Vol. II, 144-5). This is what might be expected with a vessel of native type. 

[ 19 ] 




No, 11.] 



MAN. 



[1909. 




Several pieces of fine red Arretine ware, including fragments of the bases of 
two bowls, showing in each case a part of a maker's stamp. The name on one seems 
to end in the letters PLEV, but unfortunately this stamp appears to be unknown. On 
a fragment of a dish with a low foot rim the first two letters AT, and a part of a third 
are quite clear. This stamp, Mr. Reginald Smith of the British Museum thinks may 
possibly be that of ATIIIVS (ATE1VS), of whose stamp there are examples in the 
British Museum. 

The fragments of Arretine ware are of special interest, for not only is it rare 
in Britain,* but they help also to date the find with a considerable degree of accuracy. 

The Arretine potteries flourished in the first and 
second centuries B.C. and in the early years of the 
first century A.D. At about this latter date the art 
of making this ware was carried into Gaul, and 
potteries were established there. The earliest 
Gaulish factories were probably started by potters 
from Italy, and if the name on the fragment from 
Oare is, indeed, that of Ateivs, as Mr. Smith thinks 
it may be, it is particularly interesting. The name 
is well known and seems to have been that of a 
large and important manufacturer. The actual site 

of his workshops is still uncertain, and he may have been one of the pioneers who carried 
this Italian industry into Gaul. His workshops may have been in northern Italy or in 
southern Gaul, one authority thinking it probable that he had works in both localities. 
The date of this potter is, however, less uncertain, various discoveries going to prove 
that he was in full activity during the reign of Augustus.f 

The factories of La Graufesenque, the earliest centre doing a large export trade 
in red glazed Gaulish ware (the so-called Samian), cover the period A.D. 30-100 ; 
towards the end of this period the great factories of Lezoux entered into competition 
with those of La Graufesenque, and soon superseding them carried on the trade to 
the middle of the third century, when it seems 
to have come to an end.J The absence, 
therefore, of any of this later Gaulish ware 
from the rubbish heap at Oare affords interest- 
ing negative evidence confirming the early 
date of the site. It is only reasonable to 
suppose that people who were in a position 
to use imported foreign wares, such as the 
Arretine, and black and white Belgic and 
Gaulish wares, would also have had some of 
the red Gaulish " Samian " so (compara- 
tively) common at a little later date, had it 
been already in the market in their time. 

The fact of its common occurrence on Romano-British sites that are of a little later 
date emphasizes its absence at Oare. 

Three fibulas were found in the mound, two of iron and one of bronze. One of 
the specimens is too imperfect to be characteristic ; the other is of the type of La 

* In a note in the Proc. Soc. Ant., Vol. XXI, No. 2, 462, Professor Haverfield says, "Arretine ware 
is very rare in Britain, and the known finds are almost restricted to London and the south-east." 

t For particulars respecting the potter Ateivs, etc., see Lei Vases Ceramiqv^s Ornes de la Gaule 
Romainf, by J. Dechelette, 1904, page 16, and a paper by Mr. H. B. Walters, in Proc. Cambridge 
Antiquarian Society, No. XLVIII, 1908. 

$ See Dechelette, p. 103 ; also British Museum : Catalogue of Roman Pottery, p. xxx. 

[ 20 ] 




1909.] MAN. [Nos. 11-12. 

Tene III and very like a bronze specimen from Aylesford. The bronze fibula is of 
rather later type, the end of the bow is flattened to cover the spiral spring, and the 
spring is a separate piece of metal ; the pin was of iron and worked on a sort of 
hinge on the small bar of iron on which the spring is coiled. 

Both these fibuhe, in Mr. Smith's opinion, belong to the century from 50 B.C. 
to 50 A.D., and thus agree perfectly with the evidence of date afforded by the 
pottery. Speaking generally of the pottery sent to him, Mr. Smith remarks, " So far 
" as I can judge it all dates from the early years of our era. The purely British type 
*' of pottery is well represented," Nos. 24 (Fig. 2) and 26 (Fig. 5) being very characteristic 
late Celtic. In the face of this evidence it would seem that there need be little 
hesitation in assigning as the date of the formation of the rubbish heap the early years 
of the first century A.D. The early date of the Arretine ware makes it scarcely 
probable that the accumulation went on after the Roman conquest. The near neigh- 
bourhood of the dwelling to the big camp of Martinsell makes one wonder if there 
was any connection between these two events, the abandonment of the dwelling site 
and the occupation of the country by the Romans. It would certainly be very interesting 
to know to what period the camp belongs. 

Among the other objects found were two iron sickle-shaped keys, a sling stone of 
baked clay, an iron bridle bit, a pair of bronze tweezers, the handle of a weaving 
comb, a bone gouge, several worked bones, eight pottery spindle whorls, six discs or 
roundels of pottery, fragments of worn quern stones, pieces of brick and iron slag.* 

M. E. CUNNINGTON. 

America, North- West. Jette". 

On the Language of 
By the Rev. J. Jette, S.J. 



On the Language of the Ten'a (iii). (Continued from MAN, 1908,37.) 4 fl 



IV. ROOT-NOUNS. 

The term root-nouns, in its strictest sense, applies to those nouns that are primitive 
roots, not reducible to simpler elements. These are short, monosyllabic or dissyllabic, 
exceptionally trisyllabic. Such are many words designating : 

(1) Parts of the body as : tte, head ; kiit, neck ; nora, neko, nekot, eyes ; Id, lot, 
mouth ; lo, hand ; ka, foot, feet ; tten, bone, leg ; dzay, heart ; ttura, hair ; sek, 
body : &c. 

(2) Persons of kin : to, father ; on, mother ; ten 1 a, child ; kiln, husband ; W, wife ; 
ura, elder brother ; kttta, younger brother ; oda, elder sister ; tadza, younger sister ; 
toya, uncle (on the father's side) ; /'a, uncle (on the mother's side) ; &c. 

(3) Plants and animals : keh, birch ; tseba, spruce ; ttott, moss ; ses, black bear ; 
yes, wolf ; noy'a, beaver ; tiika, fish ; licit, king salmon ; &c. 

(4) Various objects, natural or manufactured : dtet, mountain ; tih. hill ; tih, 
strength ; kun, fire ; tu, water ; kon, rain ; so, sun ; oih, snow-shoes ; rott, sled ; ko, 
bow, arrow ; tsei, tsih, canoe, boat ; &c. 

In a broader sense we shall take the term root-nouns to include also nouns formed 
from those of the preceding class, when these, being combined into one word, form a term 
accepted in the language, as : kiitken, base of the neck ; tteken, occiput ; kattora, sole 
of the foot ; menkat, lake ; ftekat, grave ; &c. These can be resolved into simpler 
elements, each of which is a root significant by itself. 

We shall also consider as root-nouns the words of foreign origin, mostly borrowed 
from the Russian, imported to designate things unknown to the Ten'a before their 
contact with the whites, as : toyon, rich man, chief, influential person ; tsay, tea ; muke, 
flour ; sasi, watch, clock ; kalendat, pencil ; dinka, silver, money ; zolda, gold ; loset, 
horse, horses ; &c. 

* A fuller account of the " find " at Oare will be published in the magazine of the Wilts 
Archaeological and Natural History Society. 

[ 21 ] 



No. 12.] MAN. [1909. 

If the Ten'a vocabulary had no other nouns than those already described, the 
common surmise of superficial observers that it is rather meagre would be fully justified. 
But it also comprises a variety of suffix-nouns, formed by a regular process from other 
words. The abundance of terms thus obtained and in common use among the Ten'a 
often puzzles the learner. After having mastered the genuine rendering of some 
common word, he finds himself at a loss when he hears the same expressed in a number 
of different ways, the possibility of which had never occurred to him. Thus, to take 
a common instance, " my wife " is exactly rendered by so-'ot. But a Ten'a will very 
often replace the proper word by some equivalent phrase, such as : mor lesdonen, the 
one with whom I cohabit ; ma ka testanen, the one whom I love ; sa ka tenetanen, the 
one who loves me ; se tlo reyonen, the one who gave herself to me ; se tlo tserettanen, 
se tlo raletanen, the one who was given to me in marriage ; ulesniken, the one whom 
I have taken ; &c. All these are suffix-nouns, which may be used in place of the proper 
designation. They are equivalent, as may be seen, to relative -clauses ; and the suffix- 
nouns are in reality the only rendering which the language supplies for our relative 
clauses. 

The suffix-nouns will be fully treated in a subsequent paper. Only a summary 
account, which will be found necessary to understand the present matter, is here 
supplied. 

The suffix e (after a long vowel, ye) denotes things, and impersonal beings of the 
concrete gender : aba-ranide, thing for disease, i.e., medicine ; ma ka testaye, the thing 
or things which I want ; ma ka te-tarasto'e, the thing or things which I shall want. 
When the noun is very commonly used this e is generally changed to a : to-ledoya, 
black grouse (literally rooster, thing that roosts). 

The suffix en denotes one person. After a long vowel n is inserted between the 
vowel and the suffix : after a short vowel there is reversed assimilation of the e to the 
preceding vowel : yuftiten (from yuttit, riverward), the first wife in the bigamous Ten'a 
household ; yunekoten (from yunekot, landward), the second wife, so-called from their 
respective places in the house ; mor lesdonen (from lesdo), my wife, the one with whom 
I cohabit ; mor rasdo'on (from rasdo), my former or late wife, the one with whom I 
cohabited ; ro-tledonen, a married man, one who cohabits. 

The suffix na denotes two or more persons : ro-tledona, married men (several) ; 
ro-dadlettena, married men (many). 

Suffix-nouns in en and na represent personal beings of the concrete gender. 

The suffix ten (often shortened to te, in which the e assimilates when in position 
to do so) denotes the time when or the place where : lestanten, the place where I lie 
down, my bed ; nalestanten, the time when or the place where I lie down. 

The suffix tor denotes the times when or the places where : lestantor, when I am 
in bed ; nestaih tor, when I go to bed. It is not properly a noun-forming suffix. 

The suffix tsen (often shortened to tse, in which the e assimilates) denotes the 
manner in which, the being so : tsoronotsen (from tsorono, we live) our life, our living ; 
kor tsitsentsen (from kor tsitsen, we are miserly), avarice ; ruzuntsen, good, goodness ; 
tso-ruttakatsen, evil ; &c. 

Nouns in ten and tsen belong to the abstract gender. 

Suffix-nouns are capable of all the constructions of root-nouns, and there is no 
difference between the two classes with regard to grammatical functions. 

Number Differentiation in Nouns. 

The greater majority of Ten'a nouns are not differentiated for number, and have 
the same form whether they represent a singular or a plural object. There are, 
however, several exceptions to this rule. 

1. Suffix-nouns of the personal sub-gender normally admit number differentiation, 

[ 22 ] 



1909,] MAN. [No, 12. 

owing to the fact that the suffixes used in their formation are so differentiated, en 
representing singulars, and na plurals. Thus : kukaten, trader ; kukatna, traders ; 
ketleten, steersman ; ketletna, steersmen. 

2. Suffix-nouns of the abstract gender designating time or place are capable of 
the same distinction, owing to the difference in meaning between the suffixes ten and tor, 
ten being used for one time or place, tor for several. Thus : yudoo ko-nesfoihten, at 
the time that I walk (or walked) down ; yudoo ko-nesfoih tor, during my walks down. 

3. Some root-nouns representing persons can be pluralized. The pluralizers used 
are ka, and the emphasizer yu. 

The ka is a genuine pluralizer, serving no other purpose. It is used mainly with 
names of kindred. Thus : terfa, child ; ten'aka, children (as related to parents) ; koya, 
grandchild ; koyaka, grandchildren (as related to grandparents) ; 'etf, wife ; ''oka, wives ; 
kiin, husband ; kiinka, husbands ; ketta, younger brother ; kettaka, younger brothers ; 
oza, nephew ; ozaka (in lower dialect), nephews (children of sister) ; tetnaka, parents 
(used only in the plural). 

The ka is used with : kela, young man ; kelaka or kelka, young men ; Blikana, 
American ; Blikanska, Americans. 

The emphasizer yu is used as a pluraliser with nouns that do not admit the ka ; 
as : tefi'a, man, human being ; ten'ayu, men ; ura, elder brother ; urayu, elder brothers ; 
oda, elder sister ; odayu, elder sisters ; tadza, younger sister ; tadzayu, younger sisters ; 
/'a, uncle (mother's brother) ; Vayu, uncles ; toya, uncle (father's brother) ; toyayu, 
uncles ; &c. The word yenayu, meaning the relatives taken collectively, is used only 
in the plural. The words rotana, inhabitant, and nenhoroterfa, people, are used 
indifferently for singular and plural ; when representing a plural, however, they may, at 
the speaker's option, take the yu : rotanayu, nenkoroteri'ayu. 

4. Foreign words designating persons also admit of a plural in yu, as : kesak, white 
man ; kesakyu or kesakayu, white men ; mainel, miner ; mainelyu, miners ; toyon, 
chief ; toyonyu, chiefs ; sistel, sister, nun ; sistelyu, nuns ; Alusen, Russian ; Alusenyu, 
Russians. 

5. The noun kela, young man, besides the ka, can also take the yu : kelka or 
kelkayu, young, men. 

6. Two nouns have, apparently, an irregular plural ; but they are evidently 
suffix -nouns, slightly altered. They are : soltan, Avoman ; soltana, women ; tenagfon, 
girl ; tenagottatna, girls. 

7. Of all impersonal beings, dogs are the only ones that enjoy the plural mark ka : 
Ilk, dog ; tika or teka, dogs (for likka) ; tikoza, pup ; tikozaka, pups. 

Apart from these exceptional cases the number of a noun is not expressed by 
a modification of the noun itself, but by a modification of the verb to which this noun 
stands as subject or object. When the noun stands as subject to a verb we have the 
usual method of using the singular or plural persons of the verb, but even this has its 
limitations, and cannot be practised as extensively in Ten'a as in other languages. 
For the only subjects that can be constructed with the plural persons of a verb are 
those of the personal sub-gender. Whenever an impersonal or an abstract noun is the 
subject, the verb has to be in the third person of the singular, as in the well-known 
Greek instance : ra &m rpi^ei. We cannot, e.g., say : " the trees are big," but we 
must say : " the trees is big," and as we have no difference between " tree " and 
" trees " we must resort to some other means to make the plural known. The Ten'a 
process consists in an alteration of the verb root, which is done in two ways : 

1. An altogether different root is used. Thus : lesdo, I stay ; dadlette, many 
stay ; the roots do and tte express the same idea, viz., " to stay," but one conveys the 
notion of singularity or non-plurality, the other that of plurality or even multiplicity. 
Similarly : lestan, I lie down ; ledzet, many lie down : ko nesCoih, I walk about ; 

[ 23 ] 



No. 12.] MAN. [1909. 

ko-idedat, many walk about. The difference in roots is also used to distinguish between 
singular and plural objects, as in : ettkut, I take (one) ; ettzuih, I take (many or 
several) ; etttsi, I make (one) ; esroih, I make (several, many) ; tlo esroih, I give (one) ; 
tlo esla, I give (several, many) ; &c. 

2. The same root is preserved, but is slightly altered to what will be described 
later as the Multiple form : with this a special ye, ne, or yen, called multiplier, is added 
to the verb. Thus : ettbats, I boil (one) ; ye-ettbas, I boil (many) ; eslan, I am ; 
ye-dilaih, many are. 

Besides these two fundamental processes, other alterations are used to the same 
effect, viz. : (1) The multipliers, especially ne, are used without change in the root : 
tseba ro-ni dere'o, a spruce-tree stands ; tseba ro-ni ne-dale^o, spruce-trees stand ; 
ko-nesenih, I work : ko tsidenih, we work ; ko ne-tsidenih, we (many) work. (2) The 
drawl is used on the root-syllable of the verb : kelet uderekat, he bought a skin, or 
a few skins ; kelet udereket, he bought many skins. (3) The multiplicity or quantity 
may be denoted by an adjective qualifying the noun : ranoya lone naratt'an, I saw 
many deer ; dinka nekore atan, he has much money (lit. big money) ; &c. This last 
process, however, is seldom used except where no one of the foregoing is available. 
As the Ten'a noun, separated from the suffix, does not express the accident of 
number, when it is used without specification it is always taken to represent the object 
signified as it naturally is (singular if it generally is so, plural if it is generally more 
than one). Hence it follows that nouns signifying objects which naturally are in 
pairs, as eyes, hands, shoes, snow-shoes, &c., unless otherwise specified, are taken ito 
mean the pair, not one only. These nouns, therefore, are naturally plural ; and when 
only one of the two associated objects is meant the noun has to be singularised, just 
as other nouns representing singulars have to be pluralised for plurals. The same 
happens with other nouns representing objects that are generally plural. The object 
singularised may be one of many or one of two : 

(1) For one of many the numeral " one," ketoke, is used in the form of a 
suffix-noun : nenkoroten 'a ketoken, one of the people ; ranoya ketke sitto niyo, tse 
sakaih ketoken yoko talyo : one of the deer was lost and one of the boys went to 
look for it. 

(2) For one of two, or of a pair. To designate one of these, excluding the other, 
the word kat, one-half of, is used : se nora kat aba nelan, one of my eyes (lit. one-half 
of my eyes) is sore ; ne mindaga kat rode ? where is your other mitten ? mo kona kat 
kola, he has lost one arm ; &c. 

The demonstratives tatsen on this side, yatsen on that side, nitkootsen on both sides, 
are often used to specify one of two or both of two objects. 

Construction of Nouns. 

Ten'a root-nouns are never used in apposition, except, in the upper dialect, the 
appellation kana, friend ; kana Henry, friend Henry ; sa kana Iluska, my friend 
Iluska. In all other cases suffix-nouns must be used. Thus to say : " chief Paul " or 
"Paul the chief," turn "Paul, he who is chief" : Paul toyon nelanen. 

Suffix-nouns used in apposition must follow the noun which they qualify ; except 
the numerals which may precede, but generally also follow it ; e.g., Paul kukaten, 
Paul, the trader (never kukaten Paul} ; nenkoroteri 'a ketoken. or ketoken nenkoroterfa, 
one man. 

Nouns are placed in continuous construction to express some dependence or 
connection between them. The three ordinary relations thus expressed also require the 
same construction in English, viz., possession, material, and purpose. 

(1) To denote possession, or relations similar to possession, the name of the thing 
possessed or dependent follows the name of the possessor or independent term, and takes 

[ 24 



1909.] MAN. [No. 12. 

the emphasizer a, according to the rules stated in the former part of this paper : Paul 
yar, Paul's house ; itaa rotta, my father's sled. 

When the second or dependent noun is really possessed as property by the first, 
it generally takes the possessive article ke : Paul ke teltiidla, Paul's gun. The same 
occurs if a very special attribution, though not a real possession, is meant : tena ke 
toyona, our chief. 

When the second or dependent noun represents a person of kin it takes the 
possessive pronoun, even though immediately preceded by its noun : Paul me-to, Paul's 
father, lit. Paul his-father ; su-ura me-ten'a, my elder brother's child, lit. my elder 
brother his-child. I have adopted the practice of writing a hyphen between those nouns 
and the pronoun preceding them, as a warning that the pronoun is not detachable. 

When the second or dependent noun represents a part of the body or its whole, the 
possessire pronoun may be used before it, at the speaker's option : Paul tte, or Paul me 
tte, Paul's head. Some speakers extend this practice to many other nouns, but this is 
ridiculed as childish by the best and most correct critics. 

When the first or independent noun represents an abstract thing, the second takes 
the prefix ro : Yukon rodtela, the Yukon mountains; yudoo rokanaga, the lower 
dialect, lit. the language of the down-river region. If this second noun has already 
the possessive article ke, the ro is prefixed to this : Nulator roke toyona, the chief 
of Nulato. 

(2) Nouns are also placed in continuous succession to denote that the second 
represents a thing made of the material designated by the first. Thus : teken midoya, 
a board canoe ; keh midoya, a birch-bark canoe ; tsobe tlut, an iron tie, i.e., a chain ; 
kon tu rain water ; &c. 

The words yar, konon, house, are exceptions to this rule because they designate 
primarily the space enclosed, not the structure ; they are not of the material, but 
within it. So we say : lo'on yi yar, a stone-house, lit. a house in the stones ; teken yi 
konon, a log house, lit. in the logs ; &c. 

(3) The continuous construction also marks that the second or dependent noun 
represents an object used for some purpose signified by the first, as : san konon, sum- 
mer house ; korudenihte yar, work shop ; norolun ttok, goggles, lit. glasses for the blink. 

Nouns constructed as objects of verbs or prepositions always precede these. 

Compound Nouns. 

Roots may be associated to form compound nouns. The more common combinations 
lire : 

(1) Juxtaposition of two nouns : menkat, lake, from men, swamp and kat, hole ; 
ttakat, fire-place ; ttekat, grave, lit. bone-hole ; kaledzuihtla, toes, lit. foot-fingers. 

(2) Association of a noun and preposition : kiitken, base of the neck (kiit) ; 
kattora, sole of the foot ; yobara, horizon, lit. edge of the sky ; tobana, beach, lit., 
border of the water ; dzannidzet, midday ; kettitnidzet, midnight ; dzandotokot, week, 
i.e., between the days ; &c. 

(3) Suppression of the variable pronoun-part in verb, thus leaving a word composed 
of the prefixes and root of the verb, and used as an abstract noun (i.e., representing the 
abstract idea, but belonging to the concrete gender). Thus, from 

so-degetsih, I rejoice ; sotsih, joy. 

su-dego'ot, I play ; su'ot, play. 

rogenek, I tell ; ronek, news, report. 

ko-nesenih, I work ; kolnih, work, job. 

yetkoih, it dawns ; yekoih, light. 

mu-utaleqeyon, I am armed ; mu-utayona, weapon. 

J. JETTE. 



Nos. 13-14.] MAN. [1909. 

Burma. Brown. 

Cheating Death. By R. Grant Brown. 4O 

My Burman servant has just told me of a practice which he says is very lU 
common in Burma, but which is hardly exceeded in childlike simplicity by the customs 
of the most primitive savages. It is illustrated in the following account of a 
ceremony at which he was present. 

A few years ago his sister's husband, a Government surveyor, lost a brother at 
Dabein in the Pegu district. A younger brother was taken ill at. the same time. 
Some days after the death of the young man his mother dreamt that she saw him 
leaving the house with the boy on his back. It was then decided that no ordinary 
treatment could save the child, and that an attempt must be made to cheat the King 
of Death. The boy's body was carefully measured and a bamboo cut to the exact 
length. His hair, finger-nails, and toe-nails were cut and the pieces placed in the 
bamboo, which was then covered with his clothing and lifted by two persons, one 
taking each end, into a coffin amid silent manifestations of grief and whisperings that 
the child was dead. The boy was in the room, and it was necessary, of course, to 
act without his knowledge. The coffin was nailed down and carried to the cemetery 
followed by a procession of mourners, who repeated again and again that the child 
was dead. Passers-by who were not in the secret took the funeral for a real one. 
At the cemetery a monk was in attendance, and preached the usual sermon and 
offered up the usual prayers for the soul of the dead boy, .while a layman let water 
fall in drops from a cup. Those present were then called upon for the usual cheers 
(thadu, thadu\ and the coffin was lowered into a grave which had been prepared and 
covered with earth. All this was of no avail. When the mourners reached home 
the child was dead. R. GRANT BROWN. 



REVIEWS. 
Australia, Central. Strehlow. 

Die Aranda und Loritja-Stdmme in Zentral-Australien. By C. Strehlow. 41 
Veroffentlichuugen aus dem Stadtischen Volker-Museum, Frankfurt am ITT 
Main. 2 vols. Frankfurt : Baer, 1907 and 1908. Pp. Teil i, 104 ; Teil ii, 84. 
28x22 cm. 

Anthropologists owe much gratitude to Baron von Leonhardi, who has induced 
the Rev. Mr. Strehlow to write down his lore about the Arauda (Arunta) and 
Loritja (Luritja) tribes, and has annotated the text. Mr. Strehlow worked as a 
missionary among the Dieri (1892-95), and since 1895 has studied the Arunta, his 
base being Hermannsburg on the Finke river. He is master of the Arunta and Loritja 
tongues, which gives him a great advantage over Europeans Avho communicate with 
the natives in pidgin-English, or through an interpreter. He has dwelt long with his 
people ; he is not a mere visitor. On the other hand, his best informants are clothed 
(at least the men, when they are photographed), while the Arunta of Messrs. Spencer 
and Gillen offer us the truth naked. Again, many of Mr. Strehlow's men are Christian 
catechumens, while, as he is a missionary, he cannot in honour patronise by his 
presence the initiatory and other secret rites. But I am also in honour bound to say 
that Mr. Strehlow appears to give the truth, as far as he knows it, candidly and 
without prejudice. If he speaks of a " Himmelsgott " among his tribes, a " Supreme 
Being," and says that the Arunta " have raised their own fathers to the rank of 
gods" (as Mr. Hartland reports in Transactions of the. Oxford Congress, Vol. I, p. 23), 
I take these terms as merely showing how Mr. Strehlow himself envisages the native 
beliefs. Probably they have no term answering to our " God," but as Mr. Tylor 

[ 26 ] 



1909,] MAN. [No, 14, 

writes that " great gods make their appearance .... wherever a savage or 
" barbaric system of religion is thoroughly described," Mr. Strehlow, in his use of 
the word " gods," follows the example of a very cautious student (Primitive Culture, 
Vol. II, p. 248). For my part I would now write, in place of " Supreme Being," 
" superior being," and in place of " God," or " god " in Australian religion would 
put " all father." This terminology, I hope, can give no offence to the most sensitive 
mind. 

In Arunta tradition Mr. Strehlow finds " a highest good being " (mara being the 
Arunta for " good ") named Altjira. He is " eternal " (in Arunta ngambukald) ; the 
term is clearly the uvgambikala of Messrs. Spencer and Gillen. They render the word 
" self-existing, or made out of nothing," and apply it to two beings who came out 
of the western sky, Alkira aldorla (Native Tribes of Central Australia, p. 388). 
Whether their Alkira, " sky," is connected with Mr. Strehlow's Altjira, the superior 
being, who lives in the sky (alkira}, I know not. 

Altjira is a huge red-haired man with emu feet, his wives (tueera, " the fair 
ones ") have dog's feet : his many sons take after him, in feet ; his daughters take after 
their mothers. The emu feet remind us of " the Great Ulthaana of the Heavens, 
alkirra," whom Mr. Gillen found among the Arunta. Ulthaana has emu feet ; his name 
means " Spirit," he is monogamous. The capital letters are Mr. Gillen's, not mine, by 
the way (Gillen, Horn Expedition, Vol. IV, p. 183). I can hardly doubt that 
Mr. Gillen came across a variant of the belief described by Mr. Strehlow. The land 
of his Altjira, above the sky, is a paradise with plenty of water, fruits, birds, and 
beasts ; the stars are Altjira's camp fires. Altjira is " the good God " of the Aruntas 
known to both men and women ; he neither made nor troubles himself about men. 
The Arunta neither fear nor love him. In that case it is not apparent how Altjira 
can be called " the good God," but " good " (mara) he is styled. He is a powerful, 
uncreated being above, with grotesque attributes ; we may infer that, as uncreated, he 
is understood to be eternal, but that is only an inference. 

When we compare Mr. Strehlow's account of what the native tradition is, and lay 
aside his way of envisaging it that Altjira is an eternal god we probably understand 
the facts. Altjira is much the same sort of sky-dweller as Mr. Gillen's Great Ulthaana, 
or Spirit, of the Heavens. He takes even less interest in men than does the Atnatu 
found by Messrs. Spencer and Gillen among the Kaitish. It is true that Messrs. 
Spencer and Gillen found no sky-dweller among the Arunta, but Mr. Gillen, alone, 
was more successful. It cannot well be argued that Mr. Gillen came across Aruntas 
contaminated by Christian teaching, for an otiose emu-footed being, even though 
styled "good," "has no certain warrant in holy writ, but is rather repugnant to 
the word of God." I am therefore left to suppose either that the Arunta of Messrs. 
Spencer and Gillen had a sky-dweller and lost him, or that the Arunta of Mr. Gillen 
and Mr. Strehlow have advanced to the idea of a sky-dweller, while the other Arunta 
have not. 

Whether the Baiame of the Euahlayi and Kamilaroi is a revised, corrected, and 
considerably augmented edition of Altjira, or whether Altjira is an obliterated and 
obsolescent Baiame, every one will decide in accordance with his prepossessions ; or, 
in Mr. Hartland's phrase, according to " the axe he has to grind." At this moment I 
see but slight proof of either opinion ; still I do see a new point. 

Mr. Strehlow introduces, as what he calls " totem gods," certain Altjiranga- 
mitjina, " eternal and uncreated," or Inkara (deathless) beings, who, when all the 
world was water, lived on emerging peaks. Finding nothing to eat they went up and 
poached in Altjira's country. Meanwhile plenty of undeveloped human forms lay near 
the rocks below. When Altjira forbade the Altjirangamitjina to poach in his preserves, 
one of them took a stick and smote the water, saying, " Get out ! " The waters 



No. 14,] MAN. [19C9, 

withdrew, and plenty of Altjirangamitjina, who had been living underground, emerged. 
These were mostly in human shape, and magically endowed ; they would, and did, 
take bestial shapes, and every man now has his iningukua, that is, if his totem be the 
kangaru, the altjirangamitjina, who is, as it were, the ideal kangaru, is his guardian 
and protector. His mother's altjirangamitjina is called alijira " for short." These 
creatures of long name appear to be a variant of the Alcheringa folk of Messrs. 
Spencer and Gillen. All use of the term, " totem gods," causes confusion ; Mr. Tylor 
has tried the term " species-deities." The souls of the A. J. (for short) live under 
earth, or are connected with churinga, at certain localities like the Oknanikilla of 
Messrs. Spencer and Gillen. 

Mr. Hartland says that, according to Mr. Strehlow, "the Arunta have raised their 
" own forefathers to the rank of gods." But I do not see that these beings are 
forefathers, or ancestors, of men ; or that they are gods. To call them " totem gods " 
is only Mr. Strehlow's way of speaking. Take the story of " the divine kangaru," 
which Mr. Strehlow gives in Arunta, with an interlineal translation. All philologists 
must thank him for what no other man has given us, several Arunta texts. But the 
kangaru of the story has nothing " divine " in our sense ; he is only an Alcheringa 
kangaru, not a god, in any accepted sense of the word. 

The Tukura of the Loritja is much like the Altjira of the Arunta. He, too, has emu 
feet, but he is monogamous, and Mr. Strehlow surmises that Mr. Gillen picked up rather 
a Loritja than an Arunta myth in the case of the sky-dweller. Like Atnatu, among 
the Kaitish, Tukura patronises ceremonial rites ; Altjira does not. 

Another paper would be needed for the consideration of Mr. Strehlow's chapter on 
the totemic ideas of the Arunta and Loritja. If I rightly understand him to mean 
that the " totem gods " (as he calls them) prosper the work done by men in the magical 
ceremonies for the propagation of the totem species, animal and vegetable, still I do 
not think that they better deserve the name of gods than do the Mura Mura of the 
Dieri. The Mura Mura are appealed to, and ceremonies are done, when rain is 
needed (Howitt, Native Tribes of South-East Australia, pp. 395, 396). They are 
" supplicated," and supplications are prayers. The Mura Mura are at least as much 
" gods " as the Loritja " totem gods." 

The work of Mr. Strehlow seems to me essentially scholarly. He has taken great 
pains in collecting and sifting evidence ; he has given us our first Loritja as well as 
our first Arunta texts ; which is not much to the credit of English scholarship. His 
photographs and his designs of native decorative patterns are excellent. If I do not 
approve of his terminology " god," " totem god " it is because such words may be 
attributed to bias on his part, as a missionary or as a theorist ; and we more and more 
perceive the need of extreme caution. I, myself, believe that even Tukura and Altjira 
are the germs, in savage thought, of the highest of all religious conceptions, while the 
Altjirangamitjina may, under favourable circumstances, develop, on one side, into 
the Olympians of Homer ; on the other into the Ideas of Plato. In any case, even if 
some of Mr. Strehlow's terms may mislead, his narrative enables us to correct possible 
misconceptions. No one should henceforth write on Mr. Strehlow's tribes who has 
not mastered his valuable volumes. 

I do not wish to be understood to mean that Mr. Strehlow enables us to correct 
the work of Messrs. Spencer and Gillen. It is certain, I think, that Mr. Strehlow 
and they never consulted the same informants. Only a few miles may have lain 
between these regions, but variety, not orthodoxy, is the characteristic of myth, and 
the English and German students may have come across variants. A. LANG 



C 28 ] 



1909.] 

Scotland : Pigmentation. 



MAN. 



[No. 15. 
Tocher. 



Pigmentation Survey of School -children in Scotland. By J. F. Tocher, JC 
B.Sc. (From Biometrika, Vol. VI., pp. 130-235, and Appendix of Tables lU 
(pp. 67) ; 19 diagrams and 78 maps.) Cambridge : University Press, 1908. 28 x 20 cm. 
The publication of this memoir by Mr. Tocher, following that by Mr. Gray in 
the last volume of the Journal of the Institute (XXXVII, pp. 375-400), marks the 
practical completion of the really magnificent survey of school-children in Scotland 
carried out, by the voluntary assistance of the teachers, under the direction of a committee 
consisting of Sir William Turner, Professor R. W. Reid, Mr. Gray, and Mr. Tocher. 
How freely the aid of the teachers was given may be judged from the fact that data 
were obtained for 502,155 children out of, we gather, a maximum possible of some 
646,000, the lists of names and schools of the co-operating teachers occupying over 
twenty-two pages of the Appendix. The main burden of the clerical work, the 
forwarding and receipt of the schedules, and the reduction of the data, fell on the 
shoulders of Mr. Tocher, with the assistance of a small staff, and he has fairly earned 
the thanks of all anthropologists for this persevering labour. Their gratitude is no 
less due to the committee for the careful and prolonged consideration that must have 
been given to the organisation of the work. 

As the present memoir includes some late returns, received after the completion 
of the tables on which Mr. Gray's memoir is based, the general summary of the results 
may perhaps be reproduced. It is based on observations of 257,766 boys and 244,389 
girls between six and eighteen years of age. 

HAIR-COLOUR. PERCENT A<;E DISTRIBUTION. 



Fair. 


Red. 


Medium. 


Dark. 


Jet Black. 


Boys ... 


24-95 


5-49 


43-28 


25-03 


1-25 


Girls - 


27-43 


5-09 


40-87 


25-40 


1-22 



EYE-COLOUR. PERCENTAGE DISTRIBUTION. 





Blue. 


Light. 


Medium. 


Dark. 


Boys - 


14 -6<5 


30-31 


32-72 


22-31 


Girls ... u-87 


30-31 


32 -OC, 


22-76 



The distribution of eye colours in the two sexes is, it will be seen, about the same, 
but there are curious differences in the case of hair-colour. Mr. Tocher suggests that 
this may be due to the earlier darkening of the hair in boys, the development of the 
pigmentation being possibly stimulated by hair-cutting, or merely to differences in 
judgment caused by the greater mass of hair in girls and variation in tint from the 
root to the tip of the hair. The statistics have not yet been classified by age-groups, 
so the first hypothesis cannot be tested. It is also possible that there may be some 
difference in the average age of the two sexes. 

The local distribution of pigmentation is, in certain cases, very well marked. An 
excess of blue eyes and, with some exceptions, of fair hair, occurs mostly in the north 
and north-east of Scotland ; of blue eyes in conjunction with dark or jet-black hair in 
the western Gaelic-speaking counties. In the case of red hair the only region in which 
there is a noteworthy excess is Banff and Aberdeen. 

[ 29 ] 



No. 15.] MAN. [1909. 

Densely-populated districts generally show a slight excess of medium hair, e.g., 
47' 15 per cent, at Govan, 45*4 per cent, at Leith and Dundee, 45' 3 per cent, at Glasgow 
for boys, as compared with 43 3 per cent, for the coilntry as a whole. The possible 
reasons for this are discussed by Mr. Tocher in a special section. The hypothesis that 
it may be due to an excess of the medium-haired amongst the immigrants into towns is 
rejected, for reasons which we refer to again below, and three possibilities are then 
discussed : (a) Darkening of the hair may occur earlier in towns. (6) The medium 
class may be the most fertile, (c) The excess may be due to the blending of fair and 
dark, and the greater prevalence of random mating in towns. The first theory is at 
present, as Mr. Tocher admits, purely hypothetical. The second he supports by showing 
that there is a considerable positive correlation between the number of births per family 
and the percentage of medium-haired in the divisions of Scotland, and concludes that 
" the medium-haired, medium-eyed, and populous lower classes are more fertile than the 
" remaining population, and this factor is probably operating in favour of producing 
" distinct excess of these classes in the more densely populated areas of Scotland 
" where they are found" (p. 192). This argument does not, however, seem very strong, 
for surely if it is desired to know whether any one class tends to increase more rapidly 
than another, a measure of true fertility, such as Mr. Tocher has attempted to obtain, 
is not required, but merely the difference between the crude birth-rate and the crude 
death-rate. A correlation of such increase-rates with pigmentation data would throw 
more light on the question at issue than a correlation of fertilities, though any 
conclusion would have to be accepted with reserve in view of the complexity of the 
factors. If Mr. Tocher is right in associating medium hair with the lower classes, his 
conclusion is very probably right although unproven, as the increase-rates of the lower 
classes are generally above those of the population at large. The question of death 
rates is, however, quite as important as that of fertility, and Mr. Tocher makes no 
reference to Dr. Shrubsall's important conclusion that urban life tells most heavily on 
the blonde type (British Medical Journal, Dec. 1904), and hence would tend to create 
an excess of medium and possibly of dark. 

The third theory, as to blending, appears almost as hypothetical as the first. 
Nothing is really known at present as to the mode of inheritance of hair-colour in 
man, but, as Mr. Tocher states, " the proof or otherwise of the validity of the theory 
" will be forthcoming when the results of direct observation on parents and offspring 
" have been made, tabulated, and analysed." While it seems to us that the excess of 
medium-haired in urban districts is probably mainly due to selective death-rate, as indi- 
cated by Dr. Shrubsall's work, we venture to think that the idea that part of such excess 
may be due to what may be termed " selective immigration " is worth more investigation. 
" If there was any special force," Mr. Tocher says, " tending to send medium-haired 
" and dark-eyed persons in from the country to towns that would explain the excess. 
" But no such force is known to exist." Certainly, but it appears most improbable 
that if pigmentation has a real significance as regards race, it should have no 
significance as regards temperament and the consequent attractiveness of town life. 
The data that he adduces to show that none of the populations from whom external 
immigrants are drawn exhibit an excess of the medium class do not entirely meet the 
point, and although we note his statement (p. 191) to the effect that "it has been 
proved " that neither foreign immigrants nor immigrants from rural districts at home 
can explain the excess of medium hair, we have failed to find the proof respecting 
the latter class. The whole of Mr. Tocher's discussion is, however, somewhat lengthy, 
and the reader should in fairness refer to the original. We have noticed the point 
at some length, as the problems connected with the influence of town life are of 
high sociological importance. Mr. Tocher's detailed discussion of the distribution 

[ 30 ] 



1909.] MAN. [No, 15. 

of pigmentation in Glasgow, to which we can only refer, is also of great interest in 
this connection. 

In so voluminous a memoir there are naturally many points on which a reviewer 
may differ from the author or desire further information, but we propose to refer to two 
only, which are somewhat fundamental. In the first place, the value of pigmentation 
data, such as are obtained from this survey, depends primarily on the definiteness of the 
colour classes and the consistence of the observers. On this head the information is by 
no means so full as might be desired. The use of samples or colour cards was found to 
be impossible, and the observers, as in most previous surveys, had to depend on verbal 
instructions. The results obtained in certain cases, we are not told how many, from the 
written instructions, were compared with those obtained from the use of samples, and 
" It was found that both sets of figures closely agreed, and the results were therefore 
" considered very satisfactory" (p. 134). But these results, which were so very 
satisfactory and on which the exact weight to be attached to many of the conclusions 
of the memoir is entirely dependent, are not given. Mr. Tocher may not attach so much 
importance as the present writer to the variations of personal equation in the naming 
of colours, but the omission of these data is neither courteous to the reader nor fair to 
himself ; the sceptic will not be reassured by Mr. Tocher's recent controversy with 
Dr. Beddoe (MAX, 1907, 48, 82), and will note that observers have to judge when a 
hair-colour approaches " more to red than to brown or flaxen," have to distinguish 
between " very light brown " (which is fair) and " brownish " (which is medium), 
between " chestnut-brown " and " dark brown," and between " black " and "jet black," 
and in the case of eye-colour between a " light blue " and a " deep or pure blue," 
between " light grey " (which is light) and " grey " (which is medium), between 
" very light hazel " and " hazel-brown." 

The sceptic will also note the alleged change in the pigmentation of school- 
children in East Aberdeenshire between 1896 and 1903, and the fact that " the first 
" survey had a wider range of medium and a slightly wider range of red " (p. 219). 
It is to be hoped that Mr. Tocher will take the opportunity that will be afforded by 
the further publications that are promised, to give much fuller information on this 
head. The magnitude of errors of observation is of importance, in the first place 
because the differences observed between small samples of a population do not depend 
only on pure fluctuations of sampling as calculated by the theory of error, but also on 
the differences between observers. Mr. Tocher is, of course, fully aware of this, but he 
hardly appears to attach sufficient importance to the possible results. 

The second criticism that we have to offer relates to the methods adopted in the 
present memoir for the treatment of the data. In the first place, with all respect, 
we venture to suggest that they are, within limits, misleading. The point is this : 
that when writing of the difference between any one district and, say, the whole of 
Scotland, Mr. Tocher is never considering the difference between the figures that have 
actually been observed, but merely the chance that the observed difference might have 
occurred as a simple fluctuation of sampling. The result is that when writing of a 
large and populous city, like Glasgow, a comparatively small difference is spoken of 
as if it were enormous, whereas precisely the same difference, in a smaller district, 
would be spoken of as small. To the reader who fully realises the method, and the 
strict meaning of the result, this may be all right ; but to the physical anthropo- 
logist who is not skilled in modern statistical methods, and takes Mr. Tocher's words 
in their literal meaning, it is most misleading. It may be as 'well to enforce the 
point by an illustration. " It has been shown," says Mr. Tocher (p. 200), " from 
the results of the present analysis that the great western city diverges in an extreme 
degree " (my italics) " from the rest of Scotland, not only in the distribution of hair- 

[ 31 ] 



No. 15.] 



MAN. 



[1909. 



" colour of its school population, but also in the distribution of eye-colour, both for 
" boys and girls." These are the figures for eye-colour in boys : 

EYE-COLOUR. PERCENTAGE DISTRIBUTION : BOYS. 






Blue. 


Light. 


Medium. 


Dark. 


Glasgow .... 


11-09 


30-57 


33-78 


24-36 


All Scotland 


14-66 


30-31 


32-72 


22-31 



If the difference between Glasgow and the rest of Scotland is " divergence in an 
extreme degree," what superlative phrase, the ordinary anthropologist may well ask, is 
left to describe the difference between the latter and the " children with foreign sur- 
names" in the Adelphi Terrace School, Glasgow ? 

EYE-COLOUR. PERCENTAGE DISTRIBUTION : BOTH SEXES. 





Blue. 


Light. 


Medium. 


Dark. 




Children with foreign sur- 
names, Adelphi Terrace. 
All Scotland 


1-71 
14-76 


17-71 
30-31 


18-86 
32-40 


61-71 
22-53 



The phrase " extreme divergence " as applied to Glasgow is, indeed, almost absurd, 

as Mr. Tocher may, perhaps, admit if he will consider the results of a rigid application 

of the same method to statistics of stature. On the same principle he might speak of a 

difference in average stature between two populations of only 0'05 inches as "an 

enormous difference in stature," provided only that the (measured) populations were 

1,000,000 each. In such a case as that of Nature he would probably give, in the first 

place, the mean statures and their probable errors, or the differences between mean 

statures and their probable errors, as the most important data. Why should not 

pigmentation data be treated similarly ? Why should only relative figures be given ? 

The exclusive use of the method of classifying differences, not according to their 

magnitude but solely according to their significance, seems, indeed, very difficult to 

defend, and it is used as a principal when it should be a subsidiary method. The 

difference is what the anthropologist wants to know, and for that he must refer to 

the tables of the appendix ; a possible interpretation of that difference is all that 

Mr. Tocher's '"relative local differences," classifications into megalo-, meso-, and 

micro-metropic, and "divergencies" will give him. If districts did not vary much in 

size (numbers), Mr. Tocher's measures would afford fairly close indications of the 

absolute differences, but unfortunately they vary largely. If the absolute figures 

instead of the" relative local differences" and so forth had only been made the basis 

of the work, the memoir might not only have been made much more comprehensible 

and surely perspicuity is one of the principal virtues to be attained in a Report of 

the present type but would really have been even more valuable. It is unfortunate 

that an anthropologist of the older school, wishing to make himself acquainted 

with the results of this survey, which has no parallel in the British Isles, should 

arrive, after the first few pages only, at such a section as Mr. Tocher's Section (5) 

concerning "hypergeometrical series, leptokurtosis, and other technical mysteries, and it, 

is to he feared that he will merely drop the rest of the memoir and proceed to the 

Appendix. Might not some of the fundamental simplicity of the Appendix have been 

imported into the memoir, and some of the greater abstrusities (the word is not in the 

dictionary, but is more comprehensible than leptokurtosis, which is not there either) 

have been relegated to the Appendix ? G. U. Y. 

Printed by EYRE AND SPOTTISWOODE, LTD., His Majesty s Printers. East Harding Street, K.C. 



Pl.ATR C. 



MAN, 1909. 






CANOE ORNAMENTS FROM S.E. BRITISH NEW GUINEA. 



1909.] MAN. [No. 16. 

ORIGINAL ARTICLES. 

New Guinea. With Plate O. Selig-mann. 

A Type of Canoe Ornament with Magical Significance from 40 

South-eastern British New Guinea. By C. G. Seligmann, M.D. ID 

It has long been known that the large built-up canoes (waga) of South-eastern 
British New Guinea are elaborately decorated, and, though I have for some time 
suspected magical significance for much of this decoration, I have only recently received 
convincing evidence of this. 

The ornaments in question are the wooden carvings, examples of which are shown 
in Plate C, and which upon Murua are called munkuris. Before describing these 
munkuris I may briefly refer to other ornamentations on the canoes to which a magical 
significance may, perhaps, be attributed. The fish carved upon the sides of the waga 
(which were not usually regarded as totem fish) were sometimes said to have been 
carved in order that the canoe might travel swiftly, and although this was more often 
denied than asserted it seems reasonable to believe that their presence may have, or 
once have had, magical efficacy. On the other hand, the large white cowrie shells with 
which the carvings at the two ends of the waga are commonly decorated never appeared 
to have any magical import. The same applies to the carvings themselves, although 
the fact that hirds, some of which may be totems, are represented upon these carvings 
suggested a magical purpose. Beyond the facts that the natives of Murua were not 
eager to part with the munkuris carvings, and that on several occasions they absolutely 
refused to remove these carvings from canoes which were at anchor, although a 
tempting price was offered, no clue was obtained to suggest that these munkuris were 
of special significance until I recently had the opportunity of discussing the matter 
with Captain F. R. Barton, until lately Administrator of British New Guinea. Captain 
Barton told me that, when at Misima in the Louisiade Archipelago, he met with three 
or four Murua canoes bearing munkuris carvings. He tried to buy one of these and 
offered a large price for it, but the crew of the canoe, although obviously anxious to 
sell the carving, said that they could not do this as there was no one there who could 
carve another that night to serve as substitute, and without the munkuris they might 
experience all sorts of difficulties during their return voyage to Murua.* 

It is clear that the munkuris has a magical efficacy, and, being recently engaged 
in writing on the subject of totemism in South-eastern British New Guinea, it seemed 
possible that I might obtain information on this subject from an examination of the 
series of munkuris collected by the Daniels' Expedition, and now in the British 
Museum. As regards the provenance of these, I believe that they were all made upon 
Murua, though one of the specimens was obtained upon Iwa, and the label on another 
has perished, so that there is now no direct evidence as to where it was collected. 

There are other munkuris in the national collection, but I have limited myself 
to those collected by the expedition upon Murua, since I was able to obtain the 
meaning of the carving of these from natives of Murua within a short time of their 
collection. All these munkuris show carving with typical bird designs. 

No. 1 may be regarded as a typical munkuris^ its base is formed by the conjoined 
bodies of two long-beaked birds which represent the reef heron (boi), the wings of these 
two birds coalesce to form an oval black intaglio area, which represents a fish called 
asiwan, said to live in mangrove swamps. The paired red (outer) and black (inner) 
intaglio areas, curved like commas, which spring on each side from the tips of the 
beaks of the two reef herons, represent the curve of the nautilus shell (ovagoro\ 

* A figure of a waga, showing the munkuris in position above the carved prow ornament 
decorated with cowrie shells, is given in a paper by Seligmann and Strong, on p. 237 of the 
Geographical Journal for 1906 (Vol. XX.VI1). The details of the carving of the munkuru are not 
visible, but it will be recognised by the two streamers of dried palm leaf attached to it. 

[ 33 ] 



No. 16.] MAN. [1909. 

as do the other much less strongly curved red intaglio areas above and below the 
comma-shaped intaglio. The bird's head derivatives below the highest nautilus iutaglio 
represent the heads of a bird called weku, and this also applies to the pierced scrolls 
immediately above the lowest intaglio, supported on the head of the two reef herons. 
I could not ascertain the names of the three birds which form the highest part of this 
munkuris, but it is to be noted that one of these has a head at each end of its body. 

No. 3 is to be explained in the same way as the last with the following exceptions. 
The large intaglio area between the two heads of the supporting reef herons was stated 
to represent kwit, apparently a cephalopod, the tentacles of which are not represented 
in the carving. The two projections at the top corners of this carving are the 
degenerate remains of the neck of a long-necked shore bird, the same being represented 
in No. 1 by the small rounded projections beneath the bodies of the two outer birds 
represented at its summit. 

No. 5 is an interesting variant carved at Modau upon Murua, a village apparently 
known for the excellence of its canoes and the beauty of its canoe carvings. The 
bird supporting the whole ornament is again the reef heron and the black intaglio 
forming its wing represents the fish asiwan. The three birds at the top of this orna- 
ment were all called makarakea, the name for a tern ; on pointing out that terns have 
not crests as the two outer birds have, my informant replied that they were never- 
theless makarakea, and refused to consider my suggestion that they were, in fact, 
cockatoos or cocks ; the other parts of the carving are to be explained in the same way 
as the carving of No. 1. 

The last munkuris (No. 10) to be figured is of a somewhat different type, all three 
birds represent the cockatoo, and my attention was especially drawn to their crests. 
The significance of the lines lightly carved on the flat areas beneath the highest 
cockatoos could not be determined, the lines were called ginigin, the rows of scrolls 
beneath the central cockatoo are obviously all derived from birds' heads, but were 
given no special names. This munkuris was said to have been carved at Ruwadog, 
near Suloga. 

In conclusion, I may point out that although the reef heron and the cockatoo are 
both totem birds, there is no evidence that makarakea is a totem, and I could hear of 
no crested totem bird other than the cockatoo. Asiwan and kwit are certainly not 
totems in that part of Murua in which these carvings were obtained, nor is ovagoro, the 
nautilus, either upon Murua or over the much wider area of the Massim district in 
which it occurs as a decorative motif. It would appear, therefore, that at the present 
day the magical efficacy of these carvings is not attributed directly to the influence as 
totems of the birds represented upon them, and perhaps the predominance of the reef 
heron is to be explained by the ease with which this bird skims over the crests of 
the Avaves. 

Although this exhausts the main facts concerning the ornamentation of these 
munkuris with which I am acquainted, the following short notes on the remaining 
six specimens are added, since these will be on exhibition shortly in the Ethnographical 
Gallery at the British Museum. 

No. 2 resembles No. 1 in general character, but the necks and heads of the birds, 
which are represented by mere circular excrescences in No. 1, are obvious bird heads 
in this hpecimen. 

No. 4. This munkuris was made at Modau and closely resembles No. 5. The 
paired birds at the top, although crested, were called makarakea. The red and black 
intaglio areas were called marak and kon, which appear to be the names for red and 
black respectively. 

No. 6 resembles No. 1 in general characters. There are the remains of three birds 
at the top of this ornament, but only enough of one is left to call for anv remark. This, 

[ 34 ] 



1909,] MAN. [Nos. 16-17. 

which is one of the outer of three birds originally present, has been shifted through 
90 degrees from its ordinary horizontal position, so that it stands on its head. It was 
uncertain whether or not this bird represented the reef heron. 

No. 7, which is very highly conventionalised and particularly well carved, was 
obtained on Iwa in the Marshall Benuet group. 

No. 8 almost certainly comes from Murua, though, as its label has perished, this is 
uncertain. The tails of the two birds facing in opposite directions at its top, touch and 
seem to indicate the process by which the bodies of the two reef herons, which so often 
form the supporters of the rest of the carving, have become fused. 

No. 9. This was carved by a boy from a village called Gossop. The pierced 
scroll bird derivatives were called by the name susawir, which appears to be a term 
conveying some such general meaning as carved scroll or ornamental carving. In 
general type this munkuris resembles No. 10, but only a portion of the plain wooden 
areas at the top of each limb of the crescent, which forms the main part of the ornament, 
is carved on one side ; the carving on the opposite surface was said to represent the 
fish asiwan. C. G. SELIGMANN. 

England : Physical Anthropology. Mortimer. 

The Stature and Cephalic Index of the Prehistoric Men whose 4*7 

Remains are preserved in the Mortimer Museum, Driffield. /;// If 

J. R. Mortimer. 

The remains fall into three groups : (a) those of the late Neolithic or early 
Bronze Age ; (6) those of the early Iron Age ; (c) those of the Anglo-Saxon Period. 

The remains are all from an area of about 80 square miles on the midwolds of 
Yorkshire. The cephalic indices were estimated by Dr. W. Wright, Dr. Garson, and 
myself. The measurements of the femora were taken in situ by myself. 

(a) This series comprises 101 skulls, 34 being long, 28 short, and 39 of an inter- 
mediate shape. Of the 34 dolichocephalic individuals, 28 give an average femoral 
length of 18 ins., and a computed stature according to Beddoe's rule* of 5 ft. 7 ins. 
Of the 28 brachycephalic individuals, 25 give a mean femoral length of 17 '7 ins., or a 
stature slightly higher than 5 ft. 6 ins. Thirty -five of the 39 mesaticephalic individuals 
had a femoral length of 17 '65 ins., or a stature slightly lower than 5 ft. 6 ins. 

It will thus be seen that the long-headed members of the community had the 
advantage in stature to the extent of one inch. This is contrary to what has been 
found in other parts of the country. Dr. Thurnam, for instance, as a result of an 
examination of the remains in the south of England, gives 5 ft. 6 ins. as the stature 
of the dolichocephalic individuals, 5 ft. 9 ins. as that of the brachycephalic. 

The cephalic indices of ten skulls are given by Professor Rolleston in Greenwell's 
British Barrows. Of these skulls five are long and five are short. Of the five 
long-headed individuals only the stature of two is given, it is 5 ft. 9 ins. and 4 ft. 8 ins. 
Of the five round-headed individuals the stature of four is given 5 ft. 8 ins., 5 ft. 1 in., 
5 ft. 7 ins., and 5 ft. 9 ins. The series is so small as to have little weight one way 
or the other. 

(i) The remains attributable to the early Iron Age mainly are from the Danes' 
graves, Driffield. They comprise 53 skulls, of which 37 are dolichocephalic, 2 brachy- 
cephalic and 14 mesaticephalic. Of the 37 long-headed individuals the mean femoral 
length of 28 is 17*2 ins., with a computed stature of 5 ft. 4 '6 ins. ; the femoral length 
of the brachycephalic examples is 17 ins., with a computed stature of 5 ft. 4 ins., whilst 
that of 11 mesaticephalic individuals is as much as 17 '33 ins., with a stature of 
5 ft. 5 ins. The cephalic indices and stature of 11 other individuals from these graves, 
whose remains are in the Museum of the Royal College of Surgeons, have recently 
* Journal of tlie Anthropological Institute, Vol. XVII. 
L 35 ] 



Nos. 17-18.] MAN. [1909. 

been published by Dr. William Wright.* He found 7 dolichocephalic with a mean 
femoral length of 42 * 4 cm. and a stature of 5 ft. 3 ins., 1 brachycephalic with a 
femoral length of 41 1 cm., and a stature of 5 ft., and 3 mesaticephalic with a mean 
femoral length of 42 8 cm. and a stature of 5 f t. 3 5 ins. Dr. Wright's series 
therefore agrees with mine in showing that the mesaticephalic individuals had a slight 
advantage in stature while the brachycephalic member was distinctly short. 

(c) The Anglo-Saxon remains were obtained from five cemeteries at Sledmere 
Stoop, at Garton Station, at the south end of Great Driffield, the Meadows, Driffield, 
and at Acklam. With the exception of the first all were rich in relics. In addition 
to the above a few isolated Anglo-Saxon graves have yielded remains. The series 
comprises 61 measurable crania, 31 dolichocephalic, 7 brachycephalic, and 23 mesati- 
cephalic. Twenty of the dolichocephalic individuals have a mean stature of 5 ft. 
5 T 7 T ins.,"j" the 7 brachycephalic examples had a mean stature of 5 ft. 4 T X T ins., while 
15 of the mesaticephalic members had a mean stature of 5 ft. 3-^- ins. These 
measurements show that the long-headed persons were taller than those with short 
heads by more than an inch. J. R. MORTIMER. 

New Zealand. Edge-Partington. 

Maori Burial Chests. (Atamira or Tupa-Pakau. By J. Edge- 4Q 
Par ting ton. I U 

By the kindness of Mr. Alexander Turnbull of Wellington, New Zealand, I am 
able to reproduce a photograph of his collection of Maori burial chests (wooden) for 
containing the bones of deceased chiefs. Owing to the secrecy attached to their 
disposal and to the tabu which surrounded the last resting place of the dead, these 
chests are of extreme rarity, there being no specimen, as far as I know, in this 
country. There are specimens both in the Dominion Museum, Wellington, in the 
Auckland Museum, and in the Melbourne Museum, figured in the Album, Third Series, 
Plate 156. Hamilton, in Maori Art, figures one (p. 158) in his collection, which was 
found in a cave near Auckland, with the one in Melbourne. In Zeitschrift fur Ethnologic, 
Vol. 37, p. 971, Herr Baessler describes and figures those in the Auckland Museum. 
He says they were made of pine, and were accidentally discovered in a cave at 
Waimamaku, near Hokianga, north of Auckland. When found those figured on 
plates x and xii were leaning in a semi-upright position against the back wall, those 
on plate xii and the covers figured in the text rested in a similar position on the two 
sides of the entrance to the cave ; with them were found remains of skeletons which 
had evidently fallen out of the chests owing to the lids coming off". These lids, 
had been fastened by means of four holes corresponding to the four holes in the sides 
of the chests, one at each corner. The chests were in such a good state of preser- 
vation that it is evident they were not used at the first burial, but for the bones of 
the deceased which, after being dug up and cleaned, were deposited in them for their 
final interment. The covers only of these particular chests were smeared with red-ochre 
(Kokowai). Mr. Cheeseman, the Director of the Auckland Museum, is of opinion that 
these chests are over 200 years old. 

Mr. Turnbull gives the following description of those in his collection : " The 
" chests are hollowed at the back and have evidently been fitted with lids, because the 
" holes are still visible in the sides where the pegs or flax fastenings were inserted for 
" tying them on. There are several peculiarities to be observed in my set. In every 
" specimen there is the same ' wing '-like carving at the sides with three undoubted 
** claws not fingers and in No. 3 there are web feet, giving the impression that the 
" carvings all represent birds. In Nos. 2 and 3 the tongues have serrated edges, and 
" Nos. 2, 3, and 4 have the ears pierced. No. 1 has a ' heru ' or comb, and two of the 
* Arclueoloffia, Vol. LX., pp. 251-322. -f Estimated by Thane's formula in Quain's Anatomy. 

[ 36 ] 



1909.] 



MAN. 



[Nos. 18-19. 



" four claws are inserted in the mouth. No. 3 has a very curious carved neck ornament, 
" the like of which I have never seen. Nos. 2 and 3 have each a blind right eye. 
" The carvings are clearly of varying ages, and instinct leads me to place them in order 
"^of time as follows, beginning with the oldest : four, six, two, three, one, five. No. 6 
" is 18 inches high, and this will give the relative sizes of the others. The larger 
*' chests might hold the entire skeleton of an adult, but the smaller ones certainly 
" would not ; and No. 6, the smallest, would not take the bones of an infant, still it 
" had a lid at one time and was for holding something. Captain G. Mair says it 
" was for the placenta. Some of the chests have been painted with red ochre." 







" It is" surprising what a small amount of information can be obtained about these 
" chests, and I can find no myth or legend that would explain the bird-like carvings of 
" the bodies." J. EDGE-PARTINGTON. 



Dundas. 

19 



Africa, East. 

Kikuyu Calendar. />'// Hon. A. /'. Dundas. 

The Kikuyu divide the year into two seasons as under : 

1. Kimera kya Mweli : July to January. 

2. Kimera kya Njahi : February to June. 

Their language does not appear to possess a word answering to our word year 
(i.e., all twelve months), the word Mwaka signifying merely a rainy season. 

[ 37 ] 



Nos, 19-20.] MAN. [1909. 

The circumcision of the boys and girls occurs in the same months ; the season in 
which it takes place depending on whether they live in Ruguru (the West) or Ithereru 
(the East), if the former in Kimera kya Njahi, if the latter in Kimera kya Mweli. 

The month commences with the first day of the new moon and lasts thirty days. 
Each month has a name. 

There are no names for the days of the week, but the days of the different 
markets serve to signify any particular day. Each market is held every fourth day 
and no two markets in the same neighbourhood are held on the same day. Appended 
is what may be called a Kikuyu calendar. 

The months when the circumcision takes place are carnival months ; dancing, 
singing, and general rejoicing being the order of the day. 

Kathanokomo (June) and Moga (January) are called the Semisu months when the 
harvest is brought in. 

FIRST SEASON, JULY TO JANUARY KIMERA KYA MWEH. 

First Month, Moriainyoni (July). The grass and thicket is cleared by the men, 
and the women then burn it ; it is a month of little work. The weather being cool 
the boys and girls commence boring the lobes of their ears. 

Second Month, Moga (August). The shambas* are dug up, the work being 
mostly done by the women. 

Third Month, Kihu (September). All the able-bodied population is at work in 
the shambas preparing for the rains ; the seed is sown. 

Fourth Month, Sethanano (October). Everyone is very busy weeding in the 
shambas. 

Fifth Month, Kanyuahungo or Tumo (November} : Sixth Month, Keha 
(December). The men do no work ; the women and children are employed keeping 
the birds off the crops that are now ripening. 

Seventh Month, Moga (January). Harvest. 

SECOND SEASON, FEBRUARY TO JUNE : KIMERA KYA NJAHI. 

First Month, Kihu (February}. The whole able-bodied population is hard at 
work in the shambas preparing for the rains. The seed is sown during this month. 

Second Month, Sethanano or Kethathanwa (March). Everyone is still very 
busy in the shambas, the work being mostly that of weeding. 

Third Month, Mothato (April). The crops are ripening and the women and 
children are busy weeding and scaring off the birds. In the Ruguru (West) this is 
the circumcision month, a time .of feasting and dancing. 

Fourth Month, Mogilanjara (May). The crops are nearly ripe and there is no 
work for anyone. 

Fifth Month, Kathanokomo (June). This is the Semisu (Harvest) month, and 
the work of harvesting is done by the women, the men do no work.f 

K. R. DUNDAS. 



Technology. van Gennep. 

Netting without a Knot. By A. van Gennep. Qfl 

Dans le fascicule de mars 1908 de la Revue des tudes Ethnographiques fcU 
el Sociologiques, Miss A. Werner public Some Notes on the Bushman Race ou elle 
parle (p. 149) de petits sacs d'une facture speciale, a laquelle elle semble disposee a 
donner une signification culturelle et raciale : "I do not know whether to class 
" among small arts which may have been handed down to these Angoni by their 

* Shamba field or plantation. 

f The correct spelling of the names of the months was given me by Mr. MacGregor of the C.M.S. 

[ 38 ] 



1909.] MAN. [Nos. 20-21. 

" possible Bushman ancestors, the making of string bags by a process best described 
" as netting without a knot ; a row of loops is first made and increased by passing 
" the end of the string through each one, going round and round till the desired size 
" is reached. I never saw a bag so made by an adult, nor a specimen of more than 
" a few inches in length ; the art seemed to be chiefly practised as a pastime by 
" children. It is interesting to cote that when I showed one of these bags to the 
" Ituri pygmies who were recently in England they recognised it at once, and said 
" that they made the same kind at home." 

Miss Werner a eu 1'obligeance de m'envoyer une de ces pochettes. Je 1'ai 
montree a des amis ayant vecu en Afrique, notamment a Maurice Delafosse, qui m'ont 
dit n'en avoir jamais vu de semblables. 

D'autre part cette technique est beaucoup plus difficile qu'elle ne semble au 
premier abord ; je m'en suis rendu compte en essayant d'imiter la pochette angoni ; 
avec du raphia, on y arrive cependant, apres avoir eu soin de mouiller les fibres et 
de les enrouler prealablement deux par deux en maniere de cordelette. 

Cette technique semble reellement rare. Du moins je n'en ai pas trouve mention 
dans les traites generaux d'ethnographie, ni dans les monographies d'O. T. Mason. 
De meme les diverses techniques du tressage chez les Warundi enumerees, et decrites 

en detail par R. Kandt (Gewerbe in Ruanda y 
Zeitschrift fur Ethnologic, 1904, pp. 394 et suiv.) 
comprennent toutes la formation de noeuds, qui 
donnent leur nom a sorte de tressage. 

Par centre, voici un parallele exact releve 
dans 1'Amerique du Sud, par le Dr. Theodor 
Koeh-Griinberg. II a trouve en usage chez les 
Indiens du Bresil nord-occidental de petits filets 
de peche, que Ton fixe a une liane recourbee en 
cerceau et qui different des grands filets, noues, en 

ce que les cordelettes sont simplement passees les unes dans les autres (einfache 
SchlingtechniK). Le dessin qui accompagne 1'article du Dr. Koch-Griinberg (Der 
Fischfang bei den Indianern Nordwestbrasiliens, Globus, 9 Janvier, 1908, pp. 21-22) 
et reproduit ici, montre que la technique est bien celle dont parle Miss Werner. II est 
probable qu'on trouvera d'autres paralleles en consultant les mouographies sur la peche 
chez les populations europeennes : mais je doute que cette technique puisse servir 
d'argument pour la determination d'aires de civilisation. A. VAN GENNEP. 




England: Archaeology. Kendall. 

Remarkable Arrowheads and Diminutive Bronze Implement. Qf 
% the Rev. H. G. 0. Kendall, M.A. L\ 

In MAN, 1906, 96, and 1907, 37, Mr. H. St. George Gray figured two arrow- 
heads of remarkable fineness and unusual type. The base in one instance, at any 
rate, was rounded, and the edges were incurved near the point. I append herewith 
a drawing which shows one face and two edge views of a similar weapon. It was 
found by Mr. H. J. G. Hole on a farm in Dorset, whereon, also, he has picked up 
other arrowheads of usual types. It is dirty-white in colour, and slightly pale blueish 
in places. Its length is 3 centimetres and breadth 18 millimetres. It weighs 21 grains. 

The drawing scarcely does justice to the delicacy of this beautiful little implement, 
inasmuch as the thickness of the outside line gives a very slight increase to the width. 
The obtuse angle on the right-hand edge of the face view should be somewhat more 
of a curve and less of an angle. Unlike Mr. Gray's, it has a blunt-pointed base, as 
seen in the picture. The other drawing shows face and edge views of what appears 
to be a most unusual type. It has evidently once been a leaf-shaped arrowhead, of 

[ 39 ] 



Ncs. 21-22.] 



MAN. 



[1909. 



which oue end has been accidentally broken off. Its possessor, in order to render 
it of service to himself again, possibly also to give it better balance, has cleverly 
snicked a piece out of each of the two edges, thereby affording himself an arrowhead 
slightly barbed. From each edge the piece has been taken out by a single downward 
stroke or application of pressure at right angles to the face of the flint. The latter 
is blackish in the middle, and of a deep amber colour towards the edges. Weight, 
29 grains. 

In both the above cases an untrimmed portion of the inner face of the flake from 
which the little implement was made is visible in the middle thereof. 

Of the first arrowhead the outer, of the second the inner, face is shown. The 
outer face of each arrowhead is much like the inner, but that of the second has an 
unremoved rising near the middle. 

The third drawing is of a metal implement, apparently of bronze, picked up by 
Mr. Hole two miles from Marlborough, in a road newly repaired with flint, no doubt 
from the Downs. In a barrow opened near Marlborough 
in 1907 a miniature bronze dagger or knife (?) was 
found in company with gold ornaments, &c. It was 
of rather different form from the present instrument, but, 






FIG. 1. 



FIG. 2. 



FIG. 3. 



I think, of the same general type. The contents of the barrow belonged to the 
Bronze Age. The weight of the little tool here figured is just over oz. 

H. G. 0. KENDALL. 



REVIEWS. 



Africa : Congo. 



Van Overbergh. 



Les Basonge (Etat Ind. du Congo). Par Cyr. van Overbergh. Collection OO 
de Monographies ethnographiques III. Brussels, 1908. Pp. xvi + 565. fcfc 
26 X 17 cm. Price 10*. 

The series of which this volume is the third might almost be said to mark an 
era in the history of anthropology. Of course much, very much, remains to be done 
in the way of scientific investigation of the ethnography of primitive peoples, but, in 
order that this investigation may be as successful as possible, a knowledge of the 
information already collected is necessary, especially as contact with Europeans has 
wrought such differences during the past few years. The reports of the earlier 
explorers have an especial value, but these reports, made at a time when anthropology 
was not yet a science, are so scattered that the labour involved in their collection 
is most arduous, and involves a protracted search through periodical and other literature 
of almost every kind. 

The system on which the series under review is arranged is as follows : each 
volume deals with a particular tribe in the Congo Free State, and contains all the 
passages relating to that tribe, collected from every kind of literature, reprinted at 
length, and arranged under the headings adopted for the questionnaire approved by 

[ 40 ] 



1909.] MAN. [No. 22. 

the Congres mondial de Mons in 1905. To this is added as much new information 
as couid be gathered, by means of that questionnaire, from observers on the spot, 
to whom were sent copies of the collected published material for comment and 
amplification. The new information is printed in larger type. Each page is perforated 
so that it can be torn out and the whole rearranged to suit the requirements of any 
special student, and to facilitate this object no two subjects are treated on the same 
page ; if the matter dealing with one given subject does not suffice to fill both sides of a 
leaf, the rest is left blank. At the beginning of each volume is a complete biblio- 
graphy of the literature dealing with the tribe in question, followed by a second 
bibliography of all illustrations relating to it ; the latter bibliography, as the text, 
is divided into headings corresponding to the sections of the questionnaire employed. 
At the end is a specially prepared ethnological map, and, in the case of the volume 
under discussion, a few illustrations of an ethnographical nature. An index of the 
headings under which the information is arranged is also given. Thus a complete 
compendium of all that is known concerning each tribe, arranged in the manner most 
convenient for reference and comparison, is ready to the hand of the anthropological 
student or of the administrator who wishes to know something about the social life 
and institutions of the people amongst whom his work is to lie. 

It would be worse than otiose to enlarge on the extreme value of such a series, 
and it is of the happiest augury for the future of the Congo Free State that it should 
be found possible in Belgium to issue successfully a collection of monographs which 
renders administration on proper scientific lines a reasonable possibility. 

Another point of interest is found in the fact that these monographs are a 
vindication of the questionnaire, which has of late been attacked by some whose 
opinions are certainly of weight. It is true that this particular questionnaire is capable 
of considerable improvement ; but, with all its limitations, it can, judged by results, be 
called a success. Volumes dealing with the Bangala, Mayumbe, and Mangbettu have 
already appeared, and one on the Waregga is promised shortly. The subject of this 
particular monograph, the Basonge, a tribe belonging to the great Baluba family, and 
situated roughly between the Sankuru and Lualaba and 4 30' and 6 30' of south lati- 
tude, is of especial interest to the reviewer, since the expedition under the leadership 
of Mr. Torday has collected a number of notes concerning its ethnography which are 
as yet unpublished, and on which he has had the pleasure of working ; these notes, 
though they contain many details of the greatest importance, chiefly dealing with 
religion and sociology, which do not appear in the monograph, confirm in many respects 
the new material published therein, and it is this new material which naturally possesses 
the greatest interest. The contributor who has in the present volume added by far 
the most to existing knowledge is M. R. Schmitz, who has spent four years among 
the most easterly branch of this tribe. It is interesting to note that certain important 
differences exist between the sub-tribes studied by him and the Namale amongst whom 
Mr. Torday's work chiefly lay, and who are situated a degree and a half further west. 
For instance, belief in transmigration, which appears to exist in the east, is not 
found in the west ; certain rights of asylum allowed in the west are absent in the 
east ; inheritance is observed on a different system ; the methods of expressing 
numerals by gesture differ in toto in the two localities ; also certain words, notably 
the names of sun and stars. 

A more important divergence relates to the ethnographical map accompanying the 
volume. Here the village Mokunji is placed definitely within the Basonge sphere : 
the information at the disposal of the reviewer shows that the Mokunji district for 
some distance to the south of that village is now occupied by the Sungu tribe of 
Batetela, to whom the Basonge lost part of their northern territory in the first half 
of the nineteenth century. It might be useful to indicate this in future editions, or 

C 41 ] 



Nos, 22-23.] MAN. [1909, 

in one of the supplementary pages which the editor promises to issue from time to 
time as fresh information is obtained. 

This series is so good that it is difficult to make any suggestions for improvement ; 
but one or two points might be mentioned which occur to the reviewer. The most 
important is the following. It is true that the editor in his introduction mentions 
in broad terms the localities in which the contributors of new matter have worked, 
but that is hardly enough : it is of the highest importance, especially in view of the 
differences which appear to occur between east and west in this particular case, that the 
name of the sub-tribe should be mentioned with each piece of information given ; 
this might easily be inserted in brackets. 

The second point concerns the perforation of the pages. It seems very doubtful 
whether this is necessary or even advisable ; it renders the pages liable to become 
detached unintentionally, and might cause a great deal of trouble in scientific libraries 
and aggravation to individuals who wished to retain the admirable arrangement 
observed in the monograph. Those who wish to arrange the pages on their own 
system (and they will be a small minority) could attain the required end quite easily 
by means of a penknife and a ruler. On the whole the disadvantages of the present 
system appear to outweigh by far the advantages. 

With regard to two grounds on which, according to the editor in the preface, the 
series has been criticised already, it is almost certain that the great majority will 
support M. van Overbergh. It was said that the reprinting of published matter in the 
language in which it first appeared (in the case of languages other than French) was 
inconvenient, but the author justly observes that the importance of preserving the 
actual words is paramount, and the dangers involved in a translation are serious. 
Further, it was maintained that the publication of contradictory evidence would lead 
to mystification of the student ; but surely the apposition of varying statements is of 
the greatest importance. Enough has been said to show the very high value of the 
series of monographs, and the greatest of credit is due to M. van Overbergh for the 
energy and public spirit which led him to organise and carry out in so masterly a 
fashion a work which entails months of the most patient and laborious toil. To the 
man who is capable of performing a task such as this, and in this fashion, the com- 
pletion of the work is sufficient reward ; but to this will be added in the preseut case 
the heartfelt gratitude of all students of African ethnography, which should, and 
doubtless will, be supplemented by similar gratitude on the part of the government 
which administers the colony in which these tribes are found. In Belgium, which 
possesses one colony, means for the scientific study of the subject tribes are provided 
by the Ministry of Public Instruction. What of the other European countries which 
rule over, not one, but many colonies ? T. A. J. 



Australia, Central. Strehlow. 

Die Aranda und Loritja- Stdmme in Zentral-Australien. By C. Strehlow. ftQ 
Veroffentlichungen aus dem Stadtischen Volker Museum, Frankfurt am Main. tU 
Frankfurt : Baer, 1908. Second notice. Cf. MAN, 1908, 14. 

In reviewing Mr. Strehlow's interesting volumes on the Arunta, or Aranda, I had 
not room to describe their system of totemic beliefs. We saw that when the waters 
retired from the earth at the bidding of one of the self-existing beings whom Altjira 
did not allow to poach on his celestial hunting grounds, many more such beings came 
forth, Alljirangamitjina. These wandered about, like the Alcheringa folk of Messrs. 
Spencer and Gillen, each of them being, in Mr. Tylor's phrase, a kind of " species-god," 
and each in close rapport with the animals of their species, and capable of assuming its 
form. Mr. Strehlow says that these A.J. take a part in forwarding the action of the 

[ 42 ] 



1909.] MAN. [No. 23. 

magical ceremonies, Unbatjalkatiuma (the Intichiuma of Spencer and Gillen), wrought 
by men for the plants and animals of their totem groups or totem societies. 

The Alcheringa totemic spirits of the Arunta of Messrs. Spencer and Gillen do 
not appear to do much in this way. They keep on being reincarnated as Arunta 
children. It is not so, exactly, in Mr. Strehlow's region. His A.J. have gone back 
again that is, their spirits have into their primal earth-holes, whence they emerge at 
pleasure, while their bodies have changed into rocks, trees, and so on, such as mark the 
Oknanikilla of Messrs. Spencer and Gillen. 

With Mr. Strehlow's blacks it is not the spirits of the A.J. that reside in or near 
the trees, rocks, pools, and in parasitic foliage (as of the mistletoe among the Euahlayi). 
The dwellers in such places are ratapa, germinal spirits and bodies of children waiting 
to enter into married women and be born. Thus the A.J. are not reincarnated 
constantly, as with Messrs. Spencer and Gillen's blacks, it is the ratapa that are 
incarnated. Not only the whole bodies of the A.J. are " sacred " (the tree or rock, &c.) 
but even a portion of such bodies, thus a bird's feathers is tzarunga (churinga, 
" sacred ") and is a separate totem. 

Many A.J.'s have changed into actual stone churinga, and are kept in the 
depositories of these objects. The ratapa have bodies and souls, are red of body, like 
new-born Arunta children, which resemble dusky European babes ; only the medicine 
men can see the ratapa. These ratapa emanations from the metamorphosed bodies of 
the A.J. are each in rapport with some object totem of nature. The body of an A.J. 
of the kangaru totem changed into a gum tree, and in that dwells a kangaru ratapa. 

Mr. Strehlow says that the Arunta are not acquainted with the part of the male 
in procreation, but, in a note, declares that the seniors do know, wie mir vezsichert 
wurde, but they say nothing about it before the younger men and women. " It 
" is certain that both the Aranda and Loritja know the connection of begetting with 
" birth. In the case of the lower animals even the children are enlightened on 
" this point." 

This is precisely what Dr. Roth reports of certain Queensland tribes (Bulletin V). 
Believing that the lower animals have no souls, these tribes account for their birth and 
begetting in the normal way ; but as men have souls, these tribes declare that human 
children do not come by procreation, but " come otherwise." I pointed out this in 
Anthropological Essays, the Festschrift for Mr. Tylor, and said that it corroborated 
my opinion ; namely, that it was not a survival of primal ignorance that made these 
peoples deny human procreation ; the denial is a result of their philosophy of spirits. 
When we find that even the Arunta children know all about the procreation of the 
lower animals, while men, having souls, " come otherwise," I think that my opinion 
deserves more favourable consideration than it has hitherto received, while the 
argument for the " primitiveness " of the Arunta that is based on their ignorance of 
procreation is " driven to an outside price." As I said from the first, they have simply 
developed their amazing psychology till it has obscured their physiology ; while their 
psychology is remote indeed from the " primitive." 

When a woman approaches the place where the metamorphosed body of an A.J. 
is, a tree, rock, or pool, called Knanakala (obviously the Oknanikilla of Messrs. 
Spencer and Gillen), a ratapa that recognises in her a " class-mother " enters her body, 
causing pangs, and when the child is born it is of the totem of the A.J. whose 
metamorphosed body is the tree, rock, or the like, the Knanakala. The body, that 
is the tree or rock, may be that of an emu A.J. : an emu ratapa enters the woman, the 
child is of the emu totem (Ilia), and is named Iliakurka (little emu), or Iliapa 
(emu feather). 

As Messrs. Spencer and Gillen tell us, the ratapa (or, in their region, the 
Alcheringa spirit) sometimes enters a plump matron who is not its " class-mother," is 

[ 43 ] 



No. 23.] MAN. [1909. 

of " the wrong class," and thus introduces a totem into the matrimonial class, where 
it has no business to be (Central Tribes, p. 125). This spiritual caprice is the only 
cause of the unique fact that, among the Arunta-, the same totem may be in both 
main exogamous divisions, so that, in the Arunta nation alone, totems are not 
exogamous. 

In Mr. Strehlow's region the whole business is either a variant of what Messrs. 
Spencer and Gillen describe, or one or other version that of these authors, or that 
of Mr. Strehlow is more accurate than the other. I shall later show that the former 
alternative is the true explanation of the diverse reports. 

As the Arunta are nomadic, the children of any family, as a rule, are of various 
totems. This makes it hard to understand how it comes that, in any given locality, 
the great majority of the people are of the same totem (Spencer and Gillen, Central 
Tribes, p. 9). 

This must occur, in normal totemism, when the totem passes in the male line. 
But how it can occur, where totems come by sheer accident, and there may be four 
or five different totems in the same set of mother, husband, and children, is the central 
Arunta mystery, yet I am not aware that anyone has remarked on a circumstance that 
has puzzled me from the first. Sometimes an A.J. spirit comes up from his earth-hole, 
impregnates a woman with a little wooden bull-roarer, namatana, and returns to his 
own place. Is she a married woman ? 

When a woman feels what, to her (though not to a white specialist), are the 
first signs of her pregnancy at the very moment when she sees a kangaru that 
" softly and suddenly vanished away," it is not the kangaru A.J. spirit himself 
that enters her body. The kangaru was no kangaru, but an A.J. spirit in kangaru 
shape. When she feels the same symptoms after eating, say, the lalitja fruit, a lalitja 
ratapa has entered her, but not through her mouth. 

As far as I understand, these are theories to account for a pregnancy discovered 
not at any given knanakala, but elsewhere, and so the question for the Arunta is, 
" whence came the ratapa where no ratapa is known to be ? " The ratapa must 
come from the casual kangaru, an A.J. wandering about, or from the fruit. Unless 
every noticeable tree, rock, or pool, in the field of view, is a knakala, many women 
must first feel proof of approaching maternity where there is no knakala. The fact 
must be explained ; and any transient beast or bird, or food recently eaten, serves as a 
ground of explanation. The ratapa apparently cannot come from a man or woman ; 
men and women have only one soul apiece, they do not emit ratapa ; but any other 
object seen or eaten may be an A.J. on the loose, and may emit a ratapa. 

Men may, and do, have their mother's totems, as well as their own (which come 
by accident). This maternal totem protects them, warns them of danger in dreams, 
and is very helpful. Possibly this is a survival of the system by which, among the 
northern tribes with male descent, a man has his mother's totem in great regard, as 
well as his father's (Spencer and Gillen, Northern Tribes, p. 166). This, with the 
accompanying northern descent of property in the female line, proves, of course, that 
the Waramunga and the rest have passed from female to male reckoning of descent. 
When the Arunta evolved their present system of acquiring the totem, which they must 
have done relatively recently, for the method has left the great majority of each totem 
in one or the other sex of matrimonial classes, the old northern regard for the maternal 
totem survived the change. At all events this seems a plausible theory. 

While the children of a woman may all be of different totems, all are blessed by 
the protection of their mother's totems, which is named Altjira, like the emu-footed 
being in the heavens. 

The magic rites, in Mr. Strehlow's region, are named, as we saw, Unbatjalka/zMwa, 
not Intichmma, as in the region of Messrs. Spencer and Gillen. The three last 

[ 44 ] 



1909.] MAN. [No. 23. 

syllables, italicised, are the same in both districts. The difference in the name draws 
our attention to an important fact. The language of the natives of the two districts is 
not absolutely identical. Ratapa is a word not known to Messrs. Spencer and Gillen. 
Again, for " stone churinga " their natives say churinga nanja, while Mr. Strehlow's 
say talkara. There are several other notable examples, including Altjira, whether the 
sky-dweller or the maternal totem, the Altjirangamitjina, and others. The nearest 
approach to Altjira, in Messrs. Spencer and Gillen's vocabularies, is Alkira, " sky,'* 
and Alcheringa (Altjiringa ? ). 

Thus, as the natives of the two regions differ in vocabulary, there is no reason 
why they should not differ in myths and beliefs. If so, both Messrs. Spencer and 
Gillen are right in their reports, though these reports vary. For example, Messrs. 
Spencer and Gillen do not find in their Arunta, after the most careful research, any 
sky-dweller like the red-haired, emu-footed Altjira of Mr. Strehlow's people. 

Mr. Hartland, remarking on this diversity, says that, while the English explorers 
find no relatively supreme being, Mr. Strehlow and his German colleagues " have 
" given us a widely divergent report. They tell us that the Arunta definitely believe 
" in the existence of a Supreme Being, ein Himmelsgott, and that they have, in 
" addition, raised their own forefathers to the rank of gods. The contradiction between 
" the two statements is such that it is not to be accounted for by merely supposing " 
(what is true) " that while Messrs. Spencer and Gillen visited one brancn of the 
" Arunta, Mr. Strehlow and his colleagues, settled among another branch a few miles 
" off", have drawn their information exclusively from the latter. This information 
" represents the supernatural beings believed in by the Arunta and the Loritja as 
" apotheosised to a degree beyond anything recognised by anthropologists elsewhere 
" in Australia." 

Mr. Hartland remarks that "few missionaries can divest themselves as completely 
" as Callaway or Codrington of prepossessions in their inquiries into savage beliefs 
"... ." It is fair to say that as yet we have only fragmentary statements 
from Mr. Strehlow, and no hint as to where these statements may be found is given 
(Oxford Congress, Vol. I, pp. 23, 24). 

Mr. Hartland had probably no access to Mr. Strehlow's second volume, of September 
1908. But does he call volume I of 1907 " fragmentary " ? In that volume he must have 
read that Altjira is the least " apotheosised " of all the sky-dwelling superior beings of 
Australia. He created nothing, he is not an ethical judge, he does nothing but eat, 
hunt, and keep a harem ; he did not even, like the Kaitish Arunta of Messrs. Spencer 
and Gilleu, "make the Alcheringa," "make himself; make men by sending his own 
" disobedient sons to be men, send down everything which the black fellow has," and 
insist, with penalties, on the initiation rites, and the use of the bull-roarer. 

On the other side, Mr. Strehlow's Altjira (published in 1907) does nothing, 
never did anything, and is totally disregarded by the Arunta though they call him 
" good " (rnard). How can Mr. Hartland say that Altjira is " apotheosised to a 
" degree beyond anything recognised by anthropologists elsewhere in Australia ? " 
He is the least "apotheosised" of all known sky-dwellers, he has no place in reli- 
gion, and in that fact lies his supreme importance, as I hope to prove on another 
occasion. 

Mr. Hartland says, very fairly, that Mr. Strehlow and his colleagues (the work of 
the colleagues I scarcely know) " may have conquered these impediments," such as 
their " prepossessions." If Mr. Strehlow's prepossessions inclined him to credit the 
Aruuta with a highly " apotheosised " beinj;, lie has certainly triumphed over his bias 
in a style worthy of imitation. Meanwhile Mr. Strehlow's variants from the beliefs 
of Messrs. Spencer and Gillen's people, and the variants in vocabulary, cannot be 
attributed to the "prepossessions" of missionaries (who are not the only prepossessed 

I 45 ] 



Nos. 23-25.] MAN. [1909. 

students in the world). He has struck on a divergent branch of the Arunta, and 
we can receive with equal confidence his reports and those of Messrs. Spencer and 
Gillen, which is a highly satisfactory conclusion. A. LANG. 



England : Archaeology. Gray. 

Report on the Excavations at Wick Barrow, Stogursey, Somersetshire. By H. 1 
St. George Gray. Taunton, 1908. Pp. iv + 78, with Appendices. 22 x 14 cm. fcT 
This addition to the list of Mr. Gray's reports on excavations in various parts 
of the country will appeal especially to those who interest themselves in the Bronze 
Age of Britain. The share taken by the Viking Club in this undertaking is partly 
due to local traditions, and partly to the fact that the position of the barrow suggested 
a ship-burial of the Viking period. The primary interments proved to be about 
2,000 years older, and were each accompanied by a beaker or drinking-cup of normal 
appearance ; but, to judge from the associated finds, of late neolithic date rather 
than of the early Bronze Age. Such vessels have, however, frequently been found 
together with simple bronze relics, and were no doubt in fashion during the transition 
from stone to bronze in this country, though frankly neolithic abroad. A special 
feature was the ring-wall of lias slabs, about 3^ feet high, enclosing the barrow, and 
covered by the material of the mound ; and there were clear indications that the barrow 
had been opened in Roman times, probably by treasure-hunters. The report is well 
illustrated ; and the Somersetshire Archaeological and Natural History Society is to be 
congratulated on its enterprise as well as its choice of an excavator. R. A. S. 



England : Archaeology. Allcroft. 

Earthwork of England : Prehistoric, Roman, Saxon, Danish, Norman, and OC 
Mediceval. By A. Hadrian Allcroft, M.A. London : Macmillan, 1908. Pp. xix fcU 
f 712. 23 x 15 cm. Price 18*. 

The appearance of this standard text-book marks a very important advance in the 
study of the earthworks of this country. Hitherto the student has had to search 
through scores of volumes of Transactions, &c., and to use considerable discretion in 
piecing together some serviceable prolegomena ; now he will only have to assimilate 
Mr. Allcroft's book an easy task and a pleasant one, so excellent are the arrange- 
ment and the literary workmanship to put himself in possession of all that is known 
on the subject at the present day. And the extent of this knowledge, even at this 
early stage, is not inconsiderable. Roman, Norman, and mediaeval' works have been 
already separated from the mass. Saxon and Danish remains are for the most part 
vague and comparatively feeble ; and those at present identified are surprisingly few. 
Behind them all are the unnumbered " camps " of the prehistoric ages, still shrouded 
in the glamour of mystery, but ripe for the spade which is to change this for the more 
legitimate fascination of knowledge. 

Mr. Allcroft's book is the most eloquent appeal that could be made for the prosecu- 
tion of the work begun by Pitt-Rivers ; what has already been done shows how much 
is still to be learnt from systematic excavation. " It may be doubted," says the 
author, " whether any area of the same size can offer a more varied series of problems 
" ethnological and archaeological." " The tools and the method have been determined ; 
" well-nigh the entire field lies open to all who care to peg out a claim." 

The arrangement of the book follows in its main lines the classification adopted 
by the Congress of Archaeological Societies. Beginning with promontory forts we 
pass to " contour camps " and " plateau camps " convenient terms which sum up the 
more elaborate definitions of the classification. Between the first and the second 
class, but included in the latter, is an interesting variety, which, for want of a better 
term, may be called the hill-promontory type (where a spur or the end of a ridge 

[ 46 ] 



1909.] MAN. [No. 25. 

is cut off from the main hill aud surrounded on the steeper sides by a slighter work 
than that which crosses the neck) ; these works the author calls " transitional." 
Transitional in form is probably all that is implied, since it will be impossible to 
maintain the view that the hill-top (contour) forts are as a class later than this 
" transitional " variety. Three of the transitional type have now been excavated 
Mount Caburn (Sussex) and Winkelbury (Wilts) by General Pitt-Rivers, and Oliver's 
Camp (Wilts) by Mr. and- Mrs. Cunnington (MAN, 1908, 4) and a comparison of 
the results goes far to establish this as a type of camp in vogue during the prehistoric 
Iron Age, down to the Roman invasion. Something might be said, on the other 
hand, for the hill-promontory camp as a transitional form between the contour camp 
and the promontory fort properly so called taking them, that is, in the reverse 
order. It would be unwise, however, to strain any theory of the sort, as the develop- 
ment of native fortification was, of course, arrested at the coming of the Romans ; and 
the construction of many, if not most, of the promontory forts may be due to wholly 
different conditions. 

The book will do good service in clearing the ground of many preconceptions 
and obsolete theories. It will help, for instance, to establish the view that the great 
hill-top strongholds were not " refuge camps," but places of permanent habitation 
during the period of their construction, at all events like the earlier Maori pahs, and 
similarly waterless. As to the question of water-supply, which has troubled so many 
investigators, Mr. Allcroft has some very pertinent remarks. He devotes a whole 
chapter to dew-ponds, which would certainly have been unnecessary but for the extrava- 
gant and unsupported claims that have been made for the high antiquity of existing 
specimens. To show how wide is the field covered, including almost every known 
description of earthwork, defensive or otherwise, it may be mentioned that in his 
discussion of the primitive homestead the author notices in passing dene-holes, dis- 
missing the various theories that have been put forward about them and favouring the 
.only reasonable conclusion that they are nothing but excavations for chalk and for 
the most part indubitably modern. It may be hoped that by the time a second edition 
appears dene-holes and dew-ponds will be no longer worth powder and shot. 

Mr. Allcroft has the gift of writing there are pages in his book which bring 
the atmosphere and colour of the downs vividly before one, and seem calculated to 
turn many a lover of nature into an open-air archaeologist. The most attractive 
chapters are those with which the book concludes, where the author, by way of 
object-lesson, takes his reader along the South Downs from end to end and then to 
Dolebury on the Mendips. 

For a work of this scope it is probable that the inaccuracies of detail are remark- 
ably few and unimportant, nor are there many points on which one is inclined to 
challenge Mr. Allcroft's judgment. He suggests (p. 136) that the work at Hawridge, 
Bucks, may have been an outpost of the pre-Roman camp at Cholesbury. Perhaps it 
is more likely to be a Norman work of somewhat unusual type ; there is a similar 
example at Renhold, Beds ; see also Viet. Co. Hist. Northants, II, 409. Another 
circular funnel-shaped pit similar to those mentioned on p. 284 is to be seen within the 
lines of Caer Caradoc, Clun. Pits of this kind are probably not very rare in camps, 
though whether they were all made with the same purpose is another question. Chun 
Castle, Cornwall (p. 237), is better preserved than the Ordnance plan would imply. 
Cotton's plan (Archteologia, XXII, PI. XXIX) still gives u fair idea of the remains, 
though the outer wall has lost much of its height since 1826. Trencrom (p. 239), an 
irregular rocky summit defended more by nature than by art, cannot be classed with the 
regular, dry-walled Chun ; but it is likely enough that both date from the same period. 
As regards the remarks (p. 387) on Tempsford and Willington camps, it should be 
noted that Tempsford was the Danish base in 921, and, therefore, would be presumably 

[ 47 ] 



Nos. 25-26.] MAN. [1909. 

the larger work of the two ; Wellington is not mentioned in the " Chronicle," but 
Mr. Goddard's reasons (Saga Book of the Viking Club, Vol. Ill, Pt. Ill) for regarding 
it as an expeditionary camp of the same campaign are very convincing. " Caesar's 
Camp," Wimbledon, though mutilated, like many others, by the golfer, is not yet 
" destroyed by the modern builder." It may be questioned (p. 403) whether a stockade 
usually surmounted the outer bank beyond the fosse of a Norman motte ; at all events 
the Bayeux tapestry shows none in this position. As to the Danework (p. 510), 
reference should be made to the monograph by Sophus Miiller and Carl Neergaard, 
published by the Royal Society of Northern Antiquaries, Copenhagen (1903). One or 
two suggested etymologies must be left to the tender mercies of philologists ; but 
surely "botchers" (p. 247), the Buckinghamshire name for gypsies, is nothing but 
the equivalent of the Northern " tinkers." 

The text is amply illustrated by plans, and these, being the result of the author's 
own observation, add greatly to the value of the book. A. G. CHATER. 



ANTHROPOLOGICAL NOTES. 

THE fifth Congres Prehistorique de France will be held at Beauvais (Oise) from AIJ 
July 26-31. Excursions will be made to places of interest in the neighbour- fcO 
hood, including the Dolmens and Menhirs at Trie-Chateau, Boury and Serifontaine, to 
Caesar's Camp at Hermes, and to Compiegne and Mont-Sainte-Genevieve. A special 
prehistoric exhibition will also be organised. 

THE National Trust has an opportunity of purchasing White Barrow near Tilshead, 
Wilts, with some 2| acres adjacent, for 60, towards which sum the owner is willing 
to contribute 20. Subscriptions for the balance are invited. 

W T hite Barrow is one of the chief Long Barrows of Wiltshire. In the middle of 
the nineteenth century there were said to be sixty Long Barrows in the county, but 
many of these have suffered severely, and some have been entirely destroyed by misuse. 
The very fine Long Barrow at Winterbourne Stoke was much damaged a few years ago, 
in order that the materials of which it was composed might be used to fill up holes in 
a neighbouring training ground for racehorses. It is to make such misuse impossible 
that it is desired that White Barrow should be vested in the National Trust. The 
Barrow is 255 feet long, 156 feet wide, and 8 feet high. 

It is proposed that the vendor, Mrs. Cunningtou of Devizes, should reserve to 
herself and her husband for life the right to excavate the Barrow. Having regard to 
the long experience in such work which Mr. and Mrs. Cunnington have had, the 
National Trust has raised no objection to this proposal. It is, however, understood 
that, in the event of such excavation, anything of interest which may be found in the 
Barrow shall be offered to the county museum. 

The National Trust, which now owns many properties of historic, architectural, or 
geological interest or of great natural beauty, had not yet preserved any property of 
purely anthropological importance. It is hoped, therefore, that those who are interested 
in the study of anthropology will support the Trust in its effort to secure this Barrow. 

Cheques, &c., should be sent to Nigel Bond, Esq., the secretary of the National 
Trust, at 25, Victoria Street, Westminster, S.W. ; they should be made payable to the 
order of " The National Trust," anl crossed " National Provincial Bank of England." 

ERRATUM. 

In MAN, 1909, 3, in the table on p. 5 the horizontal line under the word 
*' Totems " should extend to the left as far as the vertical line between the words 
" Hamlets " and " Birds." As the table stands at present it is not clear that the birds 
mentioned are as much totems as the fish, snakes, and plants. C. G. S. 

Piiuted by EVKE AND SPOTTISWOODE, LTD., His Majesty's Printers, East Harding Street, K.C. 



fe 



PLATE D. 



MAN, 1909. 





FlG. I. FRAMEWORK OF HUT, NORTHERN TERRITORY. FlG. 2. COMPLETED HUT, NORTHERN TERRITORY. 





FlG. 3.- HTT FRAMEWORK. 



FIG. _|. Htrr OF CABBAGE-PALM LEAVES. 




FlG. 5. BARK SHELTER. 



FlG. 6. BARK SHELTER. 



AUSTRALIAN HUTS AND SHELTERS. 



1909,] MAN. [Nos, 27-28. 

ORIGINAL ARTICLES. 
Australia. With Plate D. Roth. 

Australian Huts and Shelters. By Walter E. Roth, Local Corre- 
spondent of the Royal Anthropological Institute. 

The huts illustrated in Figs. 13, PI. D, were originally designed for withstanding 
rain but are now devoted to indiscriminate uses. They are almost always constructed 
on a piece of high ground, any little hillock or mound, so as to insure the more rapid 
dispersal of the water. The framework is made of two naturally bent saplings fixed 
opposite to one another below, but locked in a fork on top ; logs rest against this 
arch on both sides, a somewhat larger intermediate space between two of these 
ultimately constituting the entrance. In the intervals in the framework are placed 
and intertwined some light bushes, the foliage downwards. These are followed by 
tussets of grass, and a coating of mud, and, last of all, another layer of bushes is 
added. The ground-space enclosed by the hut-wall is roughly circular in the smaller 
kinds, but somewhat elliptical in the larger. The level of the ground inside is not 
purposely lowered, although constant use and treading often give it the appearance of 
being so, but in huts designed especially for warmth and use in the winter months 
the floor space may be excavated to a depth of 18 inches. While the wooden troughs, 
bags, boomerangs, &c., of the occupants may be kept, when not in use, on the ground, 
inside or outside, it remains to be noted that all spears are always stuck vertically, 
with their butt-ends downwards, in the hut walls. 

Where the local "cabbage-palm" is plentiful, nothing can give more grateful 
shade than a hut, thatched with its leaves. Fig. 4 represents such a hut, from the 
hinterland of Princess Charlotte Bay. It was tenanted by the two wives of the 
leading man of the tribe. This cabbage-palm is of great economic value to the natives, 
as a very fine and strong fibre can be obtained from it. The picture also shows two 
domestic implements which are rapidly falling into disuse, a mallet and water-carrier. 
This type of mallet in shape resembles a cricket bat. It consists of an elongated flattened 
body, and a shorter circular handle, with the demarcation between them distinct. 
One of the principal uses to which it may be put is to break open the hard-shelled nuts 
of the screw palm. The bark water-carrier, at the right of the kneeling figure, is 
made from the gnarled excrescence on the butt of a certain species of gum-tree. Such 
a bulging knot, at suitable seasons of the year, is hacked around at the base ; a pointed 
stick is used to loosen its edges and its bark shell is thus bodily removed. The 
roughnesses within are scooped away by charring with fire and then scraping with 
shell or stone, while any cracks, splits, or holes are mended with a cement substance. 

To obtain shelter from the rain the most primitive artificial structure is a long 
sheet of bark bent mid-way and fixed at both ends into the sand (Fig. 5). An advance 
is the addition of some upright canes along one of the open sides, up against which 
foliage or more bark may be placed, the shelter thus developing from a temporary to 
a more permanent structure (Fig. 6). A very simple kind of wind-break is made of 
a sheet of bark fixed lengthways in the ground and propped up with two or more 
sticks. W. E. ROTH. 



England : Archaeology. Cunning-ton. 

On a Remarkable Feature in the Entrenchments of Knap Hill 
Camp, Wiltshire. By (Mrs.) M. E. Cunnington. 

Recent excavations (1908*) on the site of the small entrenchment known as Knap 
Hill Camp in Wiltshire revealed a feature which, if intentional, appears to be a method 
of defence hitherto unobserved in prehistoric fortifications in Britain. 

* The excavations were carried out by Mr. and Mrs. B. H. Cunnington, of Devizes, with the 
kind permission of landlord and tenant. 

[ 49 ] 



No. 28.] 



MAN. 



[1909. 



Knap Hill is a bold conical-shaped hill, one of the series of capes or promontories 
standing out on the edge of the chalk plateau that borders, to the north, the Vale of 
Pewsey. On the south side, overlooking the valley, the hill is very steep and descends 
in one continuous slope from the summit to the level of the valley below, and on this 
side there is no evidence of defence, except that afforded by the natural steepness of 
the hill. But round the other side, where the hill slopes more gradually back to the 
level of the Downs that spread out behind it, is an entrenchment consisting of a single 
rampart and ditch, and this forms what is known as Knap Hill Camp. 

The ditch has become silted up level, and there are six openings or gaps through 
the rampart. It was thought at first that, as often happens on ancient banks, some of 
these gaps were due to cattle tracks, or possibly had been made for agricultural purposes. 




PLAN OF KNAP HILL CAMP. 

There was, however, a certain regularity about them, and it was difficult to see why on 
such an isolated spot so many tracks should have been made. 

The difficulty of accounting satisfactorily for these breaks in the rampart and for 
the ridges corresponding to them that were noticeable on the surface of the silted-in 
ditch suggested excavation at these points, and thus led to the discovery of the 
remarkable features to which it is desired to draw attention. 

These excavations clearly showed that none of these gaps in the rampart are the 
result of wear or of any accidental circumstance, but that they are actually part of 
the original construction of the camp. The proof that the gaps are not the result of 
accident is that outside of, and corresponding to, each gap the ditch was never dug ; 
that is to say, a solid gangway or causeway of unexcavated ground has been left in 

[ 50 ] 



1909.] MAN. [No. 28. 

each case. Thus the entrenchment, consisting of the rampart and ditch, instead of 
being continuous, except for what might be deemed reasonable provision for ingress 
and egress, is broken up into short and irregular sections. 

The ditch of the main entrenchment is divided into seven sections. The unex- 
cavated ground forming the causeway between each section is of a uniform width of 
18 feet, although the length of the various sections of the ditch vary considerably. 
The first section, from the west, is 46 feet in length ; the second, 92 feet ; the third, 
121 feet; the fourth, 98 feet; the fifth, 98 feet; the sixth, 122 feet; the seventh, 
42 feet. 

The main entrenchment ends on the eastern side of the hill at the seventh section 
of the ditch ; this eastern side has been a good deal cut about by later settlers on the 
spot, and the rampart may originally have been carried further round the hill, but there 
never could have been a continuation of the ditch at this point. 

But some little distance further round the hill, where the hill juts out and forms a 
shoulder, the ditch begins again, and there is a noticeable rampart. From end to end 
the shoulder is only some 130 feet in length, yet even here the ditch is not continuous, 
but is divided into two sections with a causeway of unexcavated ground between them 
of the usual width of 18 feet. The two sections of the ditch measure respectively 
65 feet and 45 feet in length. 

Given. the need for an entrenchment at all, it seems at first sight inexplicable why 
these frequent openings should have been left, when apparently they so weaken the 
whole construction. 

It has been suggested, by way of explanation, that the work of fortification was 
never furnished, that the ditch was being dug and the rampart piled up by gangs of 
men working in sections, and that for some reason the work was abandoned before the 
various sections were completed, with the result now to be seen. 

There is, however, considerable evidence in favour of these causeways being an 
intentional feature of the original design of the camp. 

It is too improbable that on the isolated shoulder, as well as on the other side of 
the hill, the causeways should have been left accidentally as the result of an unfinished 
undertaking, and the position of the shoulder on the very steep side of the hill quite 
forbids the idea of an entrance there in any ordinary sense. 

In every case the causeways are cut at a slight skew to the corresponding gap in 
the rampart, so that standing on or just outside the causeway, only an oblique view can 
be obtained into the camp. A line drawn through the gaps and out across the 
causeways indicates on the plan in which direction in each case the skew lies. The 
uniform width of the causeways alone almost affords sufficient proof of design. 

The fact, also, that similar causeways have been noticed on several other sites, 
though not yet proved by excavation, strongly points to the conclusion that they were 
left for some definite purpose. It has been suggested that, as General Pitt-Rivers 
thought of the wide flanking ramparts at Winkelbury Camp (Excavations, II., 234), 
the causeways were intended in cases of emergency to admit a large number of cattle as 
rapidly as possible to the interior safety of the camp. But it would certainly be easier, 
and therefore quicker to drive a number of cattle through one or two wide openings 
than over half-a-dozen such narrow bridges as these. 

It is then impracticable to regard these breaks in the entrenchment as due to an 
unfinished undertaking, or as entrances in any ordinary sense, and the only other 
feasible theory seems to be that they had some distinct purpose in the scheme of 
defence ; that they were, indeed, a strengthening and not a weakening factor in this 
seemingly not very strongly defended place. 

The causeways may have been left as platforms from which to enfilade the ditch, 
the defenders being stationed upon them for this purpose. The distance from one 

[ 51 .1 



Nos. 28-29.] MAN. [1909, 

causeway to another is not greater than would be within reach of hand thrown missiles. 
Any determined attempt to scale the stockade Avith which the rampart was presumably 
strengthened could probably be more effectually prevented from the gangways than 
if the defenders were themselves shut up behind the stockade, or forced to come 
out from some more distant entrance at risk of having their retreat cut off. These 
causeways would be, in fact, sally ports admirably adapted for defence of the ditch. 
Even if the top of the rampart were not stockaded the same method of defence could 
have been adopted. A stockade or paling carried across each causeway on a line with 
the outside edge of the ditch would have served to shut out the enemy, and to protect 
the men standing on the causeways. The gaps in the rampart need not have been 
barricaded, but could have been left open to allow the defenders to pass readily to and 
fro as they were needed at different points. 

There is no sign of a beaten track leading to either of these causeways, but there 
is a much worn roadway leading to the eastern side of the hill, and it is thought 
probable that the main entrance to the camp was on this side to which the old road 
leads, but that the features of the actual entrance have been obliterated by the later 
people who are known to have lived on the spot. 

Flint flakes and rude pottery have been found on the floor of the ditch, and it is 
believed that the camp is of early date, that it belongs to the bronze, or even to the late 
neolithic period. 

The possible use which the gangways may have served is put forward with all 
diffidence, and any suggestion on the subject would be welcomed.* 

M. E. CUNNINGTON. 



Australia : Totemism. Lang 1 . 

Mr. Gason and Dieri Totemism. By A. Lang. OQ 

In Mr. Frazer's Totemism (1887, p. 74) we read, "In some Australian ** 
u tribes sons take their totem from their father and daughters from their mother." 
The totemism of the Dieri is then described briefly, and, " if a dog man marries a rat 
" woman, the sons of this marriage are dogs and the daughters are rats." A footnote 
says, " Letter of Mr. S. Gason to the present writer." 

The later researches of Mr. Howitt and the Rev. Mr. Siebert are understood I 
doubt not correctly to have demonstrated that Mr. Gason was wrong on this point. 
He was not a trained savant, he was merely an officer of police who was intimately 
acquainted with the Dieri before their present melancholy decline, and it is not denied, 
I think, that he knew their language. Thus it may be guessed that the unscientific 
policeman did not invent his account wholly without provocation or excuse. Can the 
cause of his error be found in this most important and rather neglected statement of 
Mr. Howitt ? "A step further " (in the great step from reckoning descent in the 
female to reckoning in the male line) " is when a man gives his totem name to his son, 
" who then has those of both mother and father. This has been done even in the Dieri 
" tribe. Such a practice leads directly to a change in the line of descent " (Howitt, 
Native Tribes of South-East Australia, p. 284). 

Mr. Howitt cites no authorities, and here mentions no tribes of female descent save 
"even the Dieri," in which this practice existed. He had, I think, hit on a most 
important fact he was the last man to record it without good evidence a fact 
showing how the change of line of descent would naturally arise. He does not tell us 
how the young man of two totem names behaved towards his two totems. Could he, 
as of his father's totem name, marry into his mother's phratry ? 

* It is hoped that a further exploration of the site will be found possible, and that a fuller 
account will appear later. 

[ 52 ] 



1909,] MAN. [Nos. 29-30. 

Probably not, but a continuance on this line would bring us to the state of affairs 
among the Warramunga and other northern tribes, who revere the maternal totem, 
and inherit property in the maternal line ; but, in the affairs of marria'ge, are of the 
paternal totem and exogamous division. 

It is most unfortunate that Mr. Howitt did not develop his knowledge of this 
matter. But if some Dieri sous proclaimed to Mr. Gason that they were of the paternal 
totem name " given " by the father while daughters were not, Mr. Gason's mistake 
is intelligible. 

Mr. Frazer quotes another case in which sons take the paternal, while girls take 
the maternal totem name, in the Ikala tribe, " at the head of the Great Australian 
Bight" (Journ. Anthr. Lift., XII, pp. 45, 509); in this case there are "certain 
exceptions." A. LANG. 



Africa: East. Crawford. 

The Kikuyu Medicine-Man. By J. W. W. Crawford, M.D. Oft 

One of the most interesting personages to be met with among the Akikuyu Ull 
is that of the medicine-man. In this tribe, as in many of the Bantu tribes of Africa, 
the medicine-man combines in himself the offices of prophet, priest and physician. 
He is therefore much in evidence in the religious and social life of this primitive 
people. He is frequently consulted, and his advice invariably is followed by his clients, 
so that in his life and work he exerts a powerful influence over the people, as he is 
supposed to be guided in his official acts by the Almighty. He is known to the 
Akikuyu by two names : 1st, Muraguri, which means fortune-teller or prophet ; 
2ndly, Mundu mugo, which includes the offices of priest and physician. 

The " Mundu mugo " is supposed to be called to this vocation by God, who 
appears to him in a vision, and asks him to become a medicine-man. The next 
morning he tells the people of his village of his dream, and at sundown he goes 
away into the woods, seemingly insane, and continues all night holding communion 
with " Ngai " (God). The following day he returns to his village and announces that 
he has been called by " Ngai " to be a medicine-man. 

He provides himself with a quantity of native beer and a he-goat, at the same 
time sending for another " Mundu mugo." This personage arrives on the scene 
equipped with his bag of medicines, and his " mwano," a calabash filled with small 
stones, bits of iron, beans, &c. With this " mwano " he professes to foretell future 
events. This is presented to the candidate for the office, and he is instructed to go 
to the river and gather more small stones to augment the outfit. The goat is then 
sacrificed, and a small piece of the skin is fastened round the neck of the calabash as 
a charm. The flesh of the goat is cooked and eaten by all in the village, and the 
beer drunk by the elders alone. 

The candidate is then instructed in the use of the " mwano," and the art of 
fortune-telling and prophecy. He is also shown how to compound medicines from 
native herbs, &c. He may himself add to this knowledge from time to time as his 
experience increases. He is now looked upon as a member of the profession and is 
often consulted. 

In his office of " Muraguri " he spreads the skin of a goat upon the ground, 
shakes up the stones in the gourd, and casts them out like dice, professing in this 
way to forecast future events. 

He may be consulted by a young warrior who is about to buy a wife, and his 
client will be guided by his advice. If goats or sheep die without an apparent cause 
he is consulted as to the reason. If a man is sick for a long time and does not 
respond to treatment the " Muraguri " casts the " mwano " to ascertain the cause. If 

[ 53 ] 



No. 30.] MAN. [1909. 

a friend is away for a long time the " Muraguri " is consulted as to his whereabouts, 
state of health, and the possible date of his return, &c. 

The client may wish to take a journey, so he goes to the " Muraguri " to find 
out the most suitable season. In fact, in every detail of life in which they need advice 
and guidance this important personage is consulted. The fee for these services is a 
small one, usually from two to three pice (equal to two or three farthings) or their 
equivalent in kind. 

A medicine-man may be consulted in ordinary cases of illness, and medicine be 
given at the time, but in every instance he collects his fee before he leaves the village. 
He is also called in to " guthiurura " (go round) a A'illage. By this is meant the driving 
away of all evil spirits which are supposed to hover near, and the bringing of good 
luck to the locality. 

If an owner of a village is afraid of thieves, sickness, witchcraft, or poison, the 
" Mundu mugo " is consulted. Or should he desire an increase of cattle, flocks, 
good crops, and children the medicine-man is summoned and the wishes of the 
elder explained to him. The " Mundu mugo " standing erect in the middle of the 
village elevates his bag of medicines, and looking towards the summit of the snow- 
capped mountain, Keuia, where God is supposed to dwell, and also to Mount 
Kinangop, which is likewise supposed to be a dwelling-place of " Ngai " (God), 
he prays that he may be given wisdom that his medicines may be used in overcoming 
the evils which exist in the village, and that good luck and prosperity may result. 
He then seats himself on his stool, and placing several pieces of dried banana bark 
before him on the ground, he puts medicine from his gourds upon each piece, the 
patient meanwhile sitting opposite to him. He then produces the horn of a goat, 
and, mixing the different medicines together upon the banana bark, pours the 
whole concoction into the goat's horn. The open end of the horn is sealed up 
with bees' wax, and the outside of the wax studded with beads. The small end 
of the horn is then pierced with a boring instrument, and through this hole a small 
native iron chain is introduced. This is given to his client to be worn around his 
neck as a charm, a means of warding off impending evils, and as an aid in bringing 
prosperity. 

The owner of the village now gives the medicine-man a ram or a he-goat, which 
he proceeds to march around the village and the gardens in the vicinity. When the 
circle is completed he returns to the village, and the animal is sacrificed, cooked, 
and eaten by all present. 

The " Mundu mugo " then collects his fee, which for this service may be two, 
three, or even four sheep, according to the ability of his client to pay and the 
professional standing of the medicine-man. 

Among the Akikuyu any sort ot ceremonial uncleauness, such as touching a dead 
body, eating the flesh of any wild bird, animal or fish, proscribed by tribal custom, 
handling poison, digging a grave, arson, or a sickness for which there seems no 
apparent cause, and a whole host of other things, is called " thahu." The man or 
woman thus defiled sends at once for the medicine-man and asks to be cleansed. The 
" Mundu mugo " thus solicited visits the patient at his village, and a sheep or goat 
is sacrificed at once. Taking his bag of medicines in his hands he lifts it above his 
head, and turning towards the mountains he invokes the assistance of " Ngai." The 
contents of the stomach and intestines of the animal that has been sacrificed are 
reserved and placed on banana leaves in a small hollow in the ground, prepared by 
the medicine-man. To this offal is added some medicine from the gourds. The 
" Mundu mugo " then collects a number of twigs from the thicket near the village ; 
these he ties in a bundle, like a small broom, and lays it beside the hole. The front 
foot of the sheep is removed at the knee joint and placed beside the twigs. These are 

[ 54 ] 



1909.] MAN. [No. 30. 

then dipped into the offal in the hollow of the ground, the patient opening his mouth 
that the twigs may be applied to his tongue. The order is pronounced, " Vomit ! " 
whereupon the person spits out. This process is repeated several times, while a long 
list of actions supposed to cause ceremonial uncleanness is repeated. When this is 
exhausted the sheep's foot is dipped into the offal and applied to the patient's tongue, 
and he again spits out several times. The twigs are then divided into two bundles and 
dipped again, the " Mundu mugo " and his patient standing up. Commencing at the 
top of his head, the medicine-man, with a bundle of twigs in his hand, rubs his patient's 
body all over, ending with the feet. When this is finished the medicine-man tells him 
that his " thahu " is expelled. 

Leaving his patient he now takes the twigs dipped in offal and enters each hut in 
the village in turn, and, proceeding to brush the walls with them, he pretends to sweep 
out the " thahu." 

Finally he collects the sheep's offal together and carries it away from the village 
into the thicket, at the same time saying, " I drive ' Thahu ' out of this village ! " 
On returning he again sits before his patient and requests him to stretch forth his 
hands, palms upward, and close together in the attitude of receiving. He pours out 
some white substance like chalk from one of his gourds and draws a line with it on 
the outstretched palms and on the patient's forehead, nose, throat, and abdomen ; 
afterwards drawing similar lines on his own body. Some of the contents of the 
medicine gourds are mixed in the palms, and the man is told to swallow it. The 
flesh of the sacrifice is then cooked and eaten by all except the patient himself ; 
if he were to eat any of the meat the uncleanness is supposed to return. 

The " Mundu mugo " now collects his fee, which may be either in money or in 
kind, and takes his departure. 

Witchcraft is said to be practised by agents of the evil spirits in human form, 
and misfortune, disease, and sometimes even death itself, are attributed to their evil 
influence. When witchcraft is suspected the medicine-man is called, and after the 
usual ceremony of prayer he pulls from his bag the horn of a wild animal (probably 
that of an antelope) which has been previously filled with medicines and sealed with 
bees' wax. With this horn in his hand he searches in and around the village, 
digging in the ground with it at the roots of trees, in the gardens, at the sides of 
the huts, &c. Finally he brings forward something which he pronounces to be the 
cause of the trouble. This may be some debris wrapped in leaves, or a piece of a 
human skull, the hairs of a man's head, or a piece of stick or stone surrounded with 
leaves. A sheep is then sacrificed and eaten, and the " Mundo mugo " makes some 
mysterious passes with his horn, and declares the spell of the witchcraft to be 
broken and the village purified. The fee for this service is a high one, generally 
two or three sheep. 

In many of these sacrifices bits of the skin of the animal sacrificed are cut off 
and worn upon the wrists as bracelet charms. 

As with many other African tribes the ordeal ceremony is practised to determine 
the guilt or innocence of a suspected party. For instance, a crime such as murder, 
theft, or arson has been committed, and the perpetrator is unknown. It may be that 
several suspected parties are arrested and brought before a council of elders with the 
local chief. The " Muudu mugo " is then asked to prepare a " muma " or ordeal 
and several tests may be applied. In minor cases the suspected party is asked to 
incise his leg with a knife until blood appears, and then to lap up his own blood 
from the wound with his tongue. If he is guilty he will die in a short time, if 
innocent nothing happens. 

Another test is to tell the suspected person to plunge his bare arm into a large 
pot of boiling water into which the "Mundu mugo" has poured medicine, and take 

[ 55 ] 



Nos. 30-32.] MAN. [1909. 

out an axe-head. If guilty, he will be badly scalded ; if innocent, he will not be 
injured. 

Yet another test is to heat a sword red-hot in the fire, putting medicine upon 
it, and telling the suspected person to lick it with his tongue. If innocent, the 
tongue will escape injury. 

A goat is sometimes sacrificed, and its blood retained in a banana leaf, to which 
the medicine-man applies medicine. The suspected one is told to lap up the blood, 
and if guilty he will shortly die, but if innocent he will escape. 

J. W. W. CRAWFORD. 



New Zealand. Edg > e-Parting > ton. 

Maori Forgeries. By J. Edge-Parting ton. Ql 

The frequent occurrence of forged ethnographical specimens, more especially Ul 
from New Zealand, turning up at sales in London, makes it necessary for collectors and 
others to examine with special care any specimens brought to their notice, more 
particularly as many of these have changed hands at very high prices. I have lately 
had a letter from Mr. Turnbull, of Wellington, New Zealand, warning me that a 
great number of extremely well-made forged greenstone Maori " antiquities " are in 
circulation in New Zealand, a very clever workman there making most of them ; the 
man has excellent patterns to work from, and his forgeries are very hard to detect. 
I was told in London by a dealer that some years ago a forger in Germany carried 
on a very lucrative business for over five years in carving both Tikis and Meris. One 
is naturally led to ask what has become of all these forgeries ? 

J. EDGE-PARTINGTON. 



REVIEWS. 
Magic. Thompson. 

Semitic Magic: Its Origins and Development. By R. Campbell Thompson, Qft 
M.A. London : Luzac & Co., 1908. Pp. Ixviii + 286. 24 x 16 cm. Price Ofc 
10s. 6d. net. 

Early Semitic magic makes, of course, its primary claim upon our attention because 
of the effects it has produced upon three great contemporary religions, but it makes a 
second and very important claim in respect of the influences it has undoubtedly 
exercised upon other magical systems. Eastern magicians and astrologers were busily 
plying their trades in Rome during the early years of the present era, and later, during 
the period when most of Europe was sunk in mediaeval darkness, Semitic peoples 
congregated in the Peninsula, scattered in groups elsewhere on the Continent kept 
alive the ancient learning, and with it much of the ancient magic. Of this magic some 
of the marks of which may still be traced, especially where demonology enters, filtered 
through to the peoples amongst whom these Semites dwelt. Then, again, there was 
the strong direct influence brought to bear upon the Christian nations in the Biblical 
descriptions of magical acts and processes, while probably there was always extended 
as there is yet extended a ready welcome to anything mystical arriving from the East. 
Eastward even in early times the great trade routes must have carried the Semitic 
magic, and we may yet find even in the Far East customs which hint at, at least, a 
contact with it. Mr. Thompson's book, therefore, is a welcome addition to the scientific 
studies of magic, not alone because of its direct application to Biblical studies and to 
studies of Semitic magic in its proper homes, but because also of the light it may, in 
the hands of competent students, help to shed upon the origins of, or influences involved 
in, various European, Indian, and Far Eastern magical practices. 

The book concerns itself principally with the ancient Mesopotamian magic, as 
recorded upon the clay tablets of some 3,000 years or less ago, with which the author 

[ 56 ] 



1909.] MAN. [No, 32. 

compares, for illustration and explanation, comparatively recent, or modern, Semitic 
practices recorded by others or by himself. At the period, remote from us as it 
is, at which these tablets were written, magic had, of course, in common with other 
arts, advanced very far beyond the savage stage, so that it is only by analogy that 
we may trust to find here the ultimate origins of the practices to which the tablets refer. 
As the author says in his preface : " The parallels afforded by Aryan and Hamitic 
" nations show how close are the grooves in which savage ideas run, and that the 
" principles of magic are, broadly speaking, coincident in each separate nation, and yet 
" as far as we know of independent invention." It is, therefore, rather the particular 
developments of Semitic magic, and the influences of those developments upon later 
magic (including the magic described in the Bible), in which we should interest 
ourselves. 

The most important features of Mr. Thompson's work are his study of tabu as 
revealed in the tablets, and the deductions to which his study of the evil spirits 
mentioned in them have led him. His deductions, briefly stated, are as follows : 
(1) All evil spirits could inflict bodily hurt on man. (2) Offspring, either semi-divine 
or semi-demoniac, could be born of intermarriage between spirits and human beings. 
(3) From this belief arose the tabu on certain sexual functions. The contaminated 
person was segregated (according to the author's theory) because of the fear of the 
jealousy of the marriageable demons which were supposed to be near or present during 
the period of the functions. (4) A person having unconsciously broken some tabu, 
would fall sick from the attack of a resentful spirit. The priest then exorcised the 
demon by transferring its influence from the patient to some other body. (5) This is 
the basis of the atonement principle. Having brought the demoniac influence into a 
wax figure or a slaughtered kid, for example, the priest destroyed it. Later, the most 
probable theory is, the original idea of the slaughtered kid became merged in that of the 
ordinary sacrifice representing a common meal with the god, and the carcase of the k d 
then became a "sin offering" instead of a receptacle for the exorcised demoniac 
influence. (6) The principle of substitution for the firstborn apparently originated in 
cannibal feasts amongst primitive and savage Semites ; with milder natural conditions 
and a rise in culture it became natural to substitute a beast for a tribesman at the tribal 
cannibal feast. 

These deductions are worked out in five chapters, to which is prefixed a long 
introduction giving a general description of the tablets and the series in which they 
occur, extracts from a number of the tablets, general remarks as to the components of 
the ceremonies and concerning the purposes to which the magic was applied, and some 
information as to the priests and sorcerers by whom the ceremonies were performed. 
These latter were of three varieties : seers, a kind of wizard who repeated incantations 
and performed exorcisms, and " chanters " of the ceremonials allotted to them. A minor 
point of interest is that the medical texts often contain short incantations for aiding 
the effect of prescriptions of drugs or herbs, "for the Babylonian medicine-man was 
" but a witch-doctor with a herbalist's knowledge of simples combined with an 
" ingenuous belief in abracadabra." Another is the manner in which the book illustrates 
the modern survivals, it may be in professional magic, it may be in folk-magic, of many 
of the minor conceptions (as distinguished from the greater concerned with the 
spirits and their natures) of the magicians of twenty-five or thirty centuries ago. 

The first chapter deals with the various spirits, numerous in variety, by which 
diseases or other misfortunes may be caused. " The ideas which are still current show 
" us that the more ancient forms of hobgoblins, vampires, spooks, and devils exist 
" under various titles with the several attributes that were assigned to them by the 
" Babylonians, who cultivated one of the most elaborate and intricate systems of 
" ancient magic that we know." With these premises the author, by means of more 

[ 57 ] 



Ncs. 32-33.] MAN. [1909. 

or less modern folklore, endeavours to determine the natures of the many spirits 
mentioned in the incantations upon the tablets. Disembodied spirits, the unquiet 
ghosts of persons who have died in various circumstances ; purely supernatural beings, 
such as the many devils who haunt unclean places or waste areas, and the devils who 
afflict children in particular or pregnant women, or kindly, guarding spirits ; and semi- 
human, semi-supernatural spirits, which form the basis of certain of the author's theories 
concerned with tabu, are in their modern forms compared and identified by him with 
the spirits of the incantations. As is so often the case elsewhere, certain diseases 
were personified ; thus, " Fever " and Headache, amongst others, were quoted in the 
tablets as demons coming from the underworld. 

Next tabu is discussed. " Hundreds of tablets . . . have been made available 
" to scholars . . . they represent a series of beliefs probably far more ancient than 
" the epoch at which the tablets which we now possess were actually written 
" it is in the arcana of exorcisms and magical invocations that we may hope to find 
" material to explain some of the more difficult questions of the tabus of uncleanness 
"... besides the tabus on the dead, the uncleanness that rests with all sexual 
" functions was most marked." The cuneiform tablets vouch for the tabu of a corpse 
among the Assyrians : " To look upon a dead body demanded a purifying ceremony, 
" and if a wizard laid the waxen effigy of a man near a corpse subsequent evil was sure 
" to attack the victim." Crimes, such as murder, adultery, and theft, or the stirring 
up of strife were considered tabu. 

The third chapter deals with sympathetic magic, and shows principally how there 
obtained amongst the ancient Semites the usual beliefs as to the substitution of a part 
for the whole, or of an image for a victim or a patient, with subsequent injurious or 
curative treatment. In the fourth chapter the author presents his theory as to the origin 
of the atonement sacrifice amongst the Semites, tracing it to " a primitive system of 
" providing a substitute victim [as distinct from the primitive redemption of the first- 
" born] for the devil whose connection with the man has brought down a tabu . . . 
" This ... is emphasised by the study of the Assyrian exorcisms ; that the 
" disease demon must be gently or forcibly persuaded to leave the human body to 
" enter the dead animal or wax figure which is placed near and so be brought into 
" subjection." 

In the last chapter the author attempts to trace the origin of the custom of the 
redemption of the firstborn, rejecting the theories that the custom originated in a 
sacrifice of a nature to avoid future dangers, or in the idea that the firstborn was of 
supernatural parentage, and deciding that, as stated above, it probably originated in 
their sharing, by a primitive and savage people wandering in a harsh and barren land, 
of their cannibalistic feasts with their deities. The book concludes with an appendix 
devoted mostly to a study of the tabus mentioned in the tablets, a list of Biblical 
quotations, and an excellent index. W. L. H. 



Anthropology. British Museum. 

Guide to the Specimens illustrating the Races of Mankind (Anthropology) Ofl 
exhibited in the Department of Zoology, British Museum (Natural History). UU 
London, 1908. Pp. 31. 21 X 14 cm. Price 4</. 

The writer of this guide has adhered to the conservative classification of mankind 
as Caucasian or White Races, Mongolian or Yellow Races, and Negro or Black Races. 
For the purposes of a short and popular book this course is probably the most 
appropriate, provided always that the necessary reservations are clearly indicated. It 
is a shock, however, to find in the Contents the native Australians and the Hamites. 
amongst others, appearing without qualification as members of the " Caucasian or White 

[ 58 ] 



1909.] MAN. [Nos. 33-34. 

Races." The point may seem a small one, but it is characteristic of the book. It is 
a guide in a hurry. 

The strict anthropologist may be content to find practically no reference to man's 
relationship to the apes, though it is arguable that the evolutionist owes a duty to 
his ancestors. It is a meagre crumb of comfort to learn that there is a case in the 
gallery in which are " exhibited many of the structural differences distinguishing the 
" man-like apes from man himself." No bishop could be more discreet. 

The criteria of race are in the main left for the reader to glean from the text, and 
it is probable that such an expression as the "elliptical hair" (of the Tasmanians) will 
not be fully appreciated. 

The inset section headings, which alone indicate the sub-divisions of the subject- 
matter, are in the same type throughout, so that the " Aryans," the " Semitic group," 
the " Toalas," the " Polynesians," the " Maoris," and others, appear as of equal rank, 
and their subordination to the author's " Caucasian or White Races " is not suggested 

oD 

by any variation of type. Again, although all other section-headings indicate racial 
divisions, in one case the Aryan obsession has prevailed, only to be discredited, though 
by no means completely exorcised, in the text. It may be noted that the Berbers are 
called upon to figure in this non-racial racial section. In this connection also, a logical 
deduction from the author's statements is, that not only the Dravidians and the Veddas, 
but probably also the Ainus, the Maoutzi, the Australian natives, and the Polynesians, 
are "Aryans." The reader is left in uncertainty as to the real position of the Bisharin, 
since they appear both as Semites and Hamites within the space of a few lines. 

It may be mentioned that the Guide appears to be, in the main, a reprint of the 
labels in the museum cases, with the intercalation of some recent theories on racial 
origins and relationships. 

The plates are of considerable interest, and worth preserving. H. S. H. 



Totemism. Van Gennep. 

Totemisme et Methode comparative. Par A. van Gennep. From the Revue O J 
de VHistoire des Religions. Paris, Leroux, 1908. Pp. 44. 26 x 17 cm. UT 

M. A. van Gennep's brochure of forty-four pages consists of a polemic against 
M. Toutain, M. Renel, M. Amelineau, and others, who have written on Egyptian 
religion and on Roman ensigns in connection with totemism ; and a statement 
of the differences between the " comparative " and the " historical " methods of 
enquiry into totems and tabus. Unfortunately I have not read the book of M. Renel 
(Cultes militaires de Rome, tome I, 1903). 

The essay of M. Toutain on the book of M. Renel is in L'Histoire des Religions 
(1908, pp. 333-354). M. Toutaiu is rather adverse to the totemic theory as a key- 
to peculiarities in Egyptian and classical religion : nor can it be denied that the key 
becomes a crowbar, or "jemmy," in the hands of some enthusiasts. But, as M. van 
Gennep argues, there are more sober students, and there is more in totemism than 
M. Toutain is inclined to allow. 

M. van Gennep complains that M. Renel has not defined totemism ; has not (as I 
understand) allowed for the advance in knowledge since the appearance of Mr. Frazer's 
pioneer work, Totemism (1887) ; and that M. Renel assumes that totemism has been 
proved for ancient Egypt, and modern Europe, and has identified toteraism with some 
isolated practices, such as " the cult of standards." As a matter of fact neithei 
Greek, Celtic, Italian, Egyptian, Semitic, nor Arab totemism is historically demon- 
strated. Here I, for one, agree with M. van Gennep, but I do think that the theory 
of a very remote past of totemism, far behind "Early Minoan," best explains certain 
features in the religions, or rather myths, of the ancient peoples mentioned, while I 



Nos, 34-35.] MAN. [1909. 

conceive that many theorists have overrun the scent, as when Orpheus is recognised 
for a " sex totem " of the Thracians ! 

The complaint is that M. Renel, M. G. Reinach, M. Amelineau (for Egypt), and 
others, "have found out Mr. Frazer's book of 1887," and have "used the facts as they 
" use historic documents." By " historic documents " I mean inscriptions, charters, 
contemporary correspondence, and so forth. In prehistoric times, and among savages, 
these are not to be found ; we must make the most of what we have, and, unlike the 
savants censured, must keep abreast of discoveries in custom and tradition ; and it is 
absolutely essential, as M. van Gennep insists, that we should employ a definite 
terminology; not tossing about "clan," "tribe," and "family" at random ; nor using 
" totem " for dozens of things perfectly different and distinct ; for " clan masks," gods, 
the familiar of each individual, and so forth. The word " clan " ought not to be used 
at all in matters totemic, and " totem " ought not to be used for enseigne protectrice. 
The Napoleonic eagles were not totems ! M. Loret and M. Amelineau are criticised 
for making confusions ; for speaking of what the Euahlayi call the yunbeai of the 
individual, as if it were the same thing as the dhe of the totem-kin. I can agree 
almost wholly with M. van Gennep's " Four Principles of Totemism," but scarcely 
with the second, " the belief is expressed in the religious life by positive rites," for 
I am not aware of positive religious totemic rites among most of the South-East 
Australian and North American tribes whose totemism seems to me most normal. 
With M. van Gennep I recognise that such terms as sibokisme and sulaisme would 
be useful, and all other sciences have what a Scottish critic of psychology calls their 
"jargon." To say "jargon" is to be very popular, yet even games have their techni- 
cal terms. M. van Geonep proposes an international congress to settle the tenns. 
Meanwhile each writer might explicitly define the meaning which he attaches to the 
terms he employs ; say, in the study of Australian marriage, the word " class." 

M. van Genuep applauds Mr. Hartland's valuable paper (Folk-Lore, Vol. XI 
pp. 22-37), and thinks that it would have been useful to M. Amelineau, in his 
Prolegomenes a I' Etude de la Religion egyptienne (1908). 

That totemism is "primitive" no one can really maintain, as M. van Gennep 
insists, but among some tribes it exists without ancestor worship, and appears to be 
earlier. The word " primitive " might as well be expunged from the scientific 
vocabulary. M. van Gennep also stigmatises the vague way in which the word 
" tabou '' is used. I must differ from M. van Gennep when he says, " Totemism seems 
" to have for its aim, at least in some groupements, the restriction of the depopulation 
" of animals and vegetables." He appears to refer to the Arunta " close-time," by 
which, as I understand, the members of each totem-group decide when the " season " 
for each plant or animal opens. This appears to me to be a late utilisation of totemic 
ideas, not the original but du totemisme. But M. van Gennep may not mean to 
assert' anything about the original aim of totemism, he has no theory of the origin 
of totemism, and he can have no theory of its aim. A. LANG. 



Religion. Hall. 

The Inward Light. By H. Fielding Hall. London : Macmillan, 1908. QC 
Pp. viii + 252. 23 x 14 cm. Price 10*. 03 

I have had this book by me for a long while, because I have felt some delicacy 
in saying of it what I think ought to be said. It seems to me to be a particularly 
dangerous book and likely to remain popular. I have^ therefore, read it carefully from 
end to end to see what is actually in it. 

It is apparently intended to be the climax of a series of books by the author on 
the same subject, the inner religion of the modern Burmese Buddhist, seemingly, in the 
writer's opinion, the highest form of religion in existence. It is obviously intended to 

[ 60 ] 



1909.] MAN. [Nos. 35-36. 

be a philosophical work. " It is to explain and illustrate really what Buddhism is that 
" I have written this book." But I do not think it should be too clearly stated by a 
critic with experience of things Oriental that it does nothing of the kind. It is, in 
plain fact, a presentation, in modern western language and in modern western garb, of the 
philosophy of the Indian Vedanta, which is not Buddhist, though no doubt a good deal 
of that philosophy has been absorbed by the inmates of Buddhist monasteries in Burma. 
The doctrines of the Vedanta are presented in this book as if they were something 
newly discovered in the philosophy of the East, and admirable beyond those of any 
philosophy that the West has thought out. Perhaps that would not matter much, 
were it not for the beautiful and seductive language in which the book is written. 

It is herein that the danger lies. It is a highly poetical book, couched in language 
throughout eminently calculated to captivate the mind and render it uncritical and yet 
it is misleading from cover to cover. The author is a born poet and a past master in 
poetical expression a man with whom the forms and sounds of words are an obsession. 
The poetry in him the mere love of picturesque description always carries him away 
and makes him incapable of correctly stating what he observes or learns. He is never 
more wrong than in his allusions to the mental attitude of the West, whence he is 
derived. A most charming guide, but withal a most dangerous one. 

I wish to give Mr. Hall all the credit I can. To anyone desiring to pass some 
pleasant hours in company with imagery of wonderful beauty, and to give himself up 
for a while to fairyland to be enthralled with scene after scene of surpassing loveliness, 
I strongly recommend this book ; and I would specially draw such an one's attention to 
pages 91-2 and 165-8 as well worth reading and thinking over. But if the reader of 
these alluring and often exquisite pages rises up from the perusal with the idea that 
he has thereby learnt anything that is not as old as the hills or anything of the real 
Buddhism or the real Burman, I can assure him that he will be entirely mistaken, and 
have done himself a mental injury. 

The book is, indeed, an appeal to the imagination and not to the reason, and 
for practical purposes quite valueless. R. C. TEMPLE. 



Fiji. Thomson. 

The Fijians : A Study of the Decay of Custom. By Basil Thomson. O Q 
London : Heinemann, 1908. Pp. xx + 396. 23 X 15 cm. Price 10*. UU 

No one can read this study of the Fijians without reflecting how different would 
have been the history the often shameful history of conquered native races, had 
their administrators possessed the sympathy, insight, and, above all, the anthropological 
knowledge of Mr. Basil Thomson. For the best-intentioned efforts, if not guided by 
this knowledge, may have an unexpected effect and produce conditions far worse than 
those they strive to ameliorate. In Fiji, for example, the missionaries' endeavours to 
inculcate " family life " on the English plan produced a surprising result. The ill- 
advised work of the early missions in abolishing the mbure-ni-sa (unmarried man's 
house) has ended in moral laxities practically unknown in heathen times, in a far higher 
birth-rate and an enormous increase in infant mortality, which is having a disastrous 
influence on the future of the race. Even church festivals and school treats of the most 
innocent intention have results other than were anticipated. And in government the 
mistakes made are no less serious*; an attempt to understand native laws and customs 
would save years of conflict and perhaps hundreds of lives. 

Mr. Thomson's indictment of our method of dealing with native races is severe : 
" We do not, as a rule, come to native races with the authority of conquerors ; we 
" saunter into their country and annex it ; we break down their customs, but do not 
" force them to adopt ours ; we teach them the precepts of Christianity, and in the 
'* same breath assure them that instead of physical punishment by disease which they 

[ 61 ] 



Nos. 36-37,] MAN. [1909. 

" used to fear, their disobedience will be visited by eternal punishment after death a 
" contingency too remote to have any terrors for them ; and then we leave them, like 
" a ship with a broken tiller, free to go whithersoever the wind of fancy drives them, 
" and it is not surprising that they prefer the easy vices of civilisation to its more 
" difficult virtues. In civilising a native race the suaviter in mode is a more dangerous 
" process than the fortiter in re." 

Nevertheless, for those who lament the gradual extermination that seems inevitable 
when the " progressives " invade the lands of the " stagnant " peoples, it is reassuring 
to read the author's belief " that in the centuries to come there will be representatives 
" even of the smallest races now living on the earth, and that the proportions between 
" civilised and what are now uncivilised peoples will not have greatly altered." But 
since the political and social ideas which underlie Western civilisation will then have 
permeated the whole of mankind, such a book as this under review, being a study in 
detail of a "stagnant" people is of the greater value, and the Fijians, owing to their 
isolation, are peculiarly well fitted for such a study. 

Thus we turn confidently to the index to direct us to points of social interest. 
But in vain. Childhood, Infancy, Kinship, Mother-right, Father-right (or Agnatic and 
Uterine descent, which are the terms used in the text) are all omitted, although, owing 
to a chance comparison in the introduction, Essomeric, de Bethencourt, Pocahontas, 
the Eskimo, and the Copts are given a line apiece. Only one reference to Tabu is 
given, although it is mentioned more than twenty times in the first 200 pages ; and 
even with such a conspicuous entry as the Strangling of Widows only one reference 
is given, on p. 132, and the ten earlier references are ignored. On the other hand, 
Yaws, which is described on pp. 270-6, is accorded five lines of indexing. 

The table of contents forms a fairer view of the value of the book. The first 
chapters deal with the Transition, the Ages of Myth and of History, the Constitution 
of Society, Warfare, Cannibalism, Religion, Polygamy, Family Life, and the Marriage 
System. These titles speak for themselves, and when to an intimate knowledge of the 
subject is added the direct simplicity and charm of style, together with touches of 
humour with which readers of Mr. Thomson's earlier works are familiar, the result is 
a book containing much information produced in a most delightful form. 

The account of the kinship system is somewhat disappointing, as the author seems 
to have confined his attention to one form, and writes of that alone as if no others 
existed, although Dr. W. H. R. Rivers (see Nature, August 27th, 1908) found in the 
interior of Viti Levu " an entirely new system of kinship of the most complicated and 
" interesting kind, and quite different from the system previously recorded as the Fijian 
" system." Mr. Basil Thomson had the advantages of lengthy residence, daily inter- 
course with the natives, and all the facilities granted to official status : Dr. Rivers 
was in Fiji for less than a month. Do the latest methods of anthropological research 
need further vindication ? 

Later chapters are devoted to various customs, prevalent diseases, native character 
and capabilities, and after separate notices of games, food, yankona (kava), tobacco, 
and a most interesting chapter on land tenure, the book ends with conclusions, in 
which the new is compared with the old, and the transition period is shown to 
combine in many ways the evils of both. A. H. Q. 



Trade. Roth. 

Trading in Early Days. By H. Ling Roth. Halifax, Yorks, 1908. 
Pp. 45. 21 x 14 cm. Price 1*. 

Mr. H. Ling Roth, Honorary Curator of the Bankfield Museum, Halifax, has 
issued, as one of his Museum Notes, a lecture on the Early History of Trading. He 
suggests that the earliest form of inter-tribal commerce is to be found in the custom 

[ 62 ] 



1909.] MAN. [Nos. 37-38. 

of presenting articles in the hope of receiving an equivalent. This view is illustrated 
by the customs of the Andamanese, and by the Yutchin which prevails among the 
natives of South-east Australia. Following this comes a second transitional stage, 
when it was recognised that exchange must be adopted as a substitute for force, this 
being due to the developing regard for human life. In this connection he describes 
the intertribal relations of the aborigines of Queensland, who use message sticks ; 
and of the natives of the shores of the Gulf of Papua and British Guiana. Passing 
from these various forms of inter-tribal trade, he describes the beginnings of exchange 
with strangers, which leads to the use of an elementary form of currency, such as 
hanks of wool, bars of salt, and shell money. Another development is the habit of 
silent trade, prevailing, as Herodotus states, among the Carthaginians in Libya, and 
in more modern times among the races of the Niger Delta and other parts of Western 
Africa. Analogous to this are hidden negotiations or dumb barter, first noticed by 
Cassar Frederick in Pegu. This leads to a review of early forms of transport and 
of the more elementary kinds of maps. Markets, he believes, generally begin with 
tribal meetings for the performance of religious rites. He next discusses the more 
primitive varieties of notation, and the rise of commercial integrity. This is followed 
by an account of the earliest media of exchange, and by a description of the most 
primitive coins. Finally, he discusses the evolution of the system of credit. It will 
be seen from this summary that Mr. Ling Roth covers an exceedingly wide field 
within the limits of a single lecture. The only criticism that I would be inclined 
to make is that the subject, as a whole, is too extensive for summary treatment ; 
and that he would be well advised to extend this review into a more comprehensive 
treatment of the question. As it stands, however, the lecture is interesting and 
suggestive, and it is illustrated throughout by photographs and drawings of specimens 
from the collections under his charge. W. CROOKE. 



Africa : Congo. Starr. 

A Bibliography oj Congo Languages. By Frederick Starr. University of QQ 
Chicago, Department of Anthropology, Bulletin V. Chicago, 1908. Pp. 97. 00 
24 x 17 cm. 

The laborious task of preparing a bibliography of any sort is one from which the 
majority of mankind shrinks, and yet bibliographies are perhaps more needed just now 
by students of anthropology than any other class of literature ; at present the young 
science is, as far as its material is concerned, in a very disjointed condition, and the 
amount of research in literature of every sort which must be undertaken by the student 
who wishes to generalise on any particular subject can be realised only by him who 
has made the attempt. Next to personal experience, or even before it for the induc- 
tive writer, the greatest part of knowledge is knowledge of the bookshelf, and every 
bibliography marks a definite step in progress. 

The task so ably performed by Mr. Starr, a compilation of a bibliography of 
Congo languages, was no easy one, as may be gathered from the following passage 
taken from his introduction : " The only significant list heretofore printed is the 
" section ' Linguistique ' in Wauter's general Bibliography of the Congo. That list 
" is the foundation upon which the present catalogue has been built. The only other 
" sources from which any serious amount of material has been secured are the 
" various bibliographic lists of the British Museum and the catalogue of the British 
" and Foreign Bible Society and the Society for Promoting Christian Knowledge. All 
" these together have, perhaps, yielded less than one-half the titles here presented." 
The collection of the larger half of entries was a matter of peculiar difficulty, owing to 
the fact that many works of great value are the produce of local presses established 
by various missions in the Congo Free State, and are very difficult to procure. 

[ G3 ] 



Nos. 38-39.] 



MAN. 



[1909. 



It is easily gathered from the introduction that many of this class of philological 
publications would have escaped the compiler but for the fact that his travels in the 
State brought him in contact with them. In some cases the missions seemed anxious 
to hide their light under a bushel, and, with regard to one active mission press, 
" Neither letters to the mission nor hours of search in Brussels have enabled us to 
" secure copies of its publications or information regarding them." 

It is interesting to note one particular class of work, which is more numerous 
than may be supposed and which the compiler confesses may not be fully represented, 
viz., those books of local production written by Africans for Africans, consisting chiefly 
of manuscripts in Swahili written in Arabic character. Closely akin to these is an 
interesting Guide to Swahili, printed in the Gujerati character, which is the direct 
outcome of the contact between Hindu and Swahili. 

However useful and interesting bibliographies may be, it must be confessed that 
there is something very unattractive about the appearance of their pages, but the 
present work is an exception. Professor Starr has hit upon the very happy idea of 
incorporating in the text small portraits of the authors of three or more items in the 
list. These portraits, twenty-five in number, are supplemented by a number of plates, 
mainly reproductions of the title-pages of early works, and an excellent portrait of 
Robert Needham Gust as frontispiece. 

The items are arranged in the alphabetical order of the authors' names, and there 
are two indices, one of the dialects represented, and a second of the presses. The 
unexpected size of this bibliography and the number of the illustrations show the care 
which Professor Starr has expended on its preparation. He has added greatly to the 
obligation under which his previous work has laid anthropology. T. A. J. 

Teneriffe : Craniology. von Behr. 

Metrische Studien an 152 Guanchenschddeln. Von Detloff v. Behr. 



39 



Stuttgart : Stucker und Schroder, 1908. Pp. 83. 28 x 17 cm. 

This paper contains detailed measurements of eighty-three male, forty-four female, 
arid fourteen children's skulls from caves in the island of Teneriffe, which must therefore 
be dated prior to the conversion of the islanders in 1496. 

By means of seriatiou diagrams the various indices of the Guanche skulls are 
compared with those of a series of Spanish skulls dating from the early metal period 
and with the early Egyptian series described by Thomson and Maclver in the Ancient 
Races of Thebaid. The author finds some resemblance between the Guanche and 
the Spanish series, but not between the Gaunche and tho Egyptian. The paper 
gives no tables of average dimensions or indices and makes no reference to previous 
workers in the same field, and is important only from the complete list of measurements 
it contains. To render these more immediately accessible for purposes of comparison 
with other groups the following averages have been calculated by the reviewer : 





AVERAGE INDICES. 


MALE. 


FEMALE. 






Length-Breadth - - 


77-3 


78-9 






Length-Height 


70-6 


72-2 






Breadth-Height - 


91-4 


91-3 






Upper Facial (Kollmann) 


62-0 


52-8 






Orbital - ... 


82-6 


84-2 






Nasal - - 


46-4 


47-4 





These agree very closely with the averages of previous observers, but the additional 
numbers will reduce the probable error materially. F. S. 

Printed by EYRE AND SPOTTiswooDE, LTD., His Majesty's Printers, East Harding Street, E.G. 



PLATE E. 



MAN, 1909. 





1 2 3 A 5 CM. 

I..MI I < I I 1 1 I I 






FIG. i. 



FIG. 2. 



FIG. 3- 



FIG. 4. 




FIG. 5. FIG. 6. FIG. 7. 

STEATITE FIGURES FROM SIERRA LEONE. 



1909.] MAN. [No. 40. 

ORIGINAL ARTICLES. 

Africa, West. With Plate E. Joyce. 

Steatite Figures from Sierra Leone. By T. A. Joyce, M.A. if) 

In MAN, 1905, 57, I described a small series of these interesting sculptures, U 
and gave such information concerning them as I had been able to collect through the 
kindness of various correspondents in West Africa. In that note reference was made 
to a paper by Professor Riitimeyer, of Basel, who was the first to publish anything 
concerning these nomori. Shortly after the appearance of my note the British Museum 
was fortunate enough to acquire from Lieutenant Boddy a long series of some 
forty specimens, perfect and fragmentary, which he had collected on the spot and of 
which some exhibit new characteristics. Still later a few other specimens have been 
added to the National Collection, the most recent series being the gift of Major Anderson, 
District Commissioner, Makondo Central District, who also was able to furnish some 
new and interesting information. Fresh details concerning these figures also reached 
me in 1906 through the courtesy of the Rev. A. E. Greensmith, of Bo, Sierra Leone. 
Quite recently Professor Riitimeyer has described and figured in the Internationales 
Archiv fur Ethnographic, Bd. XVIII, p. 167, a second collection which he has 
obtained, and has incorporated in his article further information, much of which he 
obtained from Mr. Greensmith, and is therefore similar to that which the latter 
gentleman was kind enough to send me. 

It may be worth while, since Professor Riitimeyer has published his results to 
date, to place on record the more important specimens which have reached this 
country. Many of the latter are similar in type to some already figured (notably 
Figs. 4 and 5 in Riitimeyer's first article, Fig. 7 in his second, and Fig. 1, a and rf, in 
my note in MAN), and some appear to have been carved by unskilful hands in quite 
recent times, and the artist has not always been able to free himself from the 
conventions of the present-day art of wood-carving. A few of the most interesting 
are shown on Plate E. 

Fig. 1 represents a man in a standing position, with hands on either side of a 
very finely-developed chest (though it may be that the figure is represented as carrying 
some rounded object pressed close to the body). A number of lines drawn horizon- 
tally from the ear to the mouth represent tatu similar to that of the figure illustrated 
in MAN, 1905, PI. G. The top of the head is cut off flat and a wide conical hole is 
bored vertically in the "crown" to a depth of 2*3 cm. The carving, with the exception 
of the legs, is very good. Height of figure, 13 '4 cm. (Boddy Collection.) 

Fig. 2 is interesting, chiefly owing to the fact that, though considerably weathered, 
it exhibits in the features of the face and method of hair-dress, many of the charac- 
teristics of present-day wood-carving. It represents the head and bust of a Avoman, 
the arms lacking, the hair is dressed in a crest running from forehead to nape of neck, 
two plain vertical bands in relief from temple to angle of jaw in front of each ear 
represent tatu, and a large necklace of spherical beads is shown in relief encircling the 
neck. The whole surface, except the face, is ornamented with incised lines grouped 
to form triangles. Height of figure, 14 '7 cm. (Boddy Collection.) 

Fig. 3 is a fragment, representing the head and shoulders of a man ; the arms, 
one of which is broken, are raised, and the hands laid flat upon the cheeks, as Fig. 6 
of Riitimeyer's second article ; the hair is trimmed in a circular fringe of braids with 
a tonsure on the crown ; and a short beard follows the line of the chin. Height of 
fragment, 8-8 cm. (Duke Collection.) 

Fig. 4 is in some ways the most interesting of this series ; it represents a bearded 
male figure with a kind of turban on his head, bearing in his right hand a spear, in his 

[ 65 ] 




No, 40.] MAN. [1909. 

left a circular shield, and surrounded by six diminutive figures of varying heights. A 
somewhat similar figure (not illustrated) forms part of the same collection ; viz., a man 
with spear, and circular shield which he rests upon the head of a diminutive figure ; 
the latter, which is very rudely carved, is cut free from the larger figure. Fig. 4 is 
perhaps the most weathered of the whole collection ; the surface is quite black and 
very smooth. The circular form of the shield is very interesting as it is extremely rare 
amongst negro tribes. Height of figure, 17 '8 cm. (Boddy Collection.) 

Fig. 5 represents a woman with pendant breasts standing and holding a staff in 
her right hand. In her head, the hair on which is shaved in patterns, is a vertical 
hole 2 '8 cm. deep. Vertically down her body, above and below the navel, is a band 
of guilloche pattern in relief, representing tatu somewhat similar to that on the body of 
the figure illustrated in MAN, 1905, PI. G. Height, 22 -6 cm. (Boddy Collection.) 
Fig. 6, which is somewhat battered, represents a head only, with very coarse 
features and widely everted lips. There is a flat circular projection on the top of the 
head about the region of the bregma but inclined to the right, the ear lobes and the 
ala of the left nostril are represented as ornamented each with a ring. A string 
with two cowries encircles the neck. Height, 14 '0 cm. (Duke Collection.) 

Fig. 7 is quite unlike any other I have yet seen ; it represents a man seated on a 
peculiarly shaped stool (see Fig. 1 beiow) and carrying a bowl. On his head is a 

conical turban with a lobed border ; 
the face is grotesque, the features 
sharply cut, the nose prominent and 
pointed, but with exceedingly broad 
alee; the lips are parted in a wide and 

Side Back ... u f j , i 

. cat-like grin, showing a formidable array 

of teeth (obscured by the shadow in 

the photograph) ; the ears are placed unnaturally high, immediately under the border 

of the headdress, the hair is shown in a fringe on the forehead, and a series of knobs on 

the neck may represent either curls or ornaments. On each temple is a band of tatu 

(JfJf Round the shoulders is cast a cloak, one end of which hangs down 

fJJJJ in a bunch behind the left shoulder (just visible in- the photograph). 

Height, 21 '5 cm. (Boddy Collection.) 

As to the fresh points of information which I have received, I will first quote 
Mr.' Greensmith's letter : 

" I have one or two observations to make which may be helpful to you : 

" (1) In addition to being found in Sherbroland, Mendiland, and over the Liberian 
" border, they are also found in those parts of Timniland that lie contiguous to Men- 
" diland. It may be that you will possibly hear of them being found much more 
" to the east than has yet been suspected. 

(2) I have not observed you make any mention in your note, nor have I indeed 
" heard from any civilised person, black or white, of certain metallic rings that the 
" natives say are discovered, i.e., dug up, with these farm devils, and which are never 
" separated or rather kept apart once they are found. 

" Although I had heard of them more than two years ago, it was only a month 
" ago that I saw, and actually came into possession of, one of these rings. It was 
" very black with exposure to the weather apparently. On scratching it with a knife, 
" it appeared to me to be either brass or bronze. The ordinary image is called, as 
" you observe in your article, ' nomoli ' or ' nomorri,' but when accompanied by one 
" of these rings is then known as ' mahai-yafei,' king spirit or king devil I suppose 
" so called because they are employed in the courts of the chiefs for the witnesses to be 
" sworn upon. These mahai-yafeisia or maha-yafanga, although but the ordinary 

[ G5 ] 



1909.] MAN. [No. 40. 

" nomolisia with a ring accompanying them, are regarded with much more dread than 
" the simple nomoli, and are regarded as of much greater value. 

" The metal rings are sometimes six, seven, and eight inches in diameter, and the 
" nomoli is placed in the middle, but the one I secured was only about 2 inches, and 
" fitted so close to the nomoli that it served to prop it up in an upright position. 

" (3) The word ' nomoli ' appears to me to be derived from nu = person, and 
" muli = soapstone. Soapstone, of course, is still to be found in the country. 

" Before the end of the year, possibly in a few weeks hence, I may find time 
" to go off on a little expedition, to investigate the truth of the native reports about 
*' the ' little hills ' I previously mentioned to you." 

Major G. d'A. Anderson, District Commissioner, Makondo, is the source of the 
following interesting information regarding the localities where these figures are found ; 
he has not come across any rumour as to the, possibly mythical, tumuli concerning which 
other enquirers have received reports. His account runs as follows : " I cross- 
" questioned many chiefs Konnoh, Mendi, and Timni and their answers were almost 
*' identical. In substance it was : With the exception of a few figures handed down 
" for generations as guardian ' good fairies ' of a town and a few found in old farms, 
" all the Nomoris were found in caves or recesses in worked-out veins of steatite. I 
" warned all the Court messengers and officials that I wished to see one of these ' pits, 
" as they called them, and by chance I came across one and investigated it, and could 
" see at once the manner of manufacture. I was crossing from the Konnoh country to 
" the Kuniki chiefdom, and, as we were passing a newly-made farm, one of the boys 
" ran back and said the man had found a Nomori pit. I found a gully or ravine in the 
" side of a steep hill, which, on investigation proved to be a long tunnel or chamber 
" with the roof fallen in ; as far as I could judge it had been about 9 feet wide tapering 
" to 3 feet, 15 feet long and 8 feet [high] at the entrance, tapering to about 4 feet. 
" The sides were of steatite but badly veined with sand, mica and iron oxide. There 
" were remains of several figures roughly blocked out but abandoned when a vein of 
" sand or mica was encountered. Clearing away debris I found one small incomplete 
" figure still adhering to the side ; numbers of fragments were scattered about. The 
" natives told me that when they found figures in the pits, these were always attached 
" to the rock and had to be cut out. I came to the conclusion that the steatite was 
" not first quarried and then sculptured, but that the figure was carved in the rock 
" in situ and not removed until complete and perfect. If a vein or pocket of quartz or 
" mica was encountered, which would spoil the sculpture owing to finer parts breaking 
" or crumbling away, the figure was abandoned and another started. This is borne 
" out by the fact that most of the figures now obtained are imperfect, the hair, fingers, 
" or portion of ornament being unfinished, and always at the blemished spot mica or 
" sand will be found." 

Unfortunately no information is forthcoming at present as to the makers of these 
figures ; it is possible that a comparison of the tatu marks may shed a little light on 
the subject, but I have not yet had the opportunity of pursuing any enquiry in this 
direction. I feel convinced that some of them are quite modern, since they correspond 
so closely with present-day wood-carvings, and it seems likely that the natives may 
have taken once more to the carving of this easily worked material. Professor 
Riitimeyer is inclined to attribute to the nomori an age of " many centuries " ; this 
may be correct, but there is absolutely no evidence to show this. When it is 
remembered that tribal memory in savage Africa is extremely short, and that the 
whole of the west coast has been the scene of continual migrations from the interior, 
of tribes wishing to avoid the depredations of slave raiders, or pressing seawards in 
quest of salt, and when it is realised that these migrations usually resulted in the 
annihilation of either the immigrants or the people whose territory they tried to seize, 

[ 67 ] 



. 40-4t] 



MAN. 



[1909. 



it will be readily understood that a very few years might suffice for a craft to fall 
into absolute oblivion. On the whole I cannot see that the facts as we yet know 
them warrant us in attributing any great age to these carvings. Nor can I see that 
these figures can be considered on the same footing with ordinary stone sculpture ; 
some of them are so soft that they can be scratched with the nail, none that I have 
seen are so hard that they could not readily be shaped with an instrument of soft 
iron, and the fact that steatite possesses no grain renders it more easily worked with 
a blunt knife than wood, provided that the details are not to be very minute. They 
stand far below the very remarkable basalt sculptures discovered by Captain Partridge 
some twenty degrees of longitude distant in Southern Nigeria, and, indeed, have 
nothing whatever in common with them except the mystery which surrounds their 
origin. T. A. JOYCE. 




SKULL FROM OLD 
MINE. 



SKULL FROM CHUM 
RUINS. 



Africa : Rhodesia. Shrubsall. 

A Brief Note on Two Crania and some Long Bones from Ancient 

Ruins in Rhodesia. By F. C. Shrubsall, M.D. 

The date to which the construction of the ruins in Rhodesia should be assigned 

has been a matter of controversy since their discovery. Some investigators regard 

them as having been built by the 
ancient cultured peoples of Southern 
Arabia, and would assign them to the 
early centuries of our era, if not indeed 
long prior to this. Others maintain 
that no objects have been demonstrated 
from any site which can be shown to 
be more ancient than the fourteenth or 
fifteenth century, that in the archi- 
tecture there is no trace of Oriental or 
European style of any period soever, 
and that there are imported articles of 
contemporary date with the buildings 

which are mediaeval or post-mediaeval. Those who maintain the earlier dating 

conclude that the settlers who built the ruins were acquainted only with natives of 

the Bushman type ; the others appear to maintain that the structures might have 

been constructed by negroes. Any evidence from human remains is therefore of 

some importance. 

In the Natural History 

Department of the British 

Museum there are two 

skulls and some long bones 

which were found in these 

ruins and presented to the 

Museum by H. W. Moffat. 

One, catalogued as 97.2, 

13.1, is described as having 
been found buried in an old 
ruin. With this were found 
some long bones. The other, 

97.2, 13.2, is described as having been found in an old shaft 30 feet under the 
ground in a mine nearer Buluwayo. 

These records would scarcely serve to date the remains, but on tracing their history 
it appears that these are the specimens referred to by Hall (Ancient Ruins of Rhodesia) 

[ 68 ] 




SKULL FROM OLD 

MINE. 



SKULL FROM CHUM 
RUINS. 



1909.] 



MAN. 



[No. 41. 



and Keane (Gold of Ophir) as " ancients," so that they presumably would maintain 
that they are the remains either of the builders of the present ruins, or at least of 
their contemporaries. 

With regard to the first skull the following particulars are taken from Hall's work. 

It was found in the Chum ruins, situated on the summit of a kopje, 200 yards to 
the west of the junction of the Malema and Tuli rivers in the Gwanda district of 
Rhodesia. The present ruins were built on a mass of intrusive diorite, but are 
constructed of granite brought from a distance. Hall classifies them as belonging to 
the first Zimbabwe period, the inside walls being of as good construction as the outside, 
the main and divisional entrances being rounded and not squared, the plan of the walls 
showing an elliptical form and there being no straight walls or angular corners. He 
states that there is no sign of reoccupation and no trace of Portuguese articles. The 
original cemented floor with levelled edges remains the present floor. The description 
of the site in which the remains were found is as follows : " Under the cement floor 
" in No. 1 enclosure were found the skeletal remains of a man with gold bangles round 
" the ankles. Altogether sixteen ounces of plain gold ornaments were found with this 
" ancient." Under the cemented flooring of enclosures 2, 3, and 4, skeletal remains of 
ancients were found also with plain gold ornaments. 

The evidence for the site of the second skull is less satisfactory, but it is one of 
those remains of " ancients " stated to have been sent originally to Professor Thane and 
later placed in the British Museum. 

Crania. The skull from the Chum ruins has been considerably damaged. Both 
skulls are of adults, the one from the old mine shaft undoubtedly belonged to a male, 
the sex of the other is more uncertain, the small size of the mastoids, the fullness of tho 
conceptaculae cerebelli and the shape of the forehead more resembling the female, though 
the size suggests that it is a male. 

The chief dimensions so far as they could be ascertained were : 






Skull from 
Chum 
Ruins. 


Skull from 
Old Mine 
Shaft. 





Skull from 
Ohum 
Ruins. 


Skull from 
Old Mine 
Shaft. 




Dimensions in milli- 
metres. 




Dimensions in milli- 
metres. 


Glabello occipital length 


184-5 


182 


Frontal curve 


130 


117 


Maximum breadth - 


136 


131 


Parietal curve 


125 


129 


Basi-bregmatic height 


138 ? 


131 


Occipital curve 


126 


105 


Basi-nasal length 


103? 


107 


Total sagittal curve - 


381 


351 


Basi-alveolar length - 


101 ? 


108 


Total horizontal curve 


522 


507 


Naso-alveolar height 


70? 


66 


Biauricular curve 


295 


290 


Bizygomatic breadth 


136? 


132 








Nasal height - 
Nasal breadth 


54? 
36 ?? 


50 
30 


Indices. 






Orbital height, right 





33 


Length-breadth 


73-7 


72-0 


left - 


35 


33 


Length-height 


74-8? 


72-0 


Orbital breadth, right 





40 


Breadth-height 


'101-5 ? 


100-0 


left - 


40-5 


39 


Alveolar - 


98-1 ? 


100-9 


Bidacryc breadth 





26-5 


Upper facial ... 


51-5? 


50-0 


Internal palatal length 
breadth 


~ 


54 
43 


Orbital 


86-4 { 


R. 82-5 
L. 84-6 


biorbital breadth - 





101 


Nasal ... 


66-1 ? 


60 


Naso-malar curve 





110 


Naso-malar - 





108-9 



No. 41.] 



MAN. 



[1909. 



The accuracy of the dimensions marked with a ? is somewhat uncertain owing 
to the damage the skull has received. The bizygomatic breadth and nasal breadth 
have been calculated by projection from the mid line of the skull to the appropriate 
points on the sound side, the measurement thus recorded being doubled. The results 
are sufficiently accurate to give a general idea of the size of the skull. 

If these dimensions be compared with those obtained from an average of a large 
series of skulls from the various races of southern Africa it will be seen that these 
skulls resemble the Bantu negroes and not the Bushmen. The photographs show 
the negro type of the skull and the lack of resemblance to those of European, Hamitic, 
or Semitic origin. 

AVERAGE DIMENSIONS OF MALE CRANIA OF OTHER AFRICAN RACES. 






Bushmen. 


Hottentots. 


Kaffirs. 


Zulus. 


Angoni 
and 
Anganja. 


Djagga. 


Western 
Bantu. 


Predynastic 
Egyptians. 


Glabello-occipital length 


178-8 


183-2 


190-6 


184-1 


184-0 


186-8 


179-1 


184-5 


Maximum breadth 


134-7 


133-5 


137-3 


137-0 


133-4 


132-6 


135-7 


133-0 


Basi-bregmatic height - 


126-4 


130-6 


137-4 


138-1 


135-1 


132-7 


133-7 


133-6 


Bizygometric breadth - 


121-3 


125-8 


134-1 


133-1 


126-9 


129-5 


128-6 


126-9 


Naso-alveolar height - 


60-2 


65-5 


69-1 


69-5 


69-7 


67-3 


66-4 


70-1 


Nasal height 


42-8 


46-2 


48-7 


47-2 


48-1 


45-7 


47-5 


50-7 


Nasal breadth - 


25-9 


26-3 


27-3 


27-3 


27-3 


27-8 


26-8 


25-5 


Basi-nasal length 


94-9 


98-3 


105-3 


101-8 


102-0 





100-9 


101-8 


Basi-alveolar length 


94-9 


99-6 


105-1 


101-9 


103-7 





103-9 


98-4 



The shape of the nasal bones in the second skull and lower margins of apertura 
pyriformis in both is characteristically negroid. 

Long Bones. The long bones sent from the Chum ruins consist of a left femur, 
radius and ulna and a right tibia, with parts of other bones, notably a humerus with a 
perforated olecranon fossa. 

Their lengths are : 

Femur, maximum - 470 Radius - 284 

oblique - 469 Ulna - 303 

Tibia - 418 

The three latter are quite disproportionate to the former, hence it seems probable 
that they may not all be from the same skeleton. 

Calculations based on the length of the femur would give a stature of about 
1 m. 70, while from the other bones the estimate would be from 1 m. 80 to 1 m. 90 
according to the formula employed. In any case the bones must be those of a man 
or men of above the ordinary stature, which entirely excludes any question of the 
remains being those of Bushmen. 

Taking all the features into consideration it may be concluded that these remains 
are those of negroes of a similar type to those now found in Rhodesia. If the 
statement as to the situation in which the bones were found be accepted then it 
must be concluded that at the time of the construction of the buildings the negro 
race had already occupied Rhodesia. 

While it does not show that the negroes built the present ruins it is at least 
important to note that the remains found are not those of more northern peoples. 

My thanks are due to the authorities of the British Museum for permission to 
measure and photograph these specimens. F. C. SHRUBS ALL. 



[ 70 ] 



1909.] MAN. [No. 42* 

Nicobar. Fontana. 

Possible Traces of Exogamous Divisions in the Nicobar Islands. JO 

The following extract is from Nicolas Fontana's work, On the Nicobar Tfc 
Isles and the Fruit of the Mellori (Asiatic Researches, Vol. Ill (1802), Article VII, 
in Selections from the Records of the Government of India, No. LXXVII. Calcutta, 
1870, p. 61). Fontana visited the Nicobar Islands in May, 1778 : 

" They unite in matrimony through choice, and if the man is not satisfied with 
the conduct of the woman, either from her inattention to domestic concerns, or sterility, 
or even from any dislike on his part, he is at liberty to discharge her, and each unites 
with a different person, as if no such connection had taken place. Adultery is 
accounted highly ignominious and disgraceful, particularly icith persons not of the 
same caste: should it be proved, the woman would not only be dismissed with infamy, 
but on some occasions even put to death ; although, by the intervention of a small token 
given publicly and consisting of nothing more than a leaf of tobacco, the reciprocal 
lending of their icives of the same caste is exceedingly common." 

No other writer that I am aware of speaks of " castes " among the Nicobarese. 
Pere Faure (1711) specifically denies their existence (Lettres Edifiantes et Curieuses, 
Vol. XL Toulon, 1810). 

This indication of the former existence of classes regulating marriage in the 
Nicobar Islands seems to deserve comment. Mr. E. H. Man allows me to make the 
following quotations from his unpublished notes : 

" There is no trace of exogamy or endogamy among the Nicobar Islanders. A 
few cases of polygamy have been known, but the practice is regarded with disfavour 
by the general community. In such cases as I have known, the wives (to the best 
of my recollection) lived in separate huts and were not related to one another. As 
to polyandry, I was able to discover only a single case. . . . On enquiry I 
found that the woman's bigamous conduct was due to her disappointment in having 
no children by her first husband . . . Though there are many cases of married 
couples living together for many years and even till death do them part especially 
when they have been prosperous and have been blessed with satisfactory children 
there is practically no limit to the frequency of divorce ... It by no means 
rests with the husband to determine the separation. It frequently happens that, 
owing to her dissatisfaction with his habits or treatment of her, the wife severs the 
connection, and either returns to her relations or marries someone else. 

" Marriages between first cousins and of course, therefore, between relations of 
yet closer consanguinity are not permitted. Only one such case (i.e., between first 
cousins) is cited as having occurred : it was at Nancowry Island and was regarded 
as somewhat scandalous. There are no restrictions in respect to marriage between 
individuals of the same name or community, provided there be no blood connection 
between them. As a matter of fact, however, probably no case has ever occurred 
among them of the same name having been borne by a man and a woman . . . 
A man may marry his deceased wife's sister or brother's widow, or even his brother's 
wife if he has deserted her ; but it is not customary to do so . . . I would add 
that among the Shorn Pen . . . marriages between first cousins are said to be 
permitted, and one case was brought to notice in that community where a man had 
married a widow and her daughter. This tribe, being evidently the representatives 
of the primeval inhabitants of these islands, is in a distinctly lower social scale than 
those occupying all the remaining islands of the group. 

"I cannot understand Fontana's use of the word ' Caste.' The Moravian 
missionaries, who were 19 years in those islands (1768-87), and who probably met 
Fontana during his visit in 1778, do not support him in this. . . . Had a 'caste' 
system existed among the Nicobarese only a century before my first acquaintance 

[ 71 ] 



Nos. 42-44.] MAN. [1909. 

with them, forty years ago, some trace would surely have remained ; but I have 
never discovered anything to give colour to any such belief." B. F.-M. 



REVIEWS. 
Australia : Linguistics. Planert. 

Australische Forschungen. I. Aranda- Grammaiik. II. Dieri-Grammatik. 
Von W. Planert. Aus der Zeitschrift fur Ethnologic, Heft 4 u. 5, 1907, und 
Heft 5, 1908. 

The languages of the Australian aborigines have so rarely been discussed in a 
scientific manner that the appearance of these two articles should prove very acceptable. 
They relate to the south central portion of the continent, which is already fairly well 
known linguistically by the Parnkalla Grammar and Dictionary of Teichelmann and 
Schurman, and the Narrinyeri Studies of the Rev. G. Taplin. 

The Aranda (or Arunta) of these grammars is already familiar to anthropologists 
as the principal language of the peoples dealt with in the work of Messrs. Spencer and 
Gillen on the native tribes of Central Australia, in which, however, little was to be 
learned of the language. The Dieri language of the tribes about Cooper's Creek is 
slightly better known and has the distinction of being the only native language of 
Australia in which a complete version of the New Testament has been printed. This 
was translated by the missionaries, J. G. Reuther and C. Strehlow, in 1897. 

Both Dr. Planert's papers deal with the details of grammar, which differ con- 
siderably in the two languages, and texts are given. In Aranda there are specimens 
of folklore, and in Dieri the parables of the Prodigal Son, the Piece of Money, and 
the Ten Virgins from the New Testament translation. 

A dictionary of the languages is promised, and this with the grammars will 
prove a valuable and reliable contribution to the philological study of this part of 
Australia. S. H. RAY. 



Australasia. Guillemard : Keane. 

Australasia : Malaysia and the Pelagic Archipelagoes. Vol. II. By F. H. H. 11 
Guillemard, M.D. Second edition, revised by A. H. Keane, LL.D. (Stanford's TT 
Compendium of Geography and Travel. New issue.) Pp. xvi + 574. 20 x 40 cm. 
Price 15*. 

Islands must always have a peculiar interest for Britons, and a work solely devoted 
to an account of a vast number of them, from the largest to the smallest, may well 
claim their attention. Such is the book before us. It is a treatise on islands which 
by their size, number, character, variety, distribution, and inhabitants afford a fascinating 
study for the students of geography and ethnology. The first edition of the work was 
very appropriately written by the distinguished author of The Malay Archipelago and 
Island Life. It formed the latter part of the one volume then deemed sufficient for 
the whole of Australasia. Dr. Russell Wallace made the subject so interesting that 
the original volume ran through five or more editions in a few years. 

In 1894 this latter part of the original volume was re-issued separately under the 
editorship of Dr. Guillemard. It was much enlarged and embellished with fourteen 
coloured maps, two charts, and forty-seven illustrations. 

After fourteen years, during which time important additions have been made to 
our knowledge of some of the islands and considerable political changes have occurred, 
a new issue has been considered desirable. It is, in the main, Dr. Guillemard's edition ; 
the maps and illustrations remain the same, but it has been revised by Dr. A. H. Keane, 
and the revision has given opportunity for embodying the results of recent exploration, 
more especially in Borneo, Celebes, and New Guinea. The fuller knowledge of the 

[ 72 ] 



1909.] MAN. [Nos. 44-45. 

river systems of Borneo, the researches of the cousins Sarasin in Celebes, including 
their account of the Toalas of South Celebes, and the nature of the mountain chains 
of New Guinea revealed by several explorers Dutch, German, and English have all 
been included. 

Since the last edition the Hispano- American War has transferred the Philippines 
to the United States, and Spain has also ceded the Carolines to Germany. The United 
States have taken possession of the Sandwich Islands. The devouring spirit of the 
Great Powers has divided the Solomon Islands between Great Britain and Germany, 
and Samoa between Germany and America. 

Notwithstanding recent additions to our knowledge, no doubt a large and rich 
field still remains for the explorer and ethnologist. There is still much to be learnt 
regarding Borneo, Celebes, New Guinea, to say nothing of smaller islands both in the 
Malay Archipelago and in the Pacific. 

Considering that, scattered over the islands described in these pages, there are 
representatives of the Malay, Indonesian, Negrito, Melanesian, and Mahori races, with 
an invading Mongol host from China, this part of Australasia presents a veritable 
galaxy of problems and puzzles for the ethnologist. These questions are naturally 
only lightly touched upon in the present work, but they are by no means ignored, and 
as might be expected from the wide and profound knowledge of the reviser, what is 
given is clear and much to the point. In a short introductory disquisition on the 
Malay race and language, Dr. Keane's views, published as long ago as 1880 in the 
Journal of the Institute on the origin of the races of Malaysia, are restated. Although 
Dr. Keaue has naturally a leaning to his own conclusions, yet most ethnologists will 
probably admit that they give the best explanation yet offered of this difficult 
problem. 

The treatment of ethnological topics is, perhaps, best illustrated by the brief but 
sympathetic account of the Polynesian race, to which Dr. Keane has added a useful 
note on the Mahori language. It is, however, matter for regret and gives a want of 
proportion to the work that Polynesia is treated at so short a length. The whole of 
Polynesia (including Micronesia) is disposed of in 70 pages out of 550, about the same 
number as are given to the Philippines alone. We should like to have seen included 
in the Polynesian section what may well be termed the romance of the Pacific the 
exploration of that ocean by the early voyagers. What an interest is aroused an 
interest assuredly very germane to geography and to ethnology by recalling the 
voyages of Magellan, Mendana, Tasman, Torres, Queiros, Bougainville, La Perouse, 
Wallis, Cook and Wilkes. A map showing the routes of these celebrated captains of 
the sea might be usefully added. On the other side, a longer account of the early 
Portuguese, Spanish, and Dutch voyagers who struggled for the riches of the spice 
islands, would not have made the geographical story any the less interesting. 

It goes without saying that Messrs. Stanford's coloured maps are admirable, but 
the value of the work would be considerably enhanced by the addition of maps in the 
text similar to the chart on page 7, showing the submarine bank of South-east Asia. 
Such maps would be particularly valuable in connection with the Polynesian groups. 

E. A. PARKYN. 



New Guinea : Languages. Meyer. 

Die Papuasprache in Niederldndisch-Neuguinea. Von A. B. Meyer. Berlin. 
Sonder-Abdrnck aus dem Globus, Bd. XCIV. Nr. 12. 24 September 1908. 

In the third volume of the Reports of the Cambridge Anthropological Expedition 
to Torres Straits it was shown that the existence of Papuan or nou-Melanesian languages 
in British and German New Guinea might be definitely asserted, but that the existence 
of similar languages in Netherlands New Guinea was not yet clearly proved. In the 

[ 73 ] 



Nos, 45-46.] MAN. [1909, 

above paper Dr. Meyer discusses this question, and distinguishes certain languages of 
Netherlands New Guinea as Papuan. Those selected are : 

1. Arfak, in the north-west peninsula. 

2. Hattam, also in the north-west. 

3. Kapaur, in the south-west. 

4. A dialect spoken on the south coast between 138 and 141 E. long. 

(This is called Tugeri in the Cambridge Reports.) 

5. Sentani, in the north of Netherlands New Guinea. 

A table is given of forty-six words (including the numerals 1 to 6 and 10). 
This shows the languages to be distinct from each other, with a very few loan words 
from the Malayo-Polynesian. This want of likeness between one language and another 
is a marked Papuan characteristic. Another feature, that of the failure of the Papuan 
numerals to express more than "two "is indicated only by one language, that of the 
south coast, where zakod = 1, and ina = 2, and 3 = ina-zako, and 4 = ina-ina. 
The non-appearance of this formation in the other languages is not remarkable, as, 
considering the imperfections in the lists, the words given as numerals may possibly 
be the names of parts of the body used as tallies. Dr. Meyer quotes from Van der 
Sande the numerals of Angadi and Nagramadu, near Lake Jamur, south of Geelvink 
Bay. These show the Papuan 2+1=3, 2 + 2 = 4. 

In some remarks on the position of the Mafur language Dr. Meyer strongly urges 
its claim to be considered a mixed language. It was called Papuan by Fried. Muller, 
but Dr. H. Kern, in 1886, in discussing its relationship found about 300 words identical 
or related to the Malayo-Polynesian, and hence concluded that the Malayan and Papuan 
languages have had, and still have, in part the same grammatical iorms. But viewed 
in comparison with the Papuan languages illustrated in Vol. Ill of the Reports of the 
Cambridge Expedition, Dr. Meyer contends, as he and Georg v. d. Gabelentz stated 
in 1882, that Kern's conclusions are untenable, and that the Mafur is a mixed language 
consisting of an originally Papuan element with a large influx of Malayo-Polynesian 
words. That this is doubtless the correct view is shown by similar phenomena where 
Papuan and Melanesian languages have come into contact, as e.g., Savo (Solomon 
Islands), Mailu (British Papua), Tagula (Louisiades), Jotafa (Humboldt Bay). In his 
conclusion Dr. Meyer briefly refers to the existence of Papuan languages as premising 
the existence of a Papuan race, and the possibility of a future discovery of aborigines 
in the interior of New Guinea. These, he considers, may be found either to be one 
race with great variation, or, as he thinks more likely, a mixed race of " Negritos " 
and " Malays," using the latter term in its broadest sense. 

The paper is suggestive of a rich field of enquiry which requires investigation 
in Netherlands New Guinea and the neighbouring islands. S. H. RAY. 



Folklore. Johnson. 

Folk-Memory, or the Continuity of British Archceology. By Walter Johnson, 
F.G.S. With illustrations. Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1908. Pp. 416. 
22 x 14 cm. Price 12s. Qd. 

The researches of Sir Arthur Mitchell into Scottish survivals from prehistoric 
times have evidently served as a model for the present volume, which applies the same 
methods to England, though the sub-title suggests the inclusion of Scotland. " Folk- 
memory " is not a very happy phrase, though most will probably divine its relation to 
folk-lore, and the author is careful to begin by defining the term : " By folk-memory 
" we mean the conscious or unconscious remembrance, by a people collectively, of 
" ideas connected with the retention of rites and superstitions, habits, and occupations." 
Those who read through Mr. Johnson's present work will be enabled to understand the 

[ 74 ] 



1909.] MAN. [No. 46, 

definition, and perhaps frame a better one themselves, though it is difficult to cover so 
wide a field in one view. The author's previous investigations have made him familiar 
with certain phases of prehistory, and he devotes several chapters to the ages of stone, 
bronze, and iron. He is confessedly more concerned with popular traditions as to our 
earliest monuments than with their scientific exploration and classification, but in a 
table that is said to be compiled from various named authorities he should have been 
careful to quote correctly, and it would be difficult to find any recognised authority 
for some of the assertions on p. 51. About the earliest remains of man there may well 
be some difference of opinion, but at least Dr. Rutot and his followers would be surprised 
to find Puy Courny parallel to the Kent plateau, the former being generally regarded 
as Upper Miocene and the latter as Middle Pliocene. Mildenhall is a misleading site for 
English examples of the Moustier type, and it would be better to specify High Lodge, 
as other types have been found at Mildenhall itself. 

According to Mortillet (another of the authorities mentioned), the pigmy (or rather 
pygmy) flints belong to the beginning, not to the end, of the neolithic period, but 
the most remarkable equation is the next in order : bronze is associated with the 
Hallstatt period (which really opened the Iron Age on the Continent), and the Bronze 
Age is omitted altogether. In these days of cheap and multitudinous handbooks there 
is little excuse for blunders of this kind ; and the author is safer and more convincing 
on matters of folklore and personal observation. Several large subjects that have 
been hotly debated from time to time are conscientiously summarized in such chapters 
as those on dene-holes, linchets, dew-ponds, old roads, white-horses and other figures 
on the chalk downs ; but, in spite of much research and argument, little fresh light 
is thrown on these problems, and most readers would be inclined to regard them as 
insoluble. 

The main object throughout is to show a continuity of habit and observance 
from the earliest times to the present, and in a general sense few would be disposed 
to maintain the contrary ; but the instances chosen are not always the most convincing, 
and more than once the author is constrained to note the fallibility of tradition, and 
incidentally the weakness of his argument. Thus on p. 260 he shows that all correct 
notions about a gun at Old Sarum had vanished within little more than a century, 
and on p. 318 the discontinuity of tradition is made clear on the subject of dew-ponds. 
Dene-holes, again, evoke the following remarks on pp. 231, 233 : "The folk-memory 
" of the Chislehurst mines is of an unsound character," and " folk-memory is, unfortu- 
" nately, in both cases, a broken reed." Far too much weight also is laid on fairy-tales 
in connection with barrows and megaliths, and justice is hardly done to the archaeo- 
logical aspect. 

Among obvious slips may be mentioned the confusion of two sites forty-five miles 
apart Winklebury near Basingstoke and Winklebury in Cranborne Chase explored 
by Pitt-Rivers. A more serious error occurs in a quotation on p. 163, as the Mold 
" corselet of Etruscan design, probably of the Romano-British period," has been for 
some time known to be a peytrel (breast-armour for a pony) of native work, dating 
from about the end of the Bronze Age. 

In spite of such drawbacks, the volume contains much interesting and out-of-the- 
way information, and the attempt to make the dry bones live is to be commended. The 
mental effort required to assimilate information that must necessarily be somewhat 
disjointed is considerably alleviated by the excellent type and handiness of the book ; 
but the collection of the notes at the end is not an unmixed blessing, and, apart 
from the photographs, the illustrations leave much to be desired. Age is the only 
merit of the print chosen for the frontispiece. R. A. S. 



Nos, 47-48.] MAN. [1909. 

Ethnology. Matsumura. 

A Gazetteer of Ethnology. By Akira Matsumura. Tokyo : The Marusen- 1 T 
Kabushiki-Kaisha, 1908. Pp. xiv + 495. 20 x 13 cm. Tf 

The author of this handy little book of reference has made a bold attempt at a 
difficult task. The need of a dictionary of tribe-names has long been felt by students 
of ethnology, but compilers have hitherto shrunk from a task which is not only exces- 
sively laborious but which must of necessity meet with severe and searching criticism 
criticism which, from its very nature, it challenges. 

The contents of the volume are as follows : First comes an alphabetical list of 
8,000 tribe-names, with the locality stated after each ; next a series of appendices, 
giving respectively a table of races and peoples arranged under the political divisions 
of the world ; a bibliography of works used in the preparation of the volume ; an index 
of race-names written in Kana ; an index of the Chinese names of races and peoples ; 
and finally six ethnological maps of the various continents and Oceania. One of the 
chief difficulties which the author had to face in the preparation of the first and main 
portion of the book is that afforded by the exasperating variation of names applied to 
the same tribe by authors of different nationalities. The differences of spelling seen in 
the works of English and French and German authors are puzzling enough, but in that 
most difficult of continents to catalogue Africa the fact that many travellers have 
adopted the Swahili names of tribes makes confusion worse confounded, because in this 
case it is the initial letter which is changed. As far as possible the author has taken 
pains to enter a definite tribe under more than one of its appellations. For instance, 
there is a heading Danakil (the plural form), and again Dankali (the singular), as well 
as the totally different name Afar applied to the same people. It would be easy enough 
to point out omissions, most of all with respect to Africa, and next with regard to South 
America, but the author would be the first to admit that the list is imperfect ; in fact 
it is impossible that a first edition of a work of this kind should be without fault, 
especially when it is of such an eminently handy compass as this small volume. 
Anthropologists will rather be grateful to Mr. Matsumura for the labour he has under- 
taken in preparing a work which will be of the greatest use to anthropologists of all 
classes ; the rectification of omissions and the addition of further names in accordance 
with the advance of exploration will be a far more simple matter than the work 
already accomplished. T. A. J. 

America, South. Outes. 

Alfarerias del Noroeste Argentina. By Felix F. Outes. (Anales del Museo 
de La Plata, Tomo 1, Segunda Serie.) Buenos Aires, 1908. Pp. 5-49. 
38 x 28 cm. 

If, in the words of Professor Flinders Petrie, pottery " constitutes the essential 
" alphabet of archeology in every land," the author of this beautiful treatise on the 
pottery of the North-west of the Argentine Republic deserves the gratitude of every 
student of South American antiquities. The work is in every respect creditable to the 
institution which has made possible its publication in so handsome a form, the printing 
is excellent, the numerous coloured plates of great beauty, and the work of Professor 
Outes amply testifies to the adequacy of the language of Cervantes as a medium for the 
expression of scientific thought. 

The material on which the work is based is, for the most part, preserved in the 
National Museum at La Plata ; much of it was collected by Methfessel and Ambrosetti 
in the provinces of Catamarca and Tucuman, whilst many of the examples described 
form part of the collection of Senor S. A. Lafone Quevedo. 

It is unfortunate that so many of the specimens lack definite antecedents that they 
should be, in fact, " drift " material. The derivation of many examples is highly 

[ 76 ] 



1909.] MAN. [No. 48. 

doubtful, and in comparatively few instances is any record available as to the precise 
locality, circumstances of discovery and associated artifacts. This is the more to be 
regretted since precise information of this character is sorely needed at the present day 
in order to advance the science in all parts of South America. Fully appreciating this 
difficulty, the author has generally resisted all temptation to theorise, limiting his work 
to a careful examination and detailed description of each specimen, only allowing his 
views on the wider aspects of the subject to appear in the brief but extremely interesting 
Observaciones appended to every chapter. 

Broadly grouping his material into " vessels for domestic use " and " funerary 
urns," the author has subdivided the pottery according to form and character of its 
decoration. Dealing first of all with an interesting class covered with designs of textile 
derivation painted in red, white, and black, which he considers to be of archaic type, 
he proceeds to describe pots painted in red and black and the very characteristic 
" footless vases " (vasos apodos) bearing zoomorphic and occasionally phytomorphic 
patterns. Among the former, a serpent having a head at each extremity of the body, 
the Rhea and a batrachian are commonly presented in a somewhat conventionalised 
style. The urns of yellow clay, painted with strangely schematic anthropomorphic 
designs in black, are especially interesting, and doubtless could tell us much of primitive 
religion if we knew their secret. 

The peculiar little boss, or projection, not infrequently moulded into the shape of 
an animal's head, usually to be noted on " footless vases," is explained in a satisfactory 
manner by reference to a quaint little " portrait pot " from Pachacamac, and is shown 
to be a point of support for the rope which bound the vessel to the shoulders of the 
bearer. The wide diffusion of these " footless vases " is commented upon, for they 
range far afield from the Peruvian culture centre supposed to be their place of origin. 
One notes the rarity of incised ornamentation, the crude beginnings of moulding in 
relief, and entire absence of elaborate double and triple pots, such as are common in 
the Peruvian coast region and in Ecuador. 

Professor Outes very rightly, in the present writer's opinion, deprecates the 
unfortunate tendency which has at times arisen to describe the pottery of the New 
World in terms derived from the archaeology of the Mediterranean region. In the 
present very imperfect condition of our knowledge of South American technical 
development it would seem preferable to avoid the use of all descriptive expressions 
which by reason of their classical associations tend to confuse the mind, and from this, 
perhaps, extreme point of view it may even be regretted that such words as 
" climankistron " and " ankistron " have been made use of in the work under con- 
sideration. Apart from this mild criticism, nothing but praise can be given to this 
admirable contribution to the study of Man in America. 

One seeks in vain, it is true, for information on the chemical nature of the pig- 
ments employed in the decoration, but it may be presumed that powdered haematite 
and oxide of manganese, as determined by the present writer in certain Chilian examples, 
furnished the palette of the Indian artist. The pigments, the method of building the 
pottery, and means by which such excellent baking was secured, will, however, 
doubtless be fully dealt with in the important work now in course of preparation by 
the author, Sobre la Evolution de las Artes plasticas entre los primitivos habitantes 
de la Republica Argentina. 

However impressed he may be by the thoroughness of the work under considera- 
tion, the reader cannot fail to be struck with the backward state of South American 
archaeology. As yet no " corpus " of Argentine or Chilian pottery exists, nor is such 
an aid to study likely to be available for many years to come. So predominant has 
been the interest of Peruvian culture that the wider field stretching afar beyond the 
widest bounds attributed by enthusiasts to the " Inca Empire " has suffered neglect. 



Nos. 48-50.] MAN. [1909. 

As matters stand, a work like the present raises a host of tantalising problems, and 
cannot in the nature of things answer any of them. Thanks to scientific excavation 
in Peru we begin to see that the past was even more wonderful than the picture 
drawn of it by Garcilasso, and who can doubt that a rich harvest of knowledge awaits 
the investigator amid the broad pampas of the Argentine and quebradas of Chile ? 

OSWALD H. EVANS. 



Ceylon : Stone Age. Sarasin. 

Ergebnisse Naturwissenschaftlicher Forschungen auf Ceylon. Von Dr. Paul 1 Q 
Sarasin und Dr. Fritz Sarasin. Vierter Band : Die Steinzeit auf Ceylon. ^U 
Wiesbaden, 1908. Pp. 93. 37 x 29 cm. 

Under this title Drs. Paul and Fritz Sarasin have published a description of their 
work in Ceylon during the winter of 1907, consisting of the systematic excavation of a 
number of Vedda caves undertaken with the view of determining whether the then 
commonly accepted view that there was no Stone Age in Ceylon was in fact accurate. 
Particulars are given of a number of rock shelters explored ; these were situated at 
Kataragam in the south of the island where no Veddas now exist, and in Uva in the 
present Vedda country. Not all the caves investigated yielded evidence of prehistoric 
habitation, but from a certain number were obtained quartz, chert, and shell implements 
which put the matter beyond doubt and conclusively show that Ceylon formerly 
possessed a Stone Age. The greater part of the work is taken up with a discussion of 
the quartz and chert artifacts found and their significance, and good illustrations of the 
implements themselves are given. These show that the quartz implements discovered 
by the Drs. Sarasin belong to the same type as those figured by the writer in MAN 
(1908, 63), but in addition to these the Sarasins found hammer-stones, a few pieces of 
worked bone, and a series of shells of the large land snail (Helix phcenix\ the outer 
whorl of each shell being broken away to form a circular hole large enough to allow 
its sharp edge being used as a scraper. These shells, in fact, constitute a primitive 
plane, and in every way resemble those found by Roth in use in Queensland at the 
present day. 

Much of the book is occupied by a comparison of the quartz implements with 
those found in Europe ; indeed, the frequency as well as the abrupt manner with 
which throughout the book parallels are cited is distinctly distracting. 

Finally, since the authors found neither pottery nor axe-heads associated with 
their other prehistoric material they conclude that the Ceylon implements belong 
to the palaeolithic age, though they apparently admit that in many respects the best 
implements approach the neolithic. 

The writer has already expressed his opinion (MAN, loc. cit.) that these Ceylonese 
quartz implements must be regarded as neolithic, and in this view he has the support 
of Mr. Reginald Smith. 

Further, it is important to note that the implements under discussion when 
not found free on the surface of the soil, as on the Bandarawela patanas, are associated 
only with the bones of animals still plentiful in Ceylon. 

In conclusion, reference must be made to the beauty of the illustrations, which are 
in every way worthy successors of those illustrating the authors' previous works. 

C. Gr. SELIGMANN. 

Africa, South. Native Races Committee. 

The South African Natives : Their Progress and Present Condition. Edited Cfl 
by the South African Native Races Committee. London : Murray, 1908. vU 
Pp. xii + 247. 22 x 14 cm. Price 6s. 

There is little in this book of special interest to the anthropologist, for it is not 
so much a treatise on the South African native as an analysis and summary of the 

[ 78 ] 



1909.] MAN. [Nos. 50-51. 

laws which have been made for his control and the schemes that have been devised 
for his welfare. What little there is that concerns the anthropologist is, however, of 
<rreat interest. The book reveals the effects on the weaker race of the clash of 

O 

cultures in South Africa. It shows that the virtues of thrift and enterprise and the 
vices of greed, selfishness, disloyalty and lawlessness are encouraged by the disintegra- 
tion of the tribal system aud the replacement of communism by individualism. The 
loss of the old ethical code has been compensated by the adoption of a higher code 
in only a proportionately small number of cases and in the case of the- majority of 
the natives the weakening of native laws tends to increase immorality. It is 
unquestionable that for the time being at least the natives as a whole from an 
ethical standpoint suffer from the change half unconsciously forced upon them by 
Europeans. The wonder is that a virile and exceedingly conservative race rudely jerked 
across forty centuries of time has not suffered still more in the process. A 
chapter on the Ethiopian movement is of great interest. It reveals the confused 
gropings of men who have accepted Christian doctrine but seek to evolve a system 
of worship better adapted to the native temperament than those of the various 
English sects. To the churchman and the politician the Ethiopian movement causes 
grave uneasiness (though it is reassuring to learn that most of the turbulence and 
sedition of which the Ethiopians have been accused was not of spontaneous growth 
but was instigated by negro agitators from the United States of America), but to 
the anthropologist the movement is of intense interest for, in that it affords a bond 
for the unification of different tribes, it is a sign of the dawn of natural self- 
consciousness in a race that has scarcely yet realised its homogeneity. 

The members of the South African Native Races Committee deserve thanks for 
the production of a volume which as a work of reference will prove itself indispensable 
to all interested in the political, social and economic position of the South African 
native. RALPH DURAND. 



Russia : Anthropometry. Tarnowsky. 

Les Femmes homicides. Par Dr. Pauline Tarnowsky. Paris : Alcan, 1908. CJ 
Pp. viii + 591. 25 x 16 cm. Price 15 francs. Ul 

The work comprises a detailed anthropornetrical and physiological study of 160 
Russian women under sentence for murder. They are compared with other series of 
observations by the same author on women of the vicious and criminal classes and with 
groups of others both educated and illiterate who had manifested no criminal tendencies. 
The result is a great addition to our knowledge of the dimensions and physiological 
psychology of the women of Central Russia. 

The group of murderesses present somewhat smaller head dimensions than the 
others, particularly in head length and horizontal circumference, the differences being 
rather greater than could be accounted for by random sampling. In facial characters 
no significant differences exist between the members of the criminal classes and the 
illiterate peasants with whom they are contrasted. The educated women, however, 
present distinctly longer faces and longer and probably narrower noses. In stature, 
weight, and most bodily dimensions no characteristic differences are shown. The 
criminal and vicious groups are significantly darker both in hair and eye colour than 
the non-criminal groups. 

The various features have been studied in relation to the supposed motive for the 
crime, without, however, in most cases yielding any statistically significant result, owing 
to the comparatively small numbers available. It is interesting to note that dark traits 
are most prevalent amongst those who committed murder under the impulse of jealousv 
and least in the group whose motive was avarice. The heredity of each murderess has 

[ 79 ] 



Nos, 51-53.] MAN. [1909. 

been investigated as far as possible and a list of all the stigmata of degeneration 
presented by each individual is given. Although nervous disorders, alcoholism, and 
insanity are shown to be common antecedents, there is no evidence that these stand in 
a causal relationship to the mental state of the individual prisoner. This work will be 
welcomed as a most complete study of individuals and should find a place in the 
library of criminologists. F. S. 



India, North- West. Pennell. 

Among the Wild Tribes of the Afghan Frontier. By T. L. Pennell, M.D., C A 
with an introduction by Field-Marshal Earl Roberts, V.C., K.G. London : Ufc 
Seeley, 1909. Pp. 324. 23 x 15 cm. Price 16*. 

Dr. Pennell in this interesting book gives an account of his experiences as a 
medical missionary on the north-west frontier of India, and incidentally throws a good 
deal of light on the customs and social system of the tribes with which he came in 
contact. The book is not, and is not intended to be, scientific ; but Dr. Pennell is 
evidently well qualified for more strictly anthropological work, and if he finds time 
and opportunity, perhaps he may in future record the result of his observations 
on the structure of the Afghan tribe, for instance, or other kindred subjects, or 
even take some anthropometrical observations duly classified according to tribe or 
locality. Such observations, perhaps, would be found not to clash with his hospital 
work. 

Dr. Pennell takes a wide and liberal view of the religious question, and does not, 
like some missionaries, consider that the value of his teaching is to be tested by counting 
nominal converts. The influence of judicious and courageous medical missionaries of 
the type of Dr. Pennell, who do not try to break down all aboriginal customs and 
ideas, cannot but be good. 

The author's experiences in his wanderings as a sadhu or friar in native garb, but 
making no secret of his Christianity, are very interesting. He depended, as other 
sadhus and faqirs do, on alms for his maintenance, and generally met with success. 
This is a form of religious practice which appeals with great force to the Oriental 
mind, and it may yet produce startling results when followed by a man with the proper 
qualifications. 

The narrative is plain and unaffected, and the many interesting stories it embodies 
are told in effective style. I may add that I recognise an old friend of mine in the 
Christian landowner mentioned on page 309, and had twenty-five years ago to settle 
several disputes in which he was concerned. M. LONGWORTH DAMES. 



ANTHROPOLOGICAL NOTE. 

WE are glad to hear that, owing to another munificent donation of 2,000 from CQ 
Mr. C. F. Foster and Mrs. Rawlings, the fund for the building of the new UU 
Museum of Archaeology and Ethnology at Cambridge now amounts to over 10,000, 
and, consequently, it is proposed at once to begin the erection of the first portion of the 
building. It is estimated that the cost of this portion, known as block I, will be 
rather more than 11,000. The building has been designed by Mr. T. G. Jackson, 
R.A. The main galleries of the completed building (blocks I and II) will probably be 
utilised as follows : On the ground floor there will be an educational series arranged 
on the Pitt Rivers system ; the first floor will contain the archaeological collections, 
the Cambridge Antiquarian Museum, and the Walter Foster bequest ; on the third 
floor the ethnological collections will be arranged. 

Printed by EYRE AND SPOTTISWOODE, LTD., His Majesty's Printers, East Harding Street, E.C. 

9* 



PLATE F. 



MAN, 1909. 














I 
O 

LU 

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Q 

LU 
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cc 







1909.] MAN. [No. 54. 

ORIGINAL ARTICLES. 

Ireland : Archaeology. With Plate F. Layard. 

The Older Series of Irish Flint Implements. * By Nina F. Layard, C 1 

F.L. S. U4 1 

In bringing these Irish flint implements to the notice of the Royal Anthropological 
Institute, I do not pretend to he either the first to have found them in co. Antrim, 
or even to be introducing a subject that has not already had much attention paid to it 
in Ireland. In England, as far as I can ascertain, but little notice has been taken of 
this particular series. 

More than forty years ago Mr. Du Noyer recognised roughly-worked tools in and 
below the raised beaches which are to be found in various parts of the north-east coast 
of Ireland, especially where it is broken into bays, estuaries, and marine loughs. Both 
he and Professor Hull believed them to be of Palaeolithic type. Later Mr. Knowles of 
Ballymena read a paper on the subject before the British Association at Dublin, and 
again drew attention to these flints in an address before the Royal Irish Academy in 
1883. He, Mr. Gray and others, have made collections of them at various times, and 
more than once committees of investigation in connection with the Belfast Naturalist's 
Field Club have examined these raised beaches, to try and determine the real origin 
of the flints, as well as the geological conditions under which the beaches attained 
their present height. 

My first acquaintance with these rich deposits came about in the following way. 
While waiting at Larne last October with Miss Loraine, we took a stroll along the 
borders of the lough, and were greatly surprised to find flint flakes, spalls, and a 
finished tool of unusual form, lying on the shore at our feet. It was evident that we 
had chanced upon the debris of some prehistoric flint factory, but I was quite unaware 
that this spot was the battle-field of the Irish anthropologists. Possibly the first 
impression of an English collector may not for this reason be of any the less value, 
as the striking difference in the appearance of these flints, compared with the tools to 
which we are accustomed in England, is probably more noticed by English than Irish 
antiquaries, the latter having been acquainted with them for many years. 

Some twenty English collectors, many of them eminent experts, to whom I have 
already shown the specimens obtained at Larne, have with few exceptions declared the 
type to be something new and unfamiliar. Taken as a whole the flints certainly do not 
correspond at all closely either to the Palaeoliths or Neoliths so far found in England. 
To show the extreme richness of the deposit, in sixteen hours spent on the shore at 
various times, I collected nearly 1,200 worked flints. They lay thickly strewn along 
the beach, the smaller flakes higher up, and many of the heavier cores and spalls, &c. 
only to be found at low water. The flints at the higher level which do not come in 
contact with the seaweeds, have a white porcellanous patination, which in some cases 
is so thick as to have entirely taken the place of the flinty substance, that is to say, 
the whole flint is changed by chemical action and exposure. 

Lower down, where the flints are more constantly covered by the water, and where 
seaweeds are found growing on the worked stones, a warmer colour is noticed, varying 
from creamy yellow to a deep iodine red. Here the flints are more rolled and disguised 
than higher up, but such a complete series in the process of obliteration can be found, 
that to anyone working actually on the spot it is soon as easy to recognise the human 
touch on a tool almost at its last stage before becoming a mere rolled pebble, as it is 
to be certain of the sharper outlines of the less rolled flints. 

In the collection at Ipswich I have a large series of fine cores which clearly 
demonstrate this point. 

* Extract of paper read before the Royal Anthropological Institute, March 23rd, 1909. 

[ 81 ] 



No. 54.] MAN. [1909. 

Although artificially fractured flints abound on the spot, carefully shaped 
implements are more rarely to be found. Among them I have a good end scraper, much 
larger and clumsier than the usual Neolithic scrapers of the same type. It closely 
resembles a tool which I gave to Sir John Evans, found in the gravels of my garden 
in Ipswich, and which he identified as Palaeolithic (PI. F, 9). Another implement, 
which is triangular, is also somewhat Palaeolithic in outline, but it is worked on one 
side only and is much abraded (PI. F, 11). Others are strongly reminiscent of well- 
known Drift types, being roughly pointed, and with the crust left on for the hand 
grasp (PI. F, 1-7, and Fig. 2). Again, there are shapes that bear a closer resem- 
blance to some of the earliest Neolithic types, such as the so-called Larne Celt, a long, 
narrow, unground tool. The spoon-shaped implement which I found on my first visit 
(PI. F, 12) corresponds somewhat to a specimen from the Yorkshire wolds, which is 
figured by Sir John Evans in his book on stone implements. I am not aware that 
another of this form has been found at Larne. Flakes and chips of various shapes with 
conspicuous bulbs of percussion abound. I have a few leaf-shaped flakes apparently 
made for pointing weapons, but anything in the shape of a true arrow head or the 
usually accepted Neolithic scraper is entirely absent. Four-pounders will be seen on 
PI. F, 14-17. 

Before I had had the opportunity of referring to any Irish literature, I secured a 
geological map of the district to see if it would throw any light on the subject. 
Noticing that raised beaches surrounded parts of Lough Larne I concluded that the 
flints had been denuded out of these gravels, as they appeared far too ancient for mere 
surface finds, and I have since found that this is the case. Although there can be 
no doubt that we have on this coast the remains of very extensive flint workings, 
where weapons were manufactured not only for the makers themselves, but for others 
farther removed from the sources whence flint could be obtained, it is difficult to 
believe that all the shapes found were merely wasters or roughed out tools intended 
to be finished elsewhere. Among the coarse spalls and flakes lying about, doubtless 
at first the mere debris of the flint workings, many appear to have subsequently 
received specially directed blows in order to fashion them into rude tools, and some are 
distinct celts, chisels and pointed implements. 

It is noticeable that, notwithstanding the many acres of land covered by these 
raised beaches, every foot of which is crowded with worked flints, nothing in the shape 
of a ground weapon has yet come to hand. From this we may infer that the art of 
grinding was unknown to the workers on this site, although the dwellers among the 
sand hills not far distant, who must have been later comers, have left plenty of traces 
to show that they had attained to it. 

It appears to be the general opinion of geologists that the 25-foot raised beaches 
to which these flints belong were elevated to their present height during Neolithic 
times, but it does not necessarily follow that the flints embedded in them were freshly 
made and left in the gravels at the time of their first laying down. To decide this 
point it is all-important to examine the condition of the worked flints found at the 
lowest levels in the gravels. This I have had the opportunity of doing since exhibiting 
the flints at the Royal Anthropological Institute, and some of the observations made 
during the month of April are here included. 

Through the kindness of Mr. Chaine, the owner of Larne Harbour, who put 
workmen at my disposal, and allowed me to cut down a section of the gravels on his 
property, the flints have been studied in situ (Fig. 1). I also had the great advantage 
of the help of Mr. Knowles and Miss Outram, and together we made a careful exami- 
nation of every foot of the section as it was cut down. The contents of each level 
were inspected, and every worked flint gathered out and numbered to prevent any 
possible mixing of the specimens. 

[ 82 ] 



1909.] 



MAN. 



[No. 54. 



The results were not altogether similar to those arrived at by Messrs. Praeger and 
Coffey when they examined a similar section in 1904, from which it will be seen that 
there is a want of uniformity both in the laying down of these gravels, as well as in 
the condition of the flints in various parts of it. 

In the report of Mr. Praeger's work in the Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy 




78 flakes, 4 cores, slightly abraded ; 
pa t inn t ion ttiin, bluish-white ; 
majority iron stained. 



J- 33 flakes, 10 cores, 1 large pointed 
tool ; patination creamy white ; 
flints in lower portion much 
abraded and rolled, no iron stains. 



18 flakes, 4 cores, 1 large pointed 
tool (Drift type); patination thick 
pure white ; crust creamy, no iron 
stains ; all rolled and abraded ; 
pointed tool is less rolled and deep 
cream. 

1 flake with good bulb ; patination 
bluish ; perhaps fallen from 
surface. 



12 



13 -1ft 



14 



FlG. 1. SECTION OF RAISED BEACH, I.ARNK, EXAMINED APBIL, 1909. 

1. Surface soil, dug and turned back ; 2. Coarse black sand and pebbles varying in size ; 3. Coarse gravel, consisting of 
-closely-packed small-rolled stones mostly limestone not mixed with earth ; 4. Rolled and angular pebbles ; 5. Well-defined 
band of dark brown earth, no stones ; 6, 7. Earthy bands with rolled pebbles of basalt and limestone ; 8. Well-defined band of 
large rolled stones; 9. Chocolate-coloured fine gravel; 10. Band of large boulders of basalt and limestone; 11. Pine iron- 
stained gravel ; 12. Dark earth devoid of itones ; 13. Red boulder clay with large boulders penetrating No. 12; 14. Blue 
'boulder clay seen in section close by. 

I find the following remarks : " Our experience is, and it appears to have been that of 
u the Field Club committee, that the flints with abraded crust occur chiefly in the higher 
" layers, and for the most part in the disturbed surface portion. Lower down the 
" flints are sharper and often unpatinated, or only partly patinated." The writers also 

[ 83 ] 



No. 54.] 



MAN. 



[1909. 



add, " The evidence of the unrolled flakes in the lower beds points to the working of 
" the flints having been contemporary with the laying down of the gravels." That 
these conclusions differ from those formed by Mr. Knowles and myself in our work last 
April, a glance at the drawing and description of the section opened on Mr. Chaine's 
property will show. (Fig. 1.) 

To a depth of three feet from the surface, though numerous flakes were found, the 
majority were so slightly patinated as to show the colour of the flint through, producing 
a bluish effect, while in some the surface of the flint was hardly changed at all. Most 
of the specimens at this level were stained with iron in blotches, and also following the 
lines of the ridges. Below this level the iron stains ceased entirely, while the flints 
became even more thickly coated with a white porcellanous patination. At a depth of 
9 feet 2 inches, the lowest level at which any number were found, the flints were much 
abraded and rolled, and as this condition could not possibly be reached after they were 
included in the present gravels, we can but infer that they had been exposed for a great 
length of time on a shore before the sinking, which preceded the subsequent elevation, 
took place. This is presuming that the gravels were laid down in the usual way, 
which may possibly be open to question. 

Moreover, as the raised beach is almost entirely composed of rolled stones of basalt 
and limestone, with hardly one per cent, of unworked flint, it would seem that these 
remnants left by the flint workers are really as foreign to the raised beach in which 

they are em- 
bedded as those 
which lie at the 
present time on 
the lough border 
are foreign to 
the shore. Ap- 
parently we have 
yet to find their 
real birthplace. 

It is also 
perhaps worthy 
of remark that, 
the flints found 
on the Curran 
Larne, and on 
Island Magee, 
are at a con- 
siderable distance from the position in which the natural flint occurs, for it is above 
the other side of the lake that the limestone rocks with their bands of flint are to 
be found. 

In the Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy (Series II, Vol. II, p. 437) 
Mr. Knowles had already stated that he had found flints in this rolled condition at 
great depths, and had inferred from this that they were older than the formation in 
which they are found, and certainly our researches so far go to confirm this view. At 
the same time the extreme irregularity of the deposition of the gravels to some 
extent nullifies the value of conclusions formed from these facts. As a permanent 
record of the investigation I have preserved material from every level as the raised 
beach was cut down, with the flints included in it, an examination of which will be 
more convincing than mere written records. A very comprehensive collection of the 
various types of tools from the raised beaches of Larne, Island Magee, and Kilroot> 
is in Mr. Knowles's possession. Contrasting them with the later work of the Neolithic 

[ 84 ] 




Front view. \ Side vieu. 

FIG. 2. IMPLEMENT OF PALAEOLITHIC TYPE, RAISED BEACH, LARNE. 



1909.] MAN. [Nos. 54-55. 

dwellers of the Irish sandhills, he has designated these rougher specimens " the older 
series," and, following his lead, I have also adopted this title for them. The fact of 
finding flints, which by many are considered Neolithic, at such enormous depths in 
gravel is subversive of all our experience so far in England. Considering this, as 
well as the crude appearance of the workmanship, I think, even if we are convinced 
that they belonged to the later Stone Age, it would be an advantage to apply some 
such distinctive name as that suggested. The most remarkable instrument found in 
our recent excavation was a large tool of Palaeolithic appearance, which came from a 
depth of seven feet. It is worked on both sides, and carefully shaped at the butt for 
the hand-grasp. The colour, unlike the rest of the flints, is yellow, as though gravel- 
stained (Fig. 2). 

In conclusion, the following quotation from Mr. Knowles's paper, read before the 
Royal Society of Antiquaries in Ireland, will give some idea of the antiquity which 
must be assigned to these relics. He says : " Since the time when these implements 
" were lying about the shore, &c., the following events have happened : 

" 1st. The gradual sinking of the shore and the formation of the gravels 20 feet 
" in thickness, which include the worked flints. 

" 2nd. The elevation of the shore till the surface of the gravel stands 20 feet 
" above high- water mark." NINA F. LAYARD. 



Anthropology. Deputation. 

Anthropology and the Empire : Deputation to Mr. Asquith. C C 

On March llth the Prime Minister received, in his private room at the UU 
House of Commons, a deputation supporting a memorial, signed by a great many 
distinguished administrators in India and the Colonies and others, urging the necessity 
of establishing an Imperial Bureau of Anthropology within the Royal Anthropological 
Institute. 

The members of the deputation were Mr. Russell Rea, M.P., Professor William 
Ridgeway, Sir Richard Temple, Sir Edward Candy, Professor Myres, Mr. G. W. 
Neville, Sir Thomas Holdich, Sir Harry Johnston, Sir W. Anson, M.P., Mr. S. H. 
Butcher, M.P., Mr. Hart-Davies, M.P., and Mr. Annan Bryce, M.P. 

Mr. Asquith was accompanied by Mr. Hobhouse, M.P., Financial Secretary to 
the Treasury, Sir Francis Hopwood, Colonial Office ; Sir T. Holderness, India Office ; 
Lord Dufferin, Foreign Office ; and Mr. Nash and the Hon. E. S. Montague, M.P., 
private secretaries. 

The memorial, which is published in full in Journ. Roy. Anthr. Inst., XXXVIII, 
p. 489, pointed out the importance of anthropology to administration and trade and 
prayed that the Government would make a small annual grant for the establishment 
of an Imperial Bureau of Anthropology within the Institute. 

MR. RUSSELL REA, who introduced the deputation, said they had a little demand 
to make of the Prime Minister, who, he thought, seldom received a demand so small 
in itself and at the same time promising so much good if granted. 

PROFESSOR RIDGEWAY, in explaining the object of the deputation, said that the 
science of anthropology was now sufficiently advanced to be used as an applied science, 
and it was for its use in that way, and in that aspect only, that they asked for the 
assistance of the Government. Their request fell under two heads : They were of 
opinion that anthropology could be made of the highest possible value for the service of 
the State for training administrators for the Indian, Colonial, and Consular services ; and 
secondly, they regarded it as a factor in commercial success. As to the first something 
had already been done. Some great administrators of the Empire, including Sir 
Reginald Wingate, had asked them to provide training for officials ; and probationers 
for the Soudan were now being trained at the Universities in this science. On the 

[ 85 ] 



No. 55.] MAN. [1909, 

other hand, our trade was suffering from the want of training in anthropology. The 
Germans were quite clear as to its value in trade, and were spending 10,000 a year on 
the teaching of ethnology. As much as 800 a year had been spent in this way in 
China for the purpose of advancing trade. Both in China and Japan merchants had 
pointed out the drawback to our trade caused by the lack of this knowledge in our 
Consular service and traders. A case in point was the business done in India in the sale 
of travelling bags and holdalls. In this trade English firms had been ousted by German 
firms, who knew the habits and prejudices of the people, and who, unlike their English 
rivals, avoided the use of leather in manufacturing these articles for the natives of India. 
One German firm was making a large fortune in this way. What the Royal Geographical 
Society had done for geographical science, what the Royal Society had done for science 
in general, this Institute proposed to do for anthropology. It already included most 
distinguished men, and had correspondents in all parts of the world. Their reports 
ought to be carefully indexed for reference to each race. The need for this might be 
illustrated by the case of an official untrained in anthropology, whose action led to a 
misunderstanding on the part of a border tribe. A military expedition followed, the 
cost of which was probably ten times as much as the Institute asked for in the next 
hundred years. Professor Ridgeway proceeded to deal with the need of anthropometry, 
an important branch of the science, whose claims he advocated. Meastirements and 
other details of physical characteristics should be taken in every school. 
MR. ASQUITH : That would cost a lot of money. 

PROFESSOR RIDGEWAY : Not as we propose to carry it out. It might be made 
part of the duty of schoolmasters and medical inspectors to measure the children. 

Continuing his statement on the main proposal Professor Ridgeway said that 
they could make a good start with 500 a year. Some years ago the Royal 
Geographical Society received a similar grant on condition that they placed their 
collection of maps at the service of the public. The effect of such a grant would 
be to increase the efficiency of the empire in all directions ; to lessen friction with 
native races and stimulate and help our commerce. 

SIR EDWARD CANDY supported the objects of the deputation from the point of 
view of the Indian official. He called attention to the fact that among the voluntary 
subjects which the Civil Service probationer took up was Indian Civil Law. 
MR. ASQUITH : Would you make anthropology a compulsory subject ? 
SIR EDWARD CANDY : Certainly. 

SIR HARRY JOHNSTON said that the study of anthropology was almost a 
necessity for an empire like ours. We ought to be the first in the field in this 
science. Missionaries had carried on an unofficial instruction in anthropology for 
which we could never be too grateful. As a race, we were very snobbish, and once 
a grant were made and the institute called " Royal " by the permission of the King, 
anthropology would receive an enormous impetus. 

SIR RICHARD TEMPLE said that if a man was going to command alien troops 
with success he must have willing obedience, and to secure that he must have a 
knowledge of the race and of the social training of the men who Avere under him. 

Replying to Mr. Asquith, Sir Richard said that whether or no anthropology were 
made a compulsory subject in examinations it ought to rank high in the scale of 
importance. 

MR. ASQUITH : The Institute is not a teaching body. 

SIR RICHARD TEMPLE : We would collect information and disseminate it, and 
we should think ourselves in a position to advise the Government upon the best 
subjects to teach. 

MR. ASQDITH, in replying, said that he was very glad to meet the members of 
the deputation. He fully recognised the high authority of the names appended to the 

[ 86 ] 



1909,] MAN. [No. 55. 

memorial ; they were those of men of great administrative experience. He was entirely 
with the deputation in their proposition that anthropology had become, and was 
becoming more and more every year, not only an important, but an indispensable branch 
of knowledge, not merely for scholars, but for persons who in an empire like ours were 
going to undertake whether in the consular service in India or in the Crown colonies 
the work of administration. In his day at Oxford they studied scholarship with very 
little reference to anthropology. Professor Ridgeway and others had now made that 
state of things impossible. A young man at a university was now compelled to equip 
himself with a mass of knowledge from this science, which was once unknown. Much 
more was this the case when they came to deal with an enormous variety of tribes, 
customs, and usages of a more or less imperfectly developed civilisation. On that 
point there was no dispute. He hesitated to express a final or considered opinion as to 
whether anthropology should be made a compulsory subject in examinations, but he was 
quite satisfied it was highly desirable it should be a recognised subject of study in the 
normal equipment of a young man who was going to outlying regions of the empire, 
where he would encounter strange conditions of life. Therefore, so far as their 
object was to arouse an expression of sympathy on the part of the Government in the 
teaching of anthropology and the development of it as a study and one especially 
germane to the work of administration, he could assure them of the Government's 
hearty sympathy. But the Royal Anthropological Institute, whose claim they were 
there to advocate, was not itself a teaching body. 

PROFESSOR RIDGEWAY explained that it was proposed to grant diplomas to those 
who had done good work in anthropology. 

MR. ASQUITH said that the actual work of giving tuition in anthropology would 
be left to the Universities. Whether or no this grant were made it would make no 
difference once interest in the subject was aroused in the Universities. But when they 
asked for a grant to this Institute for the purpose, he supposed, of giving it better 
accommodation, larger space, greater facilities for acquiring and storing books and 
other materials, then arose critical questions. It would be said, " What about others ? " 
He supposed there must be 50 or 100 certainly 50 institutions and societies 
carrying on most excellent work, all on a voluntary basis, and contending with great 
plausibility that their work would be much facilitated if an annual subvention were 
granted. There were, he thought and he spoke subject to correction only three insti- 
tutions at that moment on a basis similar to that of the Royal Anthropological Institute, 
which received Government subventions. These were the Royal Geographical Society 
and how this society obtained a grant he did not know, but it was so many years 
ago that no one could dispute its title and the two British schools of Athens and 
of Rome, which had come in of late years, and as to whose title he thought it better 
to say nothing. There were only these three out of the whole of the splendid agencies 
of the country, on a voluntary basis, which had effectively established their title to these 
subsidies, and therefore he must walk very warily, and could not consider the claims of 
one without considering the claims of others. All he could say to them on this point 
was that he would bring to the notice of the Chancellor of the Exchequer, who was the 
person really and directly responsible, all that they had said that afternoon, and the 
representations they had put forward, backed with such high authority, would receive 
that respectful consideration which they deserved. But he could not hold out any- 
thing in the nature of an assurance or expectation that the pecuniary grant for which 
they asked would in the end be given. For himself he should be very glad from the 
point of view of imperial administration if it could be given. 

The Deputation thanked Mr. Asquith and withdrew. 



Nos. 56-57.] 



MAN. 



[1909. 



England : Archaeology. Smith. 

Palaeolithic Implement -found near the British Museum. By CQ 

Worthington G. Smith, F.L.S. UU 

The accompanying illustration, drawn to half scale, represents a fine palaeolithic 

implement, found by an exca- 
vator whilst repairing a drain in 
Woburn Place, near the British 
Museum, in 1902. The digger 
knew nothing of implements, but 
preserved the flint on account 
of the pebble at the base. The 
tool remained in the digger's 
possession till July, 1908, when 
another man acquainted with 
stone implements happened to 
see it. This second man happily 
had my name and address, and 
he advised the finder to send 
the stone to me. The owner 
acted on this advice and for- 
warded the implement by parcel 
post, giving particulars of the 
finding, and asking that I would 
send him any sum I thought 
proper. 

The implement was found 
at a depth of 10 to 12 feet ; it 
is somewhat abraded, blackish, 
clouded livid, and lustrous all 
over. It agrees well with the 
famous Gray's Inn implement 
found in the seventeenth century. 
It is petrologically interesting 
on account of the oval flint 
pebble which forms part of the 
base. The maker of the tool by clever flaking designedly left this pebble intact. 
The implement is larger than the Gray's Inn example and weighs 1 Ib. 8 ozs. 

WORTHINGTON G. SMITH. 




Africa : Uganda. Roscoe. 

Python Worship in Uganda. By the Rev. J. Roscoe. C"f 

Python worship was confined almost entirely to one clan in Uganda, and Uf 
had a limited sphere of influence. 

The place where this worship was carried on was on an estate called Bulonge, 
in Budu, a district of Uganda to the south bordering on the west shores of the lake 
Victoria Nyanza. The temple (sabo) was situated in a forest on the shores of the 
lake by the bank of a river called Mujuzi. The land near the temple was culti- 
vated with plantains by the members of the Heart (Mutima) clan. This clan had 
charge of the temple, which was a large conical hut built of poles and thatched with 
grass ; the base was some 20 feet in diameter, and 24 feet or 25 feet high at the 
apex. The floor of the temple was carpeted with a sweet smelling grass like the 
lemon grass ; on one side of it was the sacred place of the snake and his guardian, 

C 88 ] 



1909.] MAN. [No. 57. 

who was a woman who might never marry ; her name was Nazimba. A log of wood 
lay on the floor and a stool near it for the python ; over these a barkcloth was 
spread for the snake to lie upon. Through the side of the hut a round hole was cut 
for the ingress or egress of the python. On the other side of the hut was the 
bedstead of the Medium (Mandwa) and his assistant, who also lived in the temple. 
The chief of the estate had to keep the temple in good order, and called the members 
of the clan to rebuild it when it was necessary. 

The python had by some means been trained to come into this hut and live 
there ; it drank freely inilk which had some white clay mixed with it, and also was 
given fowls and small goats. The Medium daily brought a large bowl of milk from 
some sacred cows which were kept for the sole use of the python. This large wooden 
bowl was taken by the woman Nazimba and held for the python to drink from ; it lay 
with its head over the stool and drank the milk. From time to time the Medium took 
fowls or goats and tied them on the bank of the river and the python went down and 
devoured them. These offerings were made whenever the Medium wished to have a 
successful fishing expedition, because the python was supposed to have power over the 
river and all the fish in it. Without the offering to obtain the deity's favour the expedi- 
tion was supposed to be of no value. After each successful fishing expedition the 
Medium called all the people from the estate to a sacred meal of the fish ; they had to 
provide the cooked vegetables and beer, and the Medium prepared the fish for the meal. 

The names of the python were Selwanga and Magobwe, which are names used 
for men. The chief duties of the python were to give increase of children. Newly- 
married men or those whose wives did not have children went to seek his blessing, 
an assistance to obtain them. Other requests were also made to him, but he was 
called the giver of children. 

The time for worship was at the new moon ; for several days before the moon 
became visible the people made preparations because there was no work allowed to 
be done on the estate for seven days. Directly the moon appeared the drums were 
beaten and the people gathered for the worship ; those who had requests to make 
brought offerings for the god ; they were chiefly beer, cowry shells, and a few goats 
and fowls. The priest always came with a large following of smaller chiefs ; the 
priesthood was hereditary, and the holder of it was always the chief of the estate. 
When the priest had received the offerings from the people and told the python what 
had been brought and the number of requests, he dressed the Medium in the sacred dress 
ready for the python to take possession of him. The dress consisted of two bark- 
cloths, each one tied at two corners, and slipped over the head with the knot of the one 
on the right shoulder, and that of the other resting on the left shoulder and hanging 
down below the knees. Round the waist were two goat-skin aprons from white goats, 
the skins beautifully dressed. One of them hung in front and the other hung down 
behind. Round his chest was a leopard skin, and on his head he wore a crown made 
of a strip of goat's skin decorated with beads and the seeds of the wild banana. In 
his hand he held two fly whisks made from buffalo tails. When the priest had thus 
dressed the Medium, he gave him a small gourd cup full of beer to drink, and afterwards 
some of the milk mixed with the white clay from the python's bowl ; the spirit of the 
python then came upon the man, and he went down on his face and wriggled about 
upon his stomach like a snake, uttering peculiar noises, and speaking in a tongue which 
required an interpreter to explain to the people. The people stood around and looked 
on whilst the drums were beaten and the python gave its oracle. The interpreter, 
named Lukumirizi, stood by listening until the Medium had ended his speech ; when 
he finished his talk he fell down or lay down like a person in a sound sleep for a 
long time utterly overcome with his exertions. Lukumirizi the interpreter then 
explained what had been foretold, and told the fortunate persons whose requests had 

[ 89 ] 



Nos. 57-58.] MAN. [1909. 

been granted what they were to do in order to obtain their desire, and what was the 
medical treatment which the wife was to undergo, &c. This ceremony was repeated 
each day during the seven days feasting. The people were then free to return to their 
homes and look forward to the fulfilment of the promises. When children were born 
according to the promise of the python the parents had to take an offering of either a 
goat or fowls to the temple ; if they neglected to do so their children were stricken 
with some disease, and the parents were soon driven to the medicine men for advice to 
save their families, and he ordered them to pay the proper offering to the python, and 
also told what herbs to use to restore the sick person. 

From time to time the Medium went over to the island of Sese for cows from the 
god Mnkasa to supply the python with milk. His reason for going to Mukasa was 
because the wife of Mukasa was a female python named Nalwanga, sister of Selwanga. 
The brother-in-law according to the usual custom of the nation has to give presents 
from time to time to his wife's brother. The terms used for possession are to take 
hold of the head (kukwata kumutwe) and to marry (kutvasa). These cows were always 
brought decorated with creepers around their bodies to show they were sacred animals ; 
They were kept close by the temple and were milked daily for the python. 

The kings used to send the chief of the district (pokino^) to the python to ask 
for his blessing so that they might have children. 

Once each year the Medium also took a gift of fish to the king from the 
python. J. ROSCOE. 

REVIEWS. 
Africa : Uganda. Hattersley. 

The Baganda at Home. With One Hundred Pictures of Life and Work in CO 
Uganda. By C. W. Hattersley, Secretary, Board of Education, C.M.S. UU 
Uganda. Author of Uganda by Pen and Camera. London : Religious Tract Society, 
1908. Pp. xvi + 227. 22 x 14 cm. Price 5s. 

This exceedingly well-illustrated book is well calculated to serve the purpose for 
which it is apparently written, namely, to interest the public at large in the mission 
work which is being so successfully carried on by the Church Missionary Society in 
Uganda and the adjacent tribes. Mr. Hattersley, the author, is secretary to the 
Board of Education, and seems to have given some attention to the natives, their 
habits and customs. 

The results of his observations are set down with clearness and are likely to be 
very useful to the Cook's tourists who are now in increasing numbers visiting Uganda, 
as well as traders and officials. The book will also prove of great use in showing 
the influence which a mission may have in a land where the people are so amenable 
to instruction as the Baganda are. 

Looking at the book from the anthropological point of view, although there is 
nothing very new to be found in its pages, yet we can glean many interesting details 
as to the people, their customs and mental characteristics, and we can see how they 
have reacted to the foreign influences which have been at work in the country during 
the past quarter of a century. 

The men seem to progress with much greater rapidity than the women, the latter 
not taking so very kindly to the new order of things. The advent, however, of lady 
missionaries is making a gradual change in this as well as the medical work in the 
excellent hospital administered by the mission. 

Apart from the natural aptitude of the Baganda, the mission must have great 
credit for the way in which they have taught the people. They seem to be working 
on the very satisfactory and commonsense lines of not aiming at giving the people 
a veneer of civilisation but in trying to develop an educated native race. 

C 90 ] 



1909.] MAN. [Nos. 58-59. 

The High School for the chiefs' sons is admirably conceived and is well 
carried out, as we are convinced on reading the details of the instruction which is 
given. 

The numerous illustrations are well reproduced and are most useful. A quotation 
will indicate the style of the book : 

" Uganda is a country the habits of which, when compared with England, appear to 
be entirely reversed. The men do the sewing and washing, they visit the friends of 
the family, they buy their wives, or in other words find the dowry, the bridegroom must 
in all cases provide the wedding presents and the feast. On the other hand, a woman 
may propose marriage to the man of her choice, and, indeed, goes off on a tour of 
exploration for that purpose even though the year be not leap-year. This is, however, 
quite reasonable, for she engages to provide food for the household, collect the 
firewood, carry the water, and do all the cultivating besides attending to the duties of 
motherhood. 

" The conditions of life for babies are not at all comfortable under such an 
arrangement, as one can readily see on any journey by noticing the number of babies 
lying each on a little scrap of bark-cloth with a banana leaf as a tent to protect 
them from the sun's rays, whilst their mothers are cultivating. The women look 
after the tobacco supply, and smoke it, too, and they make the beer for the family 
unless it is wanted in large quantities, when the men's help is called in. The women 
weave baskets and mats, though in this department a few good-natured men 
occasionally help." 

The book shows clearly the need of true anthropological study in these regions 
before it is too late. Even now, to one who knew the country thirty years ago, the 
account of many of the habits and customs of the people and their religious beliefs 
looks a faded picture, so rapidly do natives change when brought into touch with 
strenuous civilisation. 

The only thing we regret in the book is several needless remarks upon a form 
of religion the author does not happen to like. The country has suffered too much 
from the disharmony of so-called Christians ; surely it is time for different denomi- 
nations to join hands in brotherhood. R. W. F. 



Austria. Frizzi. 

Ein Beitrag zur Anthropologie des "Homo Alpinus Tirolensis." Von Dr. CQ 
Ernst Frizzi (Sonderabdruck aus Band XXXIX der Mitt, der Anthrop. UU 
Ges. in Wien). Vienna, 1909. Pp. 65. 31 x 21 cm. 

Thirty or forty years ago craniometry occupied a larger province in the anthro- 
pological realm than it does now. But it is not so much thrust into a corner as it 
was when the Cretan discoveries began, when I recollect saying, at the Liverpool 
meeting of the British Association, that I had never once heard in the section that 
blessed word brachycephalic. In our own country Thomson and Duckworth, on the 
continent Sergi, Ruggieri, Pittard, and many others, besides some of the veterans 
of the past generation, continue to labour in this field. 

Dr. Frizzi's last paper shows him inferior to none as a persevering and accurate 
worker, who shrinks from no amount of wearisome detail in his labours. One's first 
impression is that he has left little or no room for any subsequent investigation of 
the Tyrolese, so far as their skulls and skeletons are concerned. Sucli is not the 
case, of course ; there is plenty for future students of anthropology to do in the 
comparison of the different districts, not only in the two great divisions of German 
and Italian Tyrol, but in the several subdivisions of each. Frizzi has selected the 
village of Laas in the Vintshgau for especial study ; and it is evident, or at least 
highly probable, that he has had to deal there with a population more tinctured with a 

[ 91 ] 



No. 59,] MAN. [1909. 

dolichocephalic northern strain than in sundry districts further north, and even in the 
south of Bavaria. Speaking generally, however, and having embraced in his own 
personal measurements as many as 1,064 crania from very many districts of Tyrol, 
he confirms and extends the observations of John Ranke, Holl, Toldt and Tappeiner, 
demonstrates the great resemblance of the prevailing type in the Tyrol to that in 
Switzerland and Upper Bavaria, and definitely assigns it to the " Alpine " race. 
Except in the case of Laas, he does not usually attempt to determine the sex of his 
crania, herein following John Ranke. Perhaps they are right in abstaining from 
guessing : one of the distinctions on which one relies as between the sexes in the 
Germanic races, to wit, the comparative verticality of the forehead and absence of 
glabella in the female, is by no means conspicuous in the Swiss and Tyrolese where 
these characters are very common also in the male whereas in Francothuringia Ranke 
notes the prominent glabella and receding forehead, as characters correlated with a 
reduction of the cranial capacity. 

Frizzi demonstrates clearly enough the resemblance, the almost identity in racial 
characters, of the Tyrolese and the Bavarian mountaineers. The stature may be a little 
higher in the former. Frizzi puts it at 1,673 mm. in the living ; but, on applying 
Manouvrier's rule to some skeletons, he got only 1,631 mm. in males and 1,512 mm. 
in females. 

In colour he does not claim to be a practised observer, but he notes a huge 
proportion of green eyes, which Mr. John Gray or I would probably call medium or 
neutral. In the hair he finds, as Schimmer did, a very great difference between the 
German and Italian Tyrolese, the German being lighter in eye, and still more so in 
hair. The line of demarcation is almost as well marked as that of Vanderkindere 
between the Flemings and the Walloons, but it bulges northwards to include in the 
Italian area the rural parts of Bozen, where the German element is probably retreating 
before the Italian (see my map in Colour and Race and those of Schimmer). Frizzi 
carries out a careful comparison of the Tyrolese with Ranke's Upper Bavarians, and 
Wettstein's Disentis folk, a comparison extending to many minute details. He is 
cautious in coming to positive conclusions ; but on the whole it may be said that he 
finds a common element prevailing among all these Alpine people, the brachycephalic 
and leptoprosopic, which is, perhaps, most pure in the Disentis series. Frizzi derives 
it from the Rhaeti, so far as his own province is concerned. There seem to be greater 
local differences in Tyrol than in Bavaria proper, as might be expected in a country 
of valleys separated by almost impassable mountain ranges. It would seem that some 
of the more secluded glens, or the heads of valleys, such as the Oetzthal, the 
Taufererthal, the Martelthal, the Miinsterthal, retain a population more hyperbrachy 
than even that of the Vorderrhein valley, with mean indices over 85. On the 
other hand, the Zillerthal, the Val Sugana east of Trent, and Laas in the Vintzgau, 
and some other places in less degree, are at most sub-brachycephalic, and would seem, 
either from the circumstances of their original conquest by the Germans or from 
what one can only call accidents, to have retained a notable proportion of the Marcoman 
or Swabian element. In this connection one may be forgiven if one recalls the fact 
of the persecution of the Zillerthalers, and the expulsion of many of them from their 
native homes, on account of their stedfast adherence to the Protestant religion. 

The low index (80) of the Valsugana folk may possibly result from the smallness 
of the number measured. The index for Fassathal, another Italian locality, is 84 5 ; 
yet there is a kind of likeness in other points. The modern Lombards have a high 
index ; but their racial elements are not exactly the same as those of the Bavarians and 
Tyrolese. Frizzi measured the capacity in his Laas people with millet ; the result 
was small 1,358 for men and 1,260 for women. This fact Frizzi himself ascribes to 
the method, but I think his personal equation may also have a little to do with it. Still, 

[ 92 ] 



1909,] 



MAN. 



[No. 59. 



his Laas folk must surely have smaller heads (with one extraordiuary exception) than 
the Tyrolese in general. By Welcker's Table C the former should have a capacity of 
1,344, the latter one of 1,462 ccm., agreeing fairly with Ranke's Upper Bavarians. 

I have calculated the probable capacity of most of the divisions of Frizzi's 
Tyrolese, but the results I have obtained are obscured and rendered of smaller value 
by the unsolved question of sex. My own peripheral plan yields rather high figures as 
a rule often over 1,500 but almost always between those gotten by the Manouvrier - 
Flower process for males and for females, and fairly comparable with Ranke's if I 
read him rightly as well as with Welcker's Table D, the circumferential one. Pearson's 
processes all give smaller results, as a rule too small, as I believe. Considering the 
desirability of getting the best possible process for the estimation of capacity (for our 
best one, Manouvrier's, is nearly perfect only in his own practised hands), I may dwell 
a little on this point. Frizzi's circumference for 90 Innthal skulls, male and female, is 
528*4 ; Ranke's for 100 from the same valley is 515 ; Frizzi measures as low down on 
the glabella as he can ; Ranke, I suspect, over the ophryon. This would increase my 
estimate by about 2^ per cent. Frizzi measures his Q arc from the top of the earhole 
over the bregma ; and his heights are bregmatic, which Pearson's are not. How that 
would affect Pearson's results I am not sure. 

More important, probably, is the question of sex-relations, of the probable proportion 
of male to female capacity in skulls of the same measurement. Now Manouvrier says 
that in such a case the female skull will have the larger capacity, the mean difference 
averaging in different races from about 2 to nearly 5 per cent., and on the whole, as I 
read, about 3. Mme. Pelletier makes it 3, i.e., she divides the product of length, 
breadth, and ear-height by 202 for males and 196 for females to get the respective 
capacities. But Professor Pearson and Dr. Lee, on the other hand, have constructed 
formulae which in most cases, from identical measurements, would bring out a smaller 
capacity for the female. Professor Pearson has blamed me because, having little 
experience in female skulls, I have not devised any special plan for measuring their 
capacity, but simply used my masculine one. Ranke's and Frizzi's labours yield fair 
opportunities for testing whether Athanasius is in the right as against the anthropometric 
world, which follows Manouvrier. 

The following are Ranke's figures, arranged in the simplest form : 



MALE. 


FEMALE. 


No. of Cases. 


Average Circum- 
ference. 


Average 
Capacity. 


No. 


Average Circum- 
ference. 


Average 
Capacity. 


6 


513 6 


1,321 


21 


511 


1,374 


11 
26 
9 


519 
526 
530 


1,371 
1,470 
1,508 


12 
5 
6 


518 
521 

528 


1,431 
1,457 
1,520 



Four male and four female skulls from Laas, measured and gauged by Dr. Frizzi, 
are available, not counting outside sizes : 



MALE. 



FEMALE. 



Modulus. 


Circumference. 


Capacity. 


Modulus. 


Circumference. 


Capacity. 


417 
435 
444 
438 


480 
496 
497 
498 


1,080 
1,110 
1,200 
1,175 


438 
430 
426 
433 


483 
484 
488 
490 


1,320 
1,220 
1,160 
1,200 


Averages, 434 


493 


1,141 


432 


486 


1,225 



[ 93 ] 



Nos. 59-60.] MAN. [1909. 

Here the females average 84 c.cms. of capacity over males of even larger cir- 
cumference and modulus. The greater thickness so often found in the male cranium, 
the stronger muscular impressions, the less vertically of the forehead, would all lead 
one to expect some such difference. 

Yet Pearson's multitude of formulae, so far as I have examined them, almost always 
reverse this difference, so that with the same dimensions they assign to a feminine skull 
a smaller capacity, sometimes very much smaller ; the degree of diminution varying 
prodigiously in his several formulae. Thus, in the neighbourhood of Innspruck I find, 
on applying his 12-13, or basi-bregmatic scheme, to Frizzi's figures (the same figures), 
a difference so great as between 1,473 and 1,369, according to whether we suppose the 
same skulls to be male or female. Manouvrier's estimate (supposing them female), 
even when reduced to Flower's standard, would be 1,597, or more than 200 above 
Pearson's. The latter's German formula, No. 9, is much better, the difference of male 
and female coming out as that between 1,472 and 1,462 ; but still it also is on the 
wrong side. J. BEDDOE. 



Prehistory. Hewitt. 

Primitive Traditional History. By J. F. Hewitt. James Parker, 1907. Ofl 
2 vols. Pp. 977, 4 plates. DU 

This work deserves more attention than it seems as yet to have received. Whatever 
may be said about the theories of the author, his extensive acquaintance with present 
primitive life in India and with ancient Indian literature, and his wide reading otherwise, 
must render the forty-five pages of index of these volumes a valuable mass of references 
to such subjects. It is difficult to grasp the matter presented, owing to the great 
mixture of statements which are not essential to the case in question ; and which, 
though illustrative, are yet irrelevant to direct proof which the reader may seek. If the 
work were a tenth of the length it would probably succeed far better in gaining 
acceptance of its main propositions. Here we will try to give such an outline as will 
show other students how far this work may bear on their researches. 

The essential basis seems highly probable. Many different kalendars are found 
to have been used by different peoples ; and as the kalendar is not changed without a 
great upheaval of civilisation and habit, so each kalendar may be taken as the most 
obvious brand of one type of civilisation, and by its transference it gives good evidence 
of a mixture of race. Moreover, each kalendar by the number of days, weeks, and 
months which it employs, stamps the use of these numbers on the religion and social 
life. And the observation of the stars for the purposes of the kalendar induces a 
mythology and cosmogony which is also characteristic of each civilisation. Our own 
observation of historical instances certainly bears out these principles. In Indian ritual- 
literature there appears to be a great mass of references to numbers connected with the 
kalendar ; but it would need a first-hand knowledge to criticise the applications of the 
Rigveda and other documents to this subject. It is regrettable that on the Egyptian 
side I certainly could not bear out the statements and their applications in manv parts. 
But the Indian material is very different, and is known by the author much better than 
the Egyptian ; moreover, there are express documentary statements of the ritual 
adoption of numbers of objects and of measures as referring to kalendar numbers, and 
the superposition of one ritual upon another in historical order seems well attested. 
The author's position is summarised thus : 

" In short, the whole ritual of the Indian Church as expounded in the Rigveda 
and the Brahmana ritualistic manuals was that of the worship of the gods who measure 
time, and it was the successive phases assumed by the forms of worship altered with 

[ 94 ] 



1909.] 



MAN. 



[No. 60. 



.So 

8* 



11 






1 >> 



-si 

a- 8 



1 



as 

in 



.> .S -H O 



S s s s 

C8 S r>--^ 

g 3 !^ Sa 

'S-a m 1 3 cr 



bol 



crifi 
Sym 





QQ 



QC f" 1 



Sacred 
nimals 



~ of 

S ts 
"3 S >> 

G.S.2 

ip 



! 



ill 

''- 



S, 













"I S I 



e 






O 



tt 



t -- C 

i^tO 

ecco 



M * 
+ 



'? 

4-> v 



O 



Nos. 60-61.] MAN. [1909. 

the changing computations of the year which distinguished the epochs of national 
chronology, and these changes were, as we have seen, all connected with the advent 
of new immigrant races who became in course of time united in one composite 
nationality with those who had preceded them" (p. 959). 

To enter on detail here is impossible, or even to give any idea of the enormous mass 
of suggested connections with the beliefs of most of Asia and Europe, and parts 
of Africa, America, and Australia. But a tabular synopsis of the principal ideas 
connected with each kalendar will enable readers to grasp the outline, and to see how 
far other known facts will corroborate or contradict it. If only a tenth of the state- 
ments made in the work prove sound there is enough to be of prime value for a 
systematic treatment of the prehistoric ages. 

Referring to the tabular view, we may note that the earliest year is of five-day 
weeks, thirty-six of which occupy each of the monsoon seasons. Next lunar influence 
appears in the making twelve months of such weeks. Then a lunar month of twenty- 
nine days is used separately from the week, and is levelled up with the year by a twelve 
days' festival at the year's end, found from northern Europe to India. Five weeks of 
six days in the month is then adopted as an approximate month. The week of seven 
days, four in the month, and thirteen months of the year is the next, along with a curious 
form of reckoning in lunar days, nine of which form a week, and twelve months of three 
weeks make up a year. The strange week of eleven days and year of eleven months 
seems to break away altogether from lunations, as also do the years of fifteen and of 
seventeen months. The month of four five-day weeks, or twenty days, repeated six 
times in each of the three seasons scarcely touches the lunations. But the ten-day 
week, three of which made the month, is about as near as our present kalendar. 
The Babi system is a curiosity as showing an entirely new departure ; nineteen days 
to the month, nineteen months to the year, and nineteen years to the lunar cycle has an 
attractive uniformity. We may add another form of year, that of the early Arab, which 
was of ten lunations, ignoring the solar year. This is shown by there being only ten 
names of months, and two of them duplicated to make up the solar twelve months. 
The adherence to lunar months still, and shift of the whole of the months every 
thirty-three years, shows how entirely lunar is the Arab system. 

The other columns scarcely need any explanation, though a long account would be 
needed to show the evidence for each statement. The last column contains the dates 
suggested by the connections of the constellations with the seasons. Such dates may 
be possible for the rise of the primitive ideas, but cannot be linked with the whole of 
each system. For instance, bronze was probably unknown till 1500 or 2000 B.C., and 
so must be a much later incident in the system of 11000 B.C. Even copper cannot be 
dated earlier than 7000 or 8000 B.C. The evidence for these dates is intricate, and not 
at all inevitable ; but yet they may well be true of the rise of the astrology with which 
they are stated to be connected. 

The work deserves to be analysed by several specialists, and if each would say 
how much is probable and possible we might register a considerable advance in our 
ideas of prehistoric ages. W. M. FLINDERS FETRIE. 



ANTHROPOLOGICAL NOTE. 

WE regret to hear of the sudden death, at the age of seventy years, of IM 

Dr. J. D. E. Schmeltz, who had been director of the Royal Ethnographical Ul 

Museum at Leyden since 1897, and was editor of the Internationale Archiv fiir 
Ethnographic. He was elected an Honorary Fellow of the Institute in 1892. 

Printed by EYBE AND SPOTTISWOODE, LTD., His Majesty's Printers, East Harding Street, E.C. 



PLATE G. 



MAN, 1909. 




Photo: Horsburgh, Edinburgh. 



DANIEL JOHN CUNNINGHAM. 



1909.] MAN. [No. 62. 

ORIGINAL ARTICLES. 
Obituary. With Plate G. Cunningham. 

Daniel John Cunningham. Born April 15th, 1850; died June CO 
23rd, 1909. By Professor Arthur Thomson. Ufc 

By the death of Professor D. J. Cunningham of the University of Edinburgh, at 
the age of fifty-nine, not only has the world of science lost a distinguished ornament, 
but many of us a valued friend. A son of the manse, he was born at Crieff, where 
his father, afterwards the distinguished Principal of St. Andrew's University, was parish 
minister. In the academy school of the Perthshire town he received his early education, 
subsequently passing to the University of Edinburgh, where he graduated with honours 
in medicine in the year 1874. During his undergraduate career young Cunningham was 
noted for his brilliant talents, and in most, if not all, of his classes obtained the highest 
distinctions. In 1876 he took his doctor's degree, being awarded a gold medal for the 
excellence of his thesis. It was then that he entered on the career which he has 
pursued with such distinction. Appointed a demonstrator on the anatomical staff of 
the University under Professor W. Turner, he threw himself into his work with an 
energy which was amazing. In spite of the arduous nature of his teaching duties he 
yet found time to engage in laborious research, and the early results of his tireless 
industry are to be found in the reports of the " Challenger " expedition, to which he 
contributed the article dealing with the Marsupialia. In those days Cunningham soon 
gave evidence of marked ability as a teacher : possessed of a clear and lucid style, he 
reduced the most complex subjects to terms so simple as that all might understand. 
He had the knack of enlisting the sympathy of his audience and so keeping their 
attention fixed. Frequently demonstrating, as he had to do, late in the afternoon, 
he succeeded effectually in maintaining the interest of his class. Seldom, indeed, did 
the worn-out student succumb to the influence of slumber when Cunningham was 
lecturing. 

As the results of his accomplishment as a teacher, and his recognised ability 
as an anatomist, he quickly attained promotion. In 1882 he was appointed Professor 
of Anatomy in the Royal College of Surgeons of Ireland, a Chair which he occupied 
but for a year, being translated to the corresponding Chair in Trinity College, Dublin, 
on the resignation of Professor Alex. Macalister, then called to Cambridge. With 
what distinction and success Professor Cunningham held that office for a period of 
twenty years those conversant with medical education in Ireland can best testify. 
But, in 1903, the Chair of Anatomy in Edinburgh becoming vacant through the 
appointment of Sir William Turner to the Principalship of the University, Professor 
Cunningham, ever loyal to his Alma Mater, accepted the invitation to succeed to the 
illustrious line of anatomists who have adorned that University. At what personal 
sacrifice he entered on the duties of his new office those alone who knew him 
intimately can appreciate. It was wholly from a sense of duty to the University 
he loved so well that he undertook the responsibilities of so arduous a position. He 
had been looking forward to the time when, possibly, he might be able to take 
things a little more easily, and so find opportunities for the furtherance of those 
researches to which hitherto he had had so little time to devote. But these con- 
siderations never weighed with him ; he went where duty called too soon, alas! to 
be snatched from us in his prime just when probabilities of other and higher 
distinctions seemed well within his grasp. 

It is outside the scope of this article to deal with his work as an anatomist, it 
is rather with the anthropological aspects of his work that we are most concerned. 
Among the memoirs which he wrote, none, perhaps, has attained wider recognition 
than that produced on " The Lumbar Curve in Man and Apes," published by the 

[ 97 ] 



No. 62,] MAN. [1909, 

Royal Irish Academy in 1886. It may be said to be the classic on the subject. 
Therein he submitted the data obtained from the measurement of the vertebrae of the 
columns of men and apes to a searching analysis : he proved how erroneous conclusions 
drawn from the macerated skeleton might be, because of the necessary neglect of the 
intervertebral discs in the constitution of the curves. Whereas the inspection of the 
macerated vertebral column of an Australian might lead to the supposition that a 
characteristic of that race was an apparent absence of the lumbar curve, he clearly 
demonstrated, by the examination of recent specimens with the discs still in position, 
that their vertebral columns displayed as pronounced curves as those exhibited by the 
higher races. He thus enforced the necessity of considering the close correlation which 
exists between structure and function in the vertebral columns, and was able in 
consequence to guard against the error of supposing that the osseous structure of the 
column in the lower races was a sign of inferiority ; whereas, in fact, it was only proof 
of their greater range of mobility. 

His studies in relation to giantism as embodied in his memoir on " Cornelius 
" Magrath, the Irish Giant " (1891), were an important addition to our knowledge of the 
subject. Of not less importance, in regard to the question of head form, was his paper 
on the " Brain and Head of the Microcephalic Idiot," published in the transactions of 
the Royal Irish Academy in 1895. Nor must we omit to mention the illuminating 
address delivered on the occasion of the Huxley memorial lecture in 1902, when he 
expounded in detail the anatomical evidence bearing on the subject of " Right- 
" handedness and Left-brainedness." His address, as President of the Royal 
Anthropological Institute in 1908, dealt in a scholarly way with the influence exercised 
by the pioneers of physical anthropology in the eighteenth century, and provides in 
useful form an admirable record and criticism of the genius and labours of such men as 
Camper, White, Blumenbach, Pritchard, and Lawrence. Not less interesting, though 
possibly not so well known, was his address to the graduates in medicine of the 
University of Edinburgh in 1904 on " The Evolution of the Graduation Ceremony," 
wherein he treated of the symbolism and survivals retained in the various ceremonies 
adopted by the universities throughout the world. 

Of other contributions to the literature of anthropology we may note his presi- 
dential address at the Anthropological Section of the British Association at Glasgow 
in 1901, his memoir in the transactions of the Royal Society of Edinburgh (1906) 
on " The Varying Forms of the Stomach in Man and the Anthropoid Ape," and his 
paper on the " Australian Forehead " in the collected essays presented to Professor 
E. B. Tylor on the occasion of his jubilee. 

In other capacities Professor Cunningham's association with anthropology was 
intimate and most helpful. He maintained the high standard of teaching on the subject 
initiated by his predecessor, Sir W. Turner, in the University of Edinburgh, where 
physical anthropology is recognised as one of the subjects for the B.Sc. degree. 
Whilst his services as chairman of the Committee of the British Association charged 
with the duty of promoting the establishment of an anthropometric survey of the 
British Isles have been widely appreciated. 

Of honours he received many. A Fellow of the Royal Society, he also acted as one 
of the secretaries of the Royal Society of Edinburgh. He was a D.C.L. of Oxford, an 
LL.D. of Glasgow and St. Andrews, and a D.M. and D.Sc. of Dublin. A past pre- 
sident of the Royal Anthropological Institute, he also served in a similar capacity in the 
Anatomical Society of Great Britain and Ireland. He rendered yeoman service to his 
country as one of the Commissioners appointed to inquire into the care of the sick 
and wounded during the South African War, and his services were retained by the War 
Office Committee to report on the physical standards for candidates for commissions 
and recruits in the army. 

[ 98 1 



1909.] 



MAN. 



[Nos. 62-63. 



But no account of the man would be complete without a reference to those 
personal traits which endeared him to all who knew him. Gifted as he was, he was 
the most modest of men. To him no trouble was excessive, no responsibility too 
great. Everything he undertook was carried through with a deep sense of duty. 
Slip-shod work was foreign to his nature ; thoroughness and efficiency were his ideals. 
To those who differed from him on matters of policy he was always generous ; to 
his colleagues and friends he was ever loyal and true. He lived a life without 
blemish, and his record may well serve as a bright example to those who have to 
follow. ARTHUR THOMSON. 



Freire-Marreco. 
Children of School 



63 



England: Pigmentation. 

Notes on the Hair and Eye Colour of 591 
Age in Surrey. 41 By Barbara Freire-Marreco. 

The observations on which this paper is based were made up as follows : 
Chobham, National Schools, July 19, 1901 ; 54 boys, 30 girls, total 84. Horsell, 
National Schools, younger children, July 8, 1901 ; 54 boys, 21 girls, total 75. West- 
field, Woking, Council Schools, July 23, 1901 ; 130 boys, 71 girls, total 201. 
Pyrford, Council Schools, July 24, 1901 ; 
47 boys, 39 girls, total 86. Guildford, 
children in South Street, July 3, 1901 ; 
36 girls. Bramley, Council Schools, 
September, 1901 ; 55 boys, 21 girls, total 
76. Shamley Green, National Schools, 
September, 1901 ; 11 boys, 22 girls, total 
33. Grand total : 351 boys ; 240 girls. 

Of the seven parishes in which 
observations have been recorded, Chob- 
ham, Horsell, Pyrford, and Westfield 
(Old Woking) are in the Bagshot-sand 
country. Chobham lies in the water- 
meadows of the Hale Bourne Brook, and 
runs up the slope to the north ; Horsell, 
on a dry, sandy ridge, runs down to the 
Bourne Brook and westwards towards 
Bisley. Pyrford is on the extreme edge 
of the high ground overlooking the compli- 
cated waterways round Newark Priory ; 
Wokingf lies in the water-meadows be- 
tween the Hoe and the Wey, but the 
area served by Westfield SchoolJ extends 

* Submitted in compliance with Regula- 
tion 3 for the Diploma in Anthropology in the 
University of Oxford, June, 1908. 

I take this opportunity of thanking Mr. 
Marsh and Mr. and Mrs. Saunders of Westfield, 
Mr. Stevens of Pyrford, Mr. and Mrs. Tidy of 
Horsell, and Mr. and Miss Wetton of Chobham 
Schools for their kind co-operation. 

f Not Woking Junction, which is a modern 
settlement on the south edge of Horsell Moor. 

J Viz., Woking village, Westfield, Kingfield, 
Button, Mayford ; small numbers from Worples- 
don, Sander's Lane, Kemish Ford, Smart's 
Heath, Pray Heath, Poyle Hill, Hook Heath, 
Eglay Nurseries, Elm Bridge Green, Cross Lanes. 

C 99 ] 




FlG, 1. MAP OF DISTRICT. 



No. 63.] 



MAN. 



[1909. 







O W P= P- O en 




d 

V 

I 

s -a- a * 

g __. ^ rg g. t>, 

i 1 i 1 1 1 1 
1 . | J R 1 I J 

O K P pu O M w 










< * o h- i in 
m m co * 1 o I-H 


CO 


O r-( < OS CO ^^ CM 

CO C^ c CO CO ! C^ 


o 


in 




g 

5 


CO CO Oo 1 I *-< OS 


2 


X GO i>. oo in 

^5 1 0} t I >C 4h 


CO 
00 


04 
* 

m 


[j 

B 

H 


d 
I 


X 00 0} 00 CO * 
b- * c%> 0) CO OS 
1 


00 

s 


c co os <~) >* in 

CO OS OS 3 OJ CO 
>~l Oj "^ 

in ex c- ex oo co 


*M 


>~( 
m 

CO 


M 

a 

Q 


'3 


Oi CO ^ *-t C^ 

1 ! 


KI 

00 


^ Co CO Co 00 10 

1/3 *i 


CO 


CO 




1 


i II!!! 


1 


i * i -. i- i 


* 


? 




1 


c-3 *o to '"i *<t> 

os 05 c> os N. 
*i | ^i 
I 


00 

o 

M 


b. OS oo e^, 

O OS G^ X OS 


OS 

> 

OS 


00 
OS 

Tj* 


a 

!H 
W 

S 


Brown. 


*1 <M "-I | Oj -i 


S3 


c^> eo 3 >o *O 00 Oi 


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23 

00 


CO 


CO 


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'3 


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Gv| CO <M O} Oj Co 

G^l CO i-H ^H 


CO 

o 


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to o OQ ^ so *o ^ 
GO co t*- co eo t^ o 


3 

00 

t- 


00 
00 




I 


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A H ] ^ 1 


CO 
OJ 

00 


^n GO QO 

1 1 ^ 1 * * 1 


^ 


00 




M 

a 


1 1 III 


1 


111*1 1 


00 
CN 


M 


3 

H 


Brown. 


OS r~ 

* * II 
rH IN m r-l 


1 

OS 


oo >t< co so i 




01 


CO 



ca 


P 


CO X X OS 

OS C, W5 -TK 00 
O| OJ ^Ji^ 

CD -H l~ t- O 


"3 

in 


eo GVJ b* WD 

I 


-1 






1 


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CO 
<N 


l l i l i l 





CM 




















*Q O 
k 1 1 I $J 

CQ i i 

rt O 

S a 1 S I ^ i 
1 1 1 I 1 1 1 

O W ^ P< O C5 co 


Total Boys - 


i i i 

1 ' ' i 

* ' ' o 

a 2 ^ "S ^ >, 

* zs C, 

% $ 2 a 2 a a 

o S s '"3 $ * 
-a ^ "*> s ja 
Q K )S PL, cj pq en 


Total Girls 


Total for both sexes 



100 ] 



1909.] 



MAN. 



[No. 63. 



above the 100 feet line to the north and west of the Hoe. GuiJJford is on the chalk, 
where the Wey cuts through between the Hog's Back and Merrow Downs ; Bramley 
and Shamley Green are on the heather hills of the Lower Greensand ; Bramley lies 
between the hill and the water ; while Shamley Green is on a hill-promontory. 

Only Guildford can be called a town ; Sbamley Green is a very small bamlet. 
The order of population in 1901 was, approximately : Guildford, Westfield, Horsell, 
Bramley, Chobham, Pyrford, Shamley Green. This is an attempt to estimate the 
working-class population, from which the children in the elementary schools are drawn. 

It does not seem as if there was much relation between the geological situation 
of these parishes and the statistics of hair and eye colour obtained ; on the other 
hand, it will be seen by Table 3 (Curves of Hair and Eye Colour) and the seriations in 
Table 6 that the geographical situation is not without a bearing on the statistics : 
the two Bourne Brook parishes, Horsell and Chobham, fall together, and so do the two 
Hoe and Wey parishes, Pyrford and Westfield (Woking). It should be noted that until 
modern times there was no made road across the heaths from Horsell to Pyrford, 
whereas there was fairly easy communication along the meadows between Pyrford and 
Westfield. 

I have compared the surnames of the children attending the schools in July, 1901 ; 
the results are inconclusive. Horsell and Chobham have fourteen surnames in common, 
Westfield and Chobham fifteen, Horsell and Westfield seventeen ; Pyrford has nine 
surnames in common with Westfield, six with Horsell, five with Chobham. It is 
unfortunate that the Horsell subjects are not quite comparable in age with the rest, 
falling mostly within the lower standards of the school ; had the whole school been 
included it is possible that the excess of fair hair would have been corrected, and 
Horsell would have been brought nearer to Westfield. The increase and change of 
population since 1901 make it impossible to repair this omission. 

The observations were recorded, in the manner recommended by Dr. John Beddoe,* 
on a card ruled into three divisions for eye-colour and subdivided into columns for the 
five colours of hair ; in these the headings R, F, B stand for red, fair, and brown hair 









LIGHT. 


MEDIUM. 


DAHK. 




R. 


F. 


B- 


D. 


N. 


R. 


-ri 


B. 


D. 


N. 


R. 


F. 


B. 


D. X. 




- 


- 














1 l 


1 


1 








1 1 


1 


1 1 


-J 


Boys. 


- 


- 


- 


- 


- 


- 


1 l 


- 


1 


- 


- 


1 


- 


- 


~ j 


13 


_ 





_ 








_ 


l l 


I 


_ 


_ 





j 


1 1 





~ \ 




- 


- 


_ 


- 


- 


- 


1 1 


- 


- 


- 


- 


1 


- 


- 


- 


Girls. 
10 




















1 























-' 





Westfield Infants, 3-5, 23rd July, 1901 



respectively ; D stands for dark brown and nearly black hair ; N (niger) is reserved 
for hair which looks absolutely black in all lights. Of this last no example was 
recorded. Dr. Beddoe includes under niger also " the very intense brown which occurs 
" in people who in childhood have had dark brown (or in some cases deep red) hair, 
" but which in the adult cannot be distinguished from coal-black except in a good 
" light." The narrower limit assigned to niger in these observations must be taken 
into account in considering the Index of Nigrescence, for which Dr. Beddoe's formula 
is D +2 N R F. 



* Beddoe, Races of Britain, 1885. 
[ 101 ] 



No. 63.] 



MAN. 



[1909, 



To the division of " light eyes " are assigned blue, light blue-grey, and pale grey ; 
to the " medium " class dark bluish-grey, dark grey, hazel, hazel-grey, and bright light 
brown ; to the " dark " black, dark brown, and very dark grey indeed. 

TABLE 2. 





LIGHT EYES. 


MEDIUM EYES. 


DARK EYES. 






Red. 


Fair. 


Brown. 


Dark. 


Red. 


Fair. 


Brown. 


Dark. 


Red. 


Fair. 


Brown. 


Dark. 




Chobham 


2 2-4 


16 79- 


7 8-3 





1 1-2 


24 28-6 


13 75-2 


7 8-3 





2 2-4 


9 70-7 


3 3-6 


84 


Horsell - 





14 78-7 


3 4- 





2 2-7 


26 34-7 


11 74-7 








7 9-3 


10 73-3 


2 2-7 


75 


Westfield 


- 


10 6- 


1 -5 





5 2-5 


61 30-4 


56 27-8 


19 9-5 


1 -5 


11 5-5 


24 77-9 


13 6-5 


201 


Pyrford - 


- 


10 11-6 


6 7- 


2 2-3 


- 


22 25-6 


23 26-7 


10 77-6 


- 


2 2-3 


8 9-3 


3 3-5 


86 


Guildford - 


- 


5 73-9 


2 6-5 


- 


1 2-8 


13 36-7 


2 5-5 


- 





5 73-9 


8 22-2 


- 


36 


Bramley 


- 


10 73-2 


1 7-3 


- 


2 2-e 


23 30-3 


23 30-3 


8 70-5 





5 6-6 


2 2-6 


2 2-6 


76 


Shamley Green 


- 


3 9-7 


1 3- 





- 


13 39- 1 


4 72-7 


5 75-2 


- 


I ? 


4 72-7 


2 6- 


33 




2 


68 


21 


2 


11 


1S2 


!32 49 

j 


1 

\. 


33 


65 


25 






93 


374 


121 





TABLE 3. COLOUR OP HAIR AND EYES, GROUPED 

ACCORDING TO BEDDOE's CLASSIFICATION. 



LIGHT EYES MEDIUM EYES DARK EYES 



Pyrford o 
Westfidd 



At Westfield, where the medium eyes were 70 1 per cent, of the whole, they were 
almost all dark blue-grey ; the few exceptions were bright chestnut brown. There 
were four or five Welsh families in the place, stranded there by the failure of the Owen 
Stone Works ; with the assistance of the schoolmistress these have been excluded, as 
well as a few gypsies and one London child. 

At Horsell the characteristic medium eye was bright light brown. 

Table 1 gives the observa- 
tions for the seven localities 
divided according to sex and 
Table 2 combines them. 

The outstanding feature of 
the record is the predominance 
of medium eyes, 65 per cent, 
for all seven places, rising to 
73 7 per cent, at Bramley, and 
over 50 per cent, everywhere 
except at Guildford. Fair hair 
also predominates largely, 47 * 9 
per cent, for all the localities, 
over 50 per cent, except at 
Westfield and Pyrford. Brown 
hair is a good second, 36 9 per 
cent., over 27 per cent, every- 
where, 40 and 43 per cent, at 
Westtield and Pyrford (see 
Tables 4 and 5). The percent- 
age of red hair, 3 6, is rather 
high for the South of England.* 

Dr. Beddoe's method of expressing the result of such observations is to obtain an 
" Index of Nigrescence " for the hair colours by the formula : Dark -f- 2 Niger Red 
Fair = Index. This index " is generally positive in England and Scotland, and almost 
always in Ireland."* The result of applying this method to the present statistics is 
shown in Table 6, column A. For the eye-colour Dr. Beddoe uses the formula : 
* Beddoe, Journ. Roy. Anthr. Inst., XXXVIII, p. 215. 

[ 102 3 




1909.] 



MAN. 



[No. 63. 



Dark Light = Index ; the result for these statistics is shown in column B. Medium 
eyes and brown hair are neglected. 

TABLE 4. PERCENTAGES OF EYE AND HAIR COLOUR. 






Chobham. 


Horsell. 


Westfield. 


Pyrford. 


Quildford. 


Bramley. 


Shamley 
Green. 


All 
Localities. 


Light Eyes 


29-8 


22-7 


5-5 


20-9 


19-4 


14-5 


12-1 


15-7 


Medium Eyes 


53-6 


52- 


70-1 


63-9 


44-4 


73-7 


66-7 


65- 


Dark Eyes 


16-7 


25-3 


24-4 


15-1 


36-1 


11-8 


21-2 


21- 


Bed Hair - 


3-C 


2-7 


3- 





2-8 


2-6 





2-4 


Fair Hair 


50- 


62-7 


40-9 


39-5 


63'9 


50' 


61-5 


47-9 


Brown Hair 


34-5 


32- 


40-3 


43- 


33-2 


34-2 


27-3 


36-9 


Dark Hair 


11-9 2-7 


15-9 


17-4 





13-2 


21-2 


12-85 



TABLE 5. PREDOMINANCE OF FAIR HAIR AND MEDIUM EYES. 




GUILDFORD 



Collignon's method is different ; he reduces all the figures to percentages, and for 
any district he adds the light eyes to the light hair, and the dark eyes to the dark hair, 
dividing each total by two ; and he constructs maps to show the excess of one total over 
the other. Here again medium eyes and brown hair are neglected. 

TABLE 6. LOCALITIES seriated according to (A) Beddoe's Index of Nigrescence 
for Hair ; (B) Beddoe's Index for Eye Colour ; (C) Collignon's Index of Excess 
of Dark over Light. 






A. 
Index of Nigrescence for Hair 
Colour. 


B. 
Index of Eye Colour. 


C. 
Excess of Dark over Light. 





Dark. 

* 


Pyrford 
Westfield 


-22-1 
- 27-9 


Westfield - 18-9 
Guildford- - - 16-7 


Westfield 
Shamley Green - 


- 4-4 
- 10-65 


Dark. 

1 




Shamley Green - 33' 3 


Shamley Green - 9- 


Pyrford 


- ,3-95 






Bramley - 


- 39-5 


Horsell - - - - 2-6 


Bramley - 


-21-15 






Chobham 


- 41-7 


Bramley - - 2-7 


Gnildford 


-25- ' 




i 

Light. 


Horsell - 
Guildford 


- 62-7 
- 66-7 


Pyrford - - - - 5-8 
Chobham - - - 13- 


Chobbam - 
Horsell 


- 27-35 
- 30-05 


i 

Light. 




Average 41'9 
Median - 39-5 


Average 3-7 
Median 2'6 


Average 18-9 
Median - 21-15 





The results of this method are shown in Table 6, column C. The seriations by 
Beddoe's Index of Nigrescence for the hair and by Collignon's method agree pretty 

[ 103 ] 



No. 63,] 



MAN. 



[1909. 



closely ; in each case Bramley is the median, with Pyrford, Westfield, and Shamley 
Green above, and Guildford, Chobham, and Horsell below. The range above the 
median is much the same : 17 ' 4 in A, 16*8 in B. The difference of range below the 
median, 27 ' 2 for the Index of Nigrescence in which hair alone is reckoned, and 8 8 
for the Excess of Dark over Light which combines hair and eye colour, is explained by 
the considerable proportion of dark eyes at Guildford (36'1) and Horsell (25' 3). 

The figures of Table 6 are somewhat surprising. While Dr. Beddoe's Index of 
Nigrescence for hair is generally positive in England and Scotland, and Surrey as a whole 
is classed in his maps in the divisions of 5 for hair and 33 39 for eye-colour, the 
average for these seven places is 41 *9 for hair, and +3*7 for eyes. (Beddoe's 
Compound Index (2 x index of hair + index of eyes) gives practically the same result, 
since the hair factor predominates : Westfield 36 9, Pyrford 50, Shamley Green 
57-6, Bramley 81-7, Chobham 96 '4, Guildford -116 '7, Horsell 122-8; 
average 78 '9.) This is to make out that these Surrey parishes are four times as fair 
as the fairest parts of Scotland ! 

The explanation seems to be that neither Beddoe's method nor Collignon's gives 

TABLE 7. STATISTICS OF WESTFIELU AND PYRFORD, grouped according to Age. 





LIGHT EYES. 


MEDIUM EYES. 


DARK EVKS. 






R. 


F. 


B. 


D. 


R. 


F. 


B. 


D. 


R. 


F. 


B. 


D. 




WESTFIELD. 


























Boys. 




























3-5 


_ 











- 


4 


1 


2 


- 


3 


1 


2 


13 


5-9 





2 








1 


19 


7 


3 


- 


3 


9 


5 


49 


9-11 





4 








2 


3 


Hi 


1 





1 


4 


1 


32 


U-14 


- 


1 


- 


- 


1 


8 


14 


6 


- 


- 


3 


3 


36 




- 


7 


- 


- 


4 


34 


38 


12 


- 


7 


17 


11 


130 


Girls. 




























3-5 











- 





5 


1 








2 


2 


- 


10 


5-9 





1 








1 


13 


8 


6 


1 


2 


2 


2 


36 


9-11 


- 


1 











4 


1 


J 








1 





8 


11-14 





1 


1 


- 


- 


5 


8 


- 


- 


- 


2 


- 


17 




- 


3 


1 


- 


1 


27 


18 


7 


1 


4 


7 


2 


71 


PTRFOBD. 


























Boys. 




























3-5 

















6 


1 

















7 


5-9 


- 


5 


4 


- 


- 


1 


o 


2 


- 


- 


1 


- 


15 


8-10 


- 


2 


1 





- 


5 


4 


1 


- 


1 


5 





19 


11-14 


- 


- 


- 


- 


- 


2 


2 


2 


- 


- 


- 


- 


6 




-- 


7 


5 


- 


- 


14 


9 


5 


- 


1 


6 


- 


47 


Girls. 




























3-5 


- 


- 


- 


- 


- 


4 


1 


2 


- 


- 


1 


1 


9 


5-9 





1 





1 





3 


4 


2 





1 


- 


- 


12 


8-10 


- 


2 


1 











4 


1 





- 





2 


10 


11-14 


- 


- 


- 


1 


- 


1 


5 


- 


- 


- 


1 


- ' 


8 




- 


3 


1 


2 


- 


8 


14 


5 


l 


2 


3 


39 



1909.] 



MAN. 



[No. 63. 



a satisfactory account of a district iu which medium eyes predominate to the extent 
of 64 97, with 36 88 of brown hair. The failure of the method of Excess of Dark 
over Light appears from a more detailed investigation of the Westfield and Pyrford 
figures. In Table 7 these are given in age classes, 3 5, 5 9, (9 11, 8 10), 11 14 
following the school classification in " standards." 

TABLE 8. PERCENTAGES OF HAIR AND EYE COLOUR FOR WESTFIELD AND PYR- 
FORD, arranged according to Age, giving Collignou's Index of Excess of Dark 
over Light, with Medium Eyes and Brown Hair for comparison. 



Ages. 


Light Eyes + 
Light Hair. 


Half 

Sum of 
Light. 


Medium Eyes + 
Brown Hair. 


Half 
Sum of 
Medium 
and 
Brown. 


Dark Eyes + 
Dark Hair. 


Half 
Sum of 
Dark. 


Excess per 
Cent, of Dark 
over Light. 


WESTFIELD. 




















3-5 





68-7 


34-35 


56-5 


21-7 31-9 


43-5 


17-4 34-5 


- 3-8 


5-9 


3-5 


50-6 27-05 


68-2 


3J-6 


49-4 


23-2 18-8 23-5 


- 3-55 


9-1] 


12-5 


37-5 


25- 


70- 


55- 


62-5 


17-5 7-5 


12-5 


-12-5 


11-14 


5-7 


30-2 17-95 


79-2 


50-9 


65-05 


15-1 


17- 


16-05 


- 1-9 


PYRFORD. 


















3-5 





62-5 31-25 


88-9 


18-9 


53-9 


12-5 


18-75 


15-6 


- 15-65 


5-9 


4)-7 


40-7 40'7 


51-9 


40-7 


46-3 


7-4 


18-5 


12-95 


-27- 


8-10 


20-7 


44'8 32-75 


5V7 


51-7 


51-7 


27-6 


13-8 


20-7 


-If 


11-14 


7-1 


21-4 14-J5 


85-7 


57-1 


71-4 


7-1 


21-4 


14-25 






In Table 8 the figures are treated after Collignon's method to obtain an Index of 
Excess of Dark over Light by comparing half the sum of the dark hair and eyes with half 
the sum of the light hair and eyes, neglecting medium eyes and brown hair. The result 
is highly inconclusive. The light hair percentage does indeed diminish with age, quite 
regularly, considering the overlapping of the second and third age-grades at Pyrford 
but the dark hair- shows no proportionate increase. The excess-index rises, so to 
speak, for want of lightness and not from the presence of darkness. But when the 
brown hair statistics are added, it is obvious what becomes of the light hair ; it simply 
darkens to brown,* in which category it escapes Beddoe's Index of Nigrescence and 
Collignon's Index of Excess. 

TABLE 9. SUMMARY OF HAIR AND EYE COLOUR OF 351 BOYS. 





BYES. 




Percentage 




Light. 


Medium. 


Dark. 




Colours. 


Red - 


2 


8 





10 


2-85 


Fair - 


51 


104 


18 


173 


49-28 


Brown 


9 


74 


38 


121 


34-49 


Dark - 





M 


17 


47 


13-39 


Niger 


- 


- 


- 


- 





Totals - 


62 


216 73 


351 


100-00 


Percentage of Eye Colours - 


17-66 


61-54 


20-8 


100-00 



* At Pyrford this works out very completely ; light hair loses 41-1 between the youngest and oldest 
classes, and brown hair gains 38 - 2. 

[ 105 ] 



No, 63,] 



MAN. 



[1909, 



Beddoe's Index of Nigrescence (D + 2 N R F) 
Beddoe's Index of Eye Colour (D L) 



Collignon's Excess of Dark over Light 






38-74 
3-14 

17 '8 



Dark. 


Light. 


Half Sum of Eyes and Hair. 


Excess of Dark 
over Light. 


Eyes. 


Hair. 


Eyes. 


Hair. 


Light. 


Dark. 


20-8 


13-39 


17-66 


52-13 


34-895 


17-095 


-17-8 



TABLE 10. SUMMARY OF HAIR AND EYE COLOUR OF 240 GIRLS. 







EYES. 






Percentage 




Light. 


Medium. 


Dark. 




Colours. 


Red - 





3 


1 


4 


7'67 


Fair - 


17 


78 


15 


110 


45-83 


Brown 


12 


58 


27 


97 


40-42 


Dark - 


2 


19 


8 


29 


12-08 


Niger 


- 


- 


- 


- 


- 


Totals - 


31 


158 


51 


240 


100-00 


Percentage of Eye Colours - 


12-92 


65-83 


21-25 


100-00 


- 



Beddoe's Index of Nigrescence (D + 2 N R F) 
Beddoe's Index of Eye Colour (D L) 

Collignon's Excess of Dark over Light ( ~ ^ - I 



35-42 

8-23 

13-54 



Dark. 


Light. 


Half Sum of Eyes and Hair. 


Excess of Dark 
over Light. 


Eyes. 


Hair. 


Eyes. 


Hair. 


Light. 


Dark. 


21-25 


12-08 


12-92 


47-5 


30-21 


16-67 


-13-54 



TABLE 11. SUMMARY OF HAIR AND EYE COLOUR OF 591 CHILDREN, both Sexes. 





EYES. 




Percentage 




Light. Medium. 


Dark. 




Colours. 


Red - - 2 


11 


1 


14 


2-37 


Fair - - 68 


182 


33 


283 


47'88 


Brown 


21 


132 


65 


218 


36-88 


Dark - 


2 


49 


25 


76 


12 -S6 


Niger 


- 


- 


- 


- 


- 


Totals - 


03 


374 124 


Ml 


100-00 


Percentage of Eye Colour* - 


15-74 63-28 . 20-98 


700-00 


- 



[ 106 ] 



1909.] 



MAN. 



[No. 63. 



Beddoe's Index of Nigrescence (D + 2 N R F) 
Beddoe's Index of Eye Colour (D L) 

Collignon's Excess of Dark over Light ( ~ ~ ~) 



37-39 

5-24 

16-075 



Dark. 


Light. 


Half Sum of Eyes and Hair. 


Excess of Dark 
over Light. 


Byes. 


Hair. 


Byes. 


Hair. 


Light. 


Dark. 


20-98 


12-86 


15-74 


60-25 


32-995 


16-92. 


- 16-075 



Tables 9, 10, and 11 show Beddoe's Indices of Nigrescence and of Eye Colour, and 
Collignon's Index of Excess of Dark over Light, for the 351 boys, the 240 girls, and 
the 591 children without distinction of sex. 

By all three indices the girls have a slight advantage in darkness : 3 32 by 
Beddoe's index for the hair only, 5 09 by Beddoe's index for the eyes, 4 26 by 
Collignon's index for the hair and eyes combined. As the difference lies mainly in 
the eye colour it is probably a genuine sex character, as it is not affected by questions 
of head-covering, hair-cutting, washing, and lubrication. 

Lastly, is it possible to find a method of description which will give weight to 
all shades of hair and eye colour ? Something may perhaps be done by assigning 
numerical values to combinations of hair and eye colour. I propose the following 
scale of " marks " : 

- 1 Medium eyes - - 2 Dark eyes - - 3 



with 



1 



Brown hair - 
Red hair, with me- 
dium eyes - 



Light eyes 

Fair hair - - 1 Brown hair - - 2 Dark hair - 

Red hair, 
light eyes 
Hence : 

Light eyes and red hair - 

Light eyes and fair hair 

Light eyes and brown hair 

Medium eyes and fair hair 

Light eyes and dark hair 

Medium eyes and red hair 

Medium eyes and brown hair 

Dark eyes and fair hair 

Medium eyes and dark hair - j 

Dark eyes and brown hair - > 5 

Dark eyes and red hair - 

Dark eyes and dark hair - 6 

Red hair is reckoned as " light " by both Beddoe and Collignon ; but is this satis- 
factory ? In the present set of statistics it is found in combination with medium eyes 
thirteen times out of sixteen, i.e., 64 5 per cent, in excess of probability. With light 
eyes, on the contrary, it occurs only twice in sixteen times, a defect of 4-2 per cent, 
below probability. It looks as if there were some close connection between red hair and 
medium eyes.* On the whole, it seems safe to give it the value of "fair "-ness when it 

* I am glad to find that this conjecture is confirmed by Mr. Gray. See Gray, A New Instru- 
ment for Determining the Colour of the Hair (MAN, 1908, 27). Cf. Journ. Anthr. Inst., XXXVII, 
p. 382. Dubois, On the Correlation of t/te Slack and Orange-Coloured Pigments (MAN, 1908, 46). 
Mr. Gray concludes from his analysis of the black and orange pigment in hair that red hair is the 
equivalent of dark brown. 

[ 107 ] 



Nos. 63-64.] MAN. [1909. 

is combined with light eyes, and of " medium "-ness, equal to brown, when it is found 
with medium or dark eyes. 

I multiply the number of examples of each combination by the appropriate 
value number, and reduce the sum to a percentage. Thus, Chobham, eighty-four 
subjects 

Colour value = (2 x 2) + (16 x 2) + (7 X 3) + (1 x 4) + (24 X 3) + (13 x 4) 
+ (7 X 5) + (2 x 4) + (9 x 5) + (3 x 6) = 291 = 346'4 per cent. 

A seriation by these statistics is given in Table 12 ; it agrees with the seriation 
by Collignon's Excess-of-Dark-over-Light Index in Table 6. 

TABLE 12. LOCALITIES, seriated according to Numerical Colour- Value of 
Hair and Eyes in Combination. 

Westfield - 394 

Shamley Green - 378-8 

Pyrford - -372-1 

Bramley - -360-5 

Guildford - 352-8 

Chobham - - 346 4 

Horsell - - - - - 342 7 



Average - - 363 * 9 
Median - -360-5 

It seems, then, that this method might be employed as a supplement to those of 
Beddoe and Collignon, and that in localities with a strong medium-and-brown element 
it might prove more descriptive than Beddoe's indices. 

BARBARA FREIRE-MARRECO. 



REVIEWS. 
Ethics. Westermarck. 

The Origin and Development of the Moral Ideas. By Edward Westermarck, Q J 
Ph.D. Vol. II. London : Macmillan & Co., 1908. Pp. xv + 852. 22 x 14 cm. UT 
Price 14s. 

Dr. Westermarck is to be heartily congratulated on having brought to its full 
realisation a work designed on the most generous lines. The amount of erudition 
compressed into these two volumes is simply vast. Nor, if one's first impulse be to 
praise the author's immense industry, let this be taken as implying any tacit disparage- 
ment of his theoretical powers. Dr. Westermarck stands in the eyes of all 
anthropologists for a thoroughly original, that is to say independent, thinker, whose 
opinions rest on immense reading, joined to considerable experience of the more or 
less " primitive " conditions prevailing in the backward parts of Morocco. As a 
matter of fact, however, the main theoretical interest of his treatise is philosophical 
rather than anthropological. It is his view of the relation of our moral ideas to 
certain emotions, and of these again to A 7 arious instinctive tendencies due to natural 
selection a subject on which it is the special task of the philosopher to pronounce 
that controls the course of the argument throughout. The anthropology is ancillary 
that is to say, illustrative. To be sure, there is plenty of it ; but, very wisely, the 
author for the most part steers clear of controversial matters of detail, and confines 
himself to statements which every anthropologist will be ready to endorse. 

[ 108 1 



1909.] MAN. [No. 64. 

Most debatable, perhaps, from the strictly anthropological point of view is the view 
taken of the relation of ethics to religion. In regard to such a question, everything 
turns, of course, on the definition of religion that is adopted. Dr. Westermarck is 
perfectly clear on this head. " Religion," he says, " may be defined as a belief in and 
a regardful attitude towards a supernatural being on whom man feels himself dependent 
and to whose will he makes an appeal in his worship. Supernatural mechanical power, 
on the other hand, is applied in magic." So far his position essentially resembles that 
of Dr. Frazer. He differs from him, however, in regarding both religion and magic as 
alike concerned with the supernatural, that is, uncanny or mysterious, as distinguished 
from the natural or ordinary. Thus the force inherent in a tabooed object is, he argues 
supernatural, whilst, on the other hand, it is a mechanical energy or miasma, being 
supposed to discharge itself without the aid of any volitional activity. He goes on to 
admit that " magical and religious elements are often almost inseparably intermingled 
" in one and the same act." 

Now so far I find myself in almost complete agreement with him. There can 
be no harm in distinguishing somewhat sharply between the attitude implying a quasi- 
mechanical object and the attitude implying a more or less personal, though not 
necessarily animistic in the restricted Tylorian sense of ghostlike, object. (I pass over 
the difficulty involved in holding that the latter attitude, to be religious, must be 
" regardful." Threatening a god is not magic. Though it involves constraint, the 
constraint is in no sense mechanical. Hence the antithesis between magic and religion, 
as interpreted by Dr. Westermarck, is not exhaustive, as it ought to be if the magico- 
religious and the supernatural are to be coextensive. But surely these must be made 
coextensive for the working purposes of anthropology. A threefold partition of the 
field would be impossible to carry out.) On the other hand, it must never be forgotten 
that there is really but one magico-religious object, namely, the supernatural, and that, 
though it may wear sometimes a mechanical and sometimes a volitional aspect, these 
two aspects are " often almost inseparably intermingled." 

This being so, then, in Dr. Westermarck's opinion, does he not in practice well- 
nigh identify ethical supernaturalism with religion understood as a regardful attitude 
towards personal beings ? What I mean to suggest is that an ethical magic, or, as 
I should prefer to put it, an ethical type of magico-religious cult in which the 
impersonal aspect of its object is relatively predominant, scarcely receives its due 
meed of attention at his hands. It might seem at first sight that our moral feelings 
were always directed towards personal beings. Yet surely at higher stages of culture 
an impersonal thing like " the moral law " may excite a truly ethical regard. But 
so likewise, amongst savages, the taboo-feeling may become moralised without appreci- 
able aid from the notion of personal beings in the background. Indeed, it is in this 
feeling that Dr. Jevons discovers the prototype of the ethical idea par excellence 
namely, the idea of duty. 

Of course Dr. Westermarck is far too sound an anthropologist to have ignored 
this side of his subject altogether. In his six chapters dealing with the ethics of 
man's attitude towards gods there is a certain allowance made for the purely magical 
side of such worship, whilst other chapters, such as those on " restrictions in diet " 
and " celibacy," touch incidentally on the moralization of taboo. I cannot but think, 
however, that a too exclusive interest in the religious, as distinguished from the 
magico-religious, has prevented Dr. Westermarck from doing full justice to the question 
of the contribution to ethics of cult as a whole. As I am inclined to believe, it is 
not the moral character imputed to the gods that' is the real make-weight in the 
evolution of an ethical type of cult, but rather the nature of the social conditions 
under which the cult is practised. An Australian initiation ceremony, let us say, has 
certain moral effects because it imparts a supernatural sanction to education ; but 

[ 109 



Nos. 64-65.] MAN. [1909. 

whether magic or religion predominate in the sacred ceremony, whether the Arunta 
or the Yuin fashion prevail, would seem to make uncommonly little difference from 
the purely moral point of view. 

There are several other questions in dispute between Dr. Westermarck and other 
leading anthropologists on which I should have liked to touch, had my space-conditions 
allowed it. For instance, there is his explanation of the religious prostitution of the 
Babylonian type ; or again, his theory in my opinion highly plausible that, when 
the man-god is slain, it is not his soul that is transmitted to his royal successor, but 
his " holiness," the baraka of the Moors in other words, his mana. I must conclude 
however, with a brief consideration of but one more point, namely, Dr. Westermarck's 
belief that a notion corresponding to T 'ar, the conditional curse of Morocco, is a 
very widespread religious motif which underlies both sacrifice and blood-brotherhood. 
That in the latter case, at any rate, this explanation will carry us some way I am 
disposed to allow, on the strength of the " dead blood " of Madagascar and other 
close parallels. I think Dr. Westermarck goes too far, however, when he virtually 
refuses to recognise any other idea of a blood-tie, and notably the idea that kin-blood 
involves sympathetic relations between the members of the kin, as postulated by Mr. 
Hartland in The Legend of Perseus. Mr. Hartland, it is true, propounded his theory 
years ago, and I daresay would nowadays give a somewhat different account of the 
working of the sympathetic principle. But surely it cannot be denied that various 
Australian tribes describe the bond of kin as a unity of " blood " or " flesh," and 
regard the man or woman who offends against the exogamic rule as having sinned 
against that common blood or flesh. The common interest in suppressing such sin 
would seem at least to imply a common spiritual peril a loss of luck or what not. 
Or, again, it seems to me that Dr. Westermarck descends to special pleading in order 
to rule out the class of instances which show that, say, a piece of a dead man's flesh 
in possession of the enemy may be used to work evil magic on his kin. He argues 
that such a belief "is a superstition connected with the wonder of death, from which 
" no conclusion must be drawn as to relations between the living." I should have, 
thought that, if anything in regard to these matters is certain, it is that savages 
normally assume an almost complete continuity to subsist between the customs and 
institutions of the living and those of the dead, including their kinship organisation. 
For the rest, I daresay that I have not fully understood Professor Westermarck. If, 
however, he means that kinship merely implies a common name without magico- 
religious associations of any force, and that common rights and duties in savage society 
are determined by local contiguity and scarcely by the kinship-bond at all, I must 
suspect an eminently sane writer of having for once given way to paradox. 

So much, then, for one or two side issues in regard to which there may be some 
disagreement between Dr. Westermarck and his brother students. Of the book as a 
whole anthropologists can have but one opinion, namely, that in respect of reach and 
grasp alike it is masterly. R. R. MARETT. 



Religions. Van Gennep. 

Religions, Mceurs et Legendes. Par Arnold van Gennep. Paris, 1908. OC 
Pp. 318. 18 x 12' cm. Price 3fr. 50. 00 

In this volume M. van Gennep has reprinted a number of reviews and essays on 
ethnographical and linguistic subjects which have appeared from time to time during 
the past four years. M. van Gennep deals in a brilliant and lucid manner with many 
of the problems which most interest students of anthropology and folklore at the 
present day, and even where we cannot follow him in all his conclusions his arguments 
are stimulating and give cause for thought. Parthenogenesis, Taboo, Phallic Rites, 

[ no ] 



1909,] MAN. [Nos. 65-66. 

Totemism, Christianity and Buddhism, Migrations of Races as affected by climate, 
Legends of Saints, the Formation of the Cult of the Virgin, the Christian Fish-Symbol ; 
such are the subjects dealt with : and the compatriots of Frazer, Lang, Hartland, and 
Ridgeway will find that our latest authorities on these absorbing topics receive full 
consideration and attention ; in fact, it is not, perhaps, too much to claim M. van 
Gennep as a disciple of the English School of Anthropology. 

One of the most interesting of these essays is that termed " De quelques cas de 
Bovarysme collectif," in which M. van Gennep adopts the term Bovarysme, invented 
by M. Jules de Gaulticr, to describe the state of those races which, like Madame 
Bovary in Flaubert's novel, imagine themselves to be other than they really are. He 
takes as his example of this state of mind the repatriated negroes of Liberia, who 
imagine themselves to be English or American in civilisation and Christians in religion, 
whereas, in fact, they are neither, and are not capable of being either, the result being 
decay and degeneration. Their pitiable state is, as M. van Gennep points out, well 
shown in Sir Harry Johnston's recent book, Liberia in 1907 : from these undoubted 
facts a warning and a lesson is drawn. 

Another very interesting paper deals with Woltmann's Die Germanen und die 
Renaissance in Italien, and adopts his conclusion that the leading part in the Italian 
Renaissance was played by the Germanic element in the population, and that the 
revival of civilization was brought about not by the masses of the people but by a 
new race from the north. This theory bears a considerable resemblance to that of 
Professor Ridgeway as to early Greece, and if it will bear examination it will perhaps 
give support to that theory, for it is evident that we have a better chance of getting 
at the actual facts in mediaeval Italy than in early Greece. It is not probable, 
however, that the facts alleged by Messrs. Woltman and van Gennep will be allowed 
to remain undisputed. 

Among the linguistic essays may be noted two excellent papers on the origin 
of grammatical gender, which also no doubt contain much controversial matter. 

In La Situation des Etudes Ethnographiques will be found a full summary of 
the state of ethnographical and anthropological studies throughout the civilized world 
which is well up to date. The author refers with sympathy to the failure of the 
Anthropological Institute and other bodies to obtain any Government assistance 
hitherto ; but he considers that France is even in a worse case than England. We 
may hope that his good wishes may bear fruit. He says, " There can be no doubt 
" that before long the obstinacy of the men of science, the societies, and the universities 
" will triumph over the inertia, not to say the lack of intelligence, shown by the 
" Government of Great Britain." 

May this prophecy be fulfilled ! . M. LONGWORTH DAMES. 



Madagascar : Magic. Ferrand. 

Textes Magiques Malgaches d'apres les MSS. 5 et 8 de la Bibliotheque fllj 
Nationale. Par Gabriel Ferrand. Annales du Musee Guimet. Revue de UU 
1'Histoire des Religions. Paris, 1907. Pp. 22. 25 x 17 cm. 

In this brochure M. Ferrand continues the transliteration and translation of 
portions of the early Arabic-Malagasy manuscripts which have been already noted in 
MAN (No. 31, March 1907). The present article gives the Malagasy text (the earlier 
folios in Arabic character), with a literal translation and copious notes of various 
portions of the manuscripts relating to (1) the Jinns ; (2) magical invocations ; 
(3) the guardian angels of the different parts of the body. The first is an account 
of the appearance of the Jinns before Solomon, who interrogates them as to their 



Nos. 66-67,] MAN. [1909. 

names and practices upon mankind. Each afterwards declares the actions and formula 
by which men may be preserved from his evil actions. The second section consists 
of three invocations to Zanahari for protection and various blessings, the first in 
Malagasy, the others almost entirely in Arabic. Part three is abbreviated and gives 
the names of the angels to be invoked for the protection of various parts of the body 
of which forty-three are named. These documents will be of use to Malagasy students 
as specimens of the language. M. Ferrand promises to utilise them for a collective 
study of the Islamised Malagasy. S. H. RAY. 



Classics. Evans, and Others. 

Anthropology and the Classics : Six Lectures delivered before the University 
of Oxford. By Arthur J. Evans, Andrew Lang, Gilbert Murray, F. B. Jevons, 
J. L. My res, W. Warde Fowler, and edited by R. R. Marett. Oxford : Clarendon 
Press, 1908. Pp. 191. 24 x 15 cm. Price 6*. 

This volume of lectures comes as a reminder of the secure position now held by 
anthropology in societies standing at the furthest possible remove from primitive 
culture. There was a time, not very long ago, when the union of anthropology and the 
classics in a single title would have shocked a majority of scholars. To-day we find 
among the authors of these essays the names of men whose devotion to Greek and 
Latin literature is not likely to be called in question, and even the most conservative 
opinion will hardly take offence. The general change of attitude is to the advantage 
both of classical and anthropological studies. Hellenic civilisation becomes more 
intelligible as a gradual growth from primitive conditions ; nor is it any the less 
admirable when the path of its ascent has been detected, and it is found to have 
reached its Olympian isolation from below instead of from above. Professor Ridgeway 
in his last address has brought out this point very clearly, and it is unnecessary to 
impress it further upon readers of MAN. It is equally certain that a closer association 
with the classics will tend to the advantage of positive science ; it will enlarge the 
outlook, and increase the influence of humanism. 

An enumeration of the subjects treated in the volume will give a general notion 
of its scope. The first lecture by Dr. Arthur Evans deals with the European diffusion 
of pictography and its bearings on the origin of script, adducing the evidence for the 
gradual development of writing before the Phoenicians. Mr. Andrew Lang in Homer 
and Anthropology reaffirms his position against Professor Ridgeway. Professor 
Murray's lecture on the early Greek Epic, or Anthropology in the Greek Epic tradition, 
is presented with the charm which we expect from all his work, but exception will 
perhaps be taken to some of his theories, which may -be thought ta lack grip and not 
to err on the side of caution. Dr. Jevons is instructive upon Grreco-Italian magic. 
Mr. J. L. Myres treats of Herodotus and anthropology in a learned essay full of 
the most various suggestions. Dr. Warde Fowler worthily closes the series with a 
discussion of lustratio, or the ritual designed to protect a city from hostile spirits and 
strange gods. 

The studies thus briefly mentioned are not equally exhaustive, nor will all their 
conclusions meet with equal acceptance. They are all illuminating ; they all stimulate 
interest, though the fire is produced in various ways. Some of the authors obtain a 
glow by steady friction ; others strike brilliant and sometimes erratic sparks. The 
anthropologist will be grateful to all alike, but his gratitude will be deepest to those 
who produce a steady and serviceable flame. The alliance between anthropologists and 
classical scholars, of which this volume is a fresh proof, will effectively serve the cause 
of liberal education. O. M. D. 

Printed by EYRE AND SPOTTISWOODE, LTD., His Majesty's Printers, East Harding Street, E.G. 



PLATE H. 



MAN, 1909 




FIG. 7. 
DEWLISH " EOLITHS. 



1909.] MAN. [No, 68. 

ORIGINAL ARTICLES. 

England : Archaeology. With Plate H. Smith. 

Dewlish "Eoliths" and Elephas meridional is. By Worthington G. OQ 

Smith, F.L.S. 00 

Dr. B. C. A. Windle, F.R.S.. in his Remains of the Prehistoric Age in England, 
writes, at p. 7 : " Dr. Blackmore has himself found eoliths at Dewlish in Dorset, asso- 
" ciated in undisturbed beds with the remains of Elephas meridionalis. Now this 
" particular elephant, as was noted above, belongs to the Pliocene period, and had 
u disappeared before Pleistocene times. If, therefore, there is no doubt, and it must 
" be confessed that little seems to be possible, as to the natural collocation of these 
" objects the question of the pliocene date of eoliths must be regarded as settled," 
and at p. 46, in writing of " eoliths," he says, " The collocation at Dewlish with Elephas 
" meridionalis seems to leave little doubt of the age at least of those particular 
" examples." The age Dr. Windle refers to is the Pliocene. 

In December, 1908, Professor A. Schwartz and Sir H. R. Beever, Bart., in their 
paper named, " The Dawn of Human Invention," read before the Literary and Philo- 
sophical Society of Manchester, say, at p. 24, that " Dr. H. P. Blackmore has found 
" these eoliths in association with Elephas meridionalis at Dewlish." 

Of late years statements of this class have been extensively printed in books and 
papers published in England and America and on the Continent, the inference intended 
to be conveyed being, that there is " little doubt " that stones chipped by mythical 
Pliocene men have been found with bones of an elephant usually classed as Pliocene, 
and that the subject may be " regarded as settled." Nothing of the kind can be deduced 
from the facts, as there is the gravest " doubt " of the human origin or even existence 
of " eoliths " as such. 

The Rev. Osmund Fisher very clearly summarises the finding of the Dewlish 
elephant bones in a paper named " On the occurrence of Elephas meridionalis at 
Dewlish, Dorset," in the Quar. Journ. Geol. Soc., for November, 1888, p. 818. In 
this he shows that the first bones of this elephant were found in 1813, and that the 
specimens in the Blackmore Museum were found by the grandfather of the present 
Dr. H. P. Blackmore in 1814. Mr. Fisher himself found a worn-down molar of 
elephant in 1884, and he gives the names of several finders of elephants' bones in a 
small gravelly deposit at Dewlish. Dr. Blackmore's name is not mentioned as a finder 
and there is no reference to " eoliths." 

In the same journal for February, 1905, Mr. Fisher returns to this subject, and 
although the paper is quite recent no mention is made by the author of "eolithic 
implements." Mr. Fisher, however, exhibited five stones from the elephant deposit, 
and in the discussion Dr. Henry Woodward perhaps in a joke referred to some of 
these as eoliths. Professor Sollas joined in the discussion and said he would accept 
the term " eolith " if by that term " the exclusion of human agency was implied." 
Mr. Fisher himself in a postscript says : " It is said that ' eoliths ' were exhibited by 
*' the author he did not do so wittingly." 

The stones exhibited at this meeting have been preserved by Mr. Fisher, and last 
year he kindly sent them on to me for examination. One is a distinct sponge 
Cephalitis and although I have drawn it, a block need not be wasted over it. The 
illustrations of the other four are drawn to half scale. 

Fig. 1 explains itself, the original label reads, " Nodule of chalk flint bearing on 
u its surface some impressions of polyzoa and other small organisms." 

Fig, 2. The label says : " Dewlish elephant bed. A rough chalk flint waterworn 
u irregularly according to its structural inequalities (as its unequal structure) and 
*' subsequently split, probably by natural agency (accidental)." 

[ 113 ] 



Nos. 68-69.] MAN. [1909. 

Fig. 3. The label states : " A piece of broken chalk flint, not artificially broken." 

Fig. 4. The label says : " Broken piece of chalk flint bearing traces of structure 
44 and impression of a Cidaris spine." 

The stones 2, 3, and 4 must be the mythical " eoliths " disowned by the author 
himself, and Professor Sollas. To me the originals do not exhibit the faintest suggestion 
of human work. 

But Dr. H. P. Blackmore's Dewlish " eoliths " have to be dealt with. Dr. Black- 
more has obligingly sent me a typical series for examination and I have selected three 
for illustration, Figs. 5, 6, and 7. To me and I wish to say this in the friendliest and 
most respectful manner possible they are nothing but natural stones with no trace 
whatever of human work. 

The illustrations, drawn with the utmost care, must speak for themselves. Fig. 5 : 
the arrows show where there is supposed human work, according to Dr. Blackmore.. 
Fig. 6 : the arrows show the human work, according to the same authority. Fig. 7 : 
this greatly resembles the " eolith " found by me in situ at Caddington, with the 
splinters still on the flint, one of which I replaced, illustrated in MAN, Vol. 7, p. 100. 
There is an iron stain at D on the Dewlish stone, which suggests the surface of the 
ground as its place of finding. 

If bulbed flakes of undoubted human origin have been found at Dewlish (none were 
sent to me) with Elephas meridionalis, this cannot prove that the elephant and the 
stones are Pliocene in age, it only suggests that the elephant had survived into 
Palaeolithic times, for the sufficient reason that Dewlish is an old and well-known 
locality for Palaeolithic implements. It is mentioned in Evans's Stone Implements,. 
Ed. I, 1872, p. 559 ; and Ed. II, 1897, p. 638. 

I have not written this and former notes on " eoliths " in an attempt to show that 
a Pliocene ape-man probably never existed. It is, to me, possible that such an animal 
did live somewhere in pre-glacial and Pliocene times. When the evidence geological, 
osteological and archaeological is conclusive, I shall be one of the first to accept it. 

WORTHINGTON G/ SMITH. 



Africa, East : Craniology. Duckworth. 

Report on Three Skulls of A-Kamba Natives, British East Africa.* 

By IV. L. H. Duckworth, M.D., Sc.D. 

Of these three skulls (presented to the Department of Human Anatomy at Cam- 
bridge by C. W. Hobley, Esq., H.M. Commissioner of Uganda), one is male, the other 
two female. Their principal characters are noted in the following paragraphs : 

No. 1. Skull (without the mandible) of an adult male ; the dentition has been 
completed and the teeth were normal in number and characters. The appearance of 
the specimen suggests that it has been bleached through exposure. The general state 
of preservation is good. 

For a negro cranium this specimen is small. The usual characters are more readily 
seen in the bones of the face than in those of the cranium proper. The glabellar 
prominence is slight, the temporal ridges are distinct and rise high on the wall of the 
brain case. There is no distinct occipital protuberance. 

The cranial form is dolichocephalic, resembling many Australian aboriginal crania 
in norma vertically but the post-orbital frontal width is greater than in many Australian 
crania. The facial profile is flattened, but prognathism is not distinct (alveolar index 
of Flower = 100). 

The orbital margins are indistinct to the outer side of the cavity, and are 
notched superiorly. The frontal bone is furrowed above the orbit, as in so many 
African crania. 

* Cf. Tate, Journal of the Anthropological Institute, 1904. 
[ 114 ] 



1909,] MAN. [No. 69. 

The nasal skeleton is an admirable example of that type so commonly found in 
crania of African negroes. Subnasal prognathism is slight, however. The canine fossae 
are deep and hence the facial breadth is apparently very considerable owing to the 
zygomatic arches being thrown into strong relief. 

The teeth are smaller than in many male African negro crania. The single 
remaining incisor tooth is small and peg-like, but does not look as though it had been 
filed down deliberately (though the practice of filing the teeth is recorded among the 
A-Kamba cf. Tate, Journal of the Anthropological Institute, 1904, p. 130). 

The palate is hypsiloid in form, the spheno-maxillary fissures are wide, and the 
alisphenoid and parietal bones join at each pterion. 

Viewed from behind the form of this skull is distinctly pentagonal. 

Special points. 1. The occipital bone bears ridges for the superior oblique 
muscles, and thus resembles many New Guinea crania, in which these ridges 
are frequent and large. 

2. The conoid processes (behind the glenoid cavities) are large, while the styloid 

and paroccipital processes are small. 

3. The endocranial " fossette " for the occipital lobe of the left hemisphere is 

distinctly more capacious than that for the right lobe. This asymmetry is 
said to be associated with the presence of the sulcus lunatus occipitalis on 
the more protuberant lobe (in this case, the left). 

On the whole, the cranium reproduces many characters of a Sudanese negroid skull 
in the Cambridge Collection. 

No. 2. Part of the metopic cranium of a young female. The mandible and the 
occipital bone are absent. 

The dentition had only just been completed ; this shows the youth of the individual. 
In general this cranium bears a very marked resemblance to No. 1, but the ridges, 
processes, and crests are much more feeble here the face is narrower and the palate 
smaller. The specimen is small, and but for the absence of a flattened area in the 
region of the sagittal suture it would pass for that of a young Bushwoman. There is a 
zone of very faintly-marked annular compression in the nasal situation. The mastoids, 
like the other processes, are small and are perforated near their bases. 

The specimen reveals no features indicative of inferiority to the average negro 
cranium. Like this, it is also dolichocephalic. 

No. 3. Part of the skull of an adult female. The mandible and the facial bones 
are absent. 

The chief point of interest in this example is its very small size, yet it belonged 
undoubtedly to an adult individual. Like the two specimens (Nos. 1 and 2) just 
described, this is dolichocephalic. Ridges and prominences are very faintly marked. 
There is distinct occipital bulging or " renflement," which provides a means of 
distinguishing this from a typical Bushwoman's skull. The vertical height of No. 3 
is relatively small. 

Summary. Of the three crania, the male (No. 1) is of most value for comparative 
purposes. Even this specimen does not, in my opinion, present characters distinguish]' ug 
it sharply from other negro crania of African origin. In some of its facial features it 
clearly recalls crania of aboriginal Australians, but, as already mentioned, the broader 
and flatter (i.e. not scaphoid) frontal bone easily enables an observer to distinguish it 
from an Australian skull, as also from many negroid crania from New Britain, &c. It is 
not possible, therefore, to go further than to describe No. 1 as an African negro skull, 
but whether from the Sudan, Congo, or even Madagascar, could not be stated on the 
evidence of the bones alone. 

The very small size of No. 3 is of interest, for its dimensions are less than those 
of some skulls of Pygmy race. 



Nos, 69-70.] 



MAN. 



[1909. 



The chief dimensions of the three crania are shown in the following table : 

UNIVERSITY MUSEUM OF HUMAN ANATOMY, CAMBRIDGE. 
CRANIA OF THREE NATIVES A-KAMBA TRIBE, BRITISH EAST AFRICA. 

Measurements. 



No. of Specimen ... 


1. 


2. 


3. 


Sex .... 


Male. 


Female. 


Females. 


Age (approx.) 


Adult. 


Young. 


Adult. 


Maximum length ... 


181 


177 ? 


171 


Maximum breadth 


137 


133 


127 


Basi-bregmatic height 


135 


123 ? 


120 


Horizontal circumference 


517 


1 


473 


Antero-posterior curve 


397 


1 


373 


Basi-nasal length 


104 


77 1 


? 


Basi-alveolar length 


104 


93 ? 


? 


Nasi-alveolar length 


61 


65 


1 


Bizygomatic breadth 


135 


113 


? 


Orbital height - 


33 


32-5 


? 


Orbital width - ... 


40 


38 


? 


Nasal height - - 


44 


44 


? 


Nasal width 


29 


23-5 


? 


Indices : Cephalic 


75-7 


75-1 


74-3 


Altitudinal 


74-6 


69-5 


70-2 


Alveolar - - 


100 


1 


? 


Facial (Kollmann's) - 


45-1 


57-5 


? 


Orbital 


82-5 


85-5 


? 


Nasal - 


65-9 


53-4 


? 



W. L. H. DUCKWORTH. 



Africa : East. Roscoe. 

Brief Notes on the Bakene. By , the Rev. J. Roscoe, Local Corre- "1ft 

spondent of the Royal Anthropological Institute. U 

These notes are the outcome of a journey in May and June, 1908, through Busoga 
and Bukedi to Mount Elgon. The Bakene were found on the Mpologoma river in 
North Busoga on Lake Palisa, which is another branch of the river or an arm of Lake 
Kioga ; again, on the return journey they were found at the ferry of the Mpologoma in 
Eastern Busoga. 

The Bakene are a Bantu tribe dwelling chiefly on the Mpologoma river, but extend 
to Lake Kioga, and are said to be also upon Lake Salisbury. The Mpologoma rises in 
Mount Elgon and runs for some miles in a southerly direction ; it then winds to the 
west and rapidly widens until it empties itself into Lake Kioga. The water is held 
up by the enormous growth of papyrus and spreads over a wide area in some places 
fully six miles wide. It is well named by the natives the Lion (mpologomd) river 
because of its width ; it has formed a complete barrier dividing the Bantu from the 
Nilotic races as far as Lake Kioga, and the Nile has continued the division to 
Lake Albert. The Mpologoma is the real home of the Bakene, where the tall papyrus 
forms a perfect shelter for their floating homes and the fish provides them with 
ample food. 

In their customs, language, and appearance these people are closely allied to the 



1909.] MAN. [No. 70. 

Basoga of the north-east, and they have a tradition that their forefathers came from 
that part. Both sexes extract the two front lower teeth and the women pierce the 
under lip, but do not disfigure themselves in any other way. 

In the lakes their huts are exposed to view, but are always at a safe distance from 
the shore to prevent any one from molesting them without the means of canoes. They 
build their huts on papyrus roots, some of which are not more than 4 feet in diameter 
so that the hut takes up the whole area and the door opens out immediately upon 
the water. 

In the river their huts are well concealed in the tall papyrus and are reached by 
tortuous water tracks. Sitting in a canoe, being paddled along by a man standing to 
his work, one was reminded strongly of Venice and its gondolas ; here, however, 
instead of stately stone walls there were walls of tall papyrus towering 1-i or 16 feet 
above the water. Every few moments side ways were passed leading to the homes 
of some of the people. 

Not only the men, but also the women and children are experts in handling the 
dug-out canoes, even small children of three or four years old have to find their 
amusement in canoes and also get their exercise in this way. 

I was fortunate to reach Lake Palisa, which is a large open space in the river, in 
the early morning soon after sunrise. Standing on the shore I watched the people busy 
with, their various duties. Both men and women were at work, some with the fish traps, 
others fishing in the deeper water, whilst some women were up to their waists in the 
water emptying holes which had been made the previous day and into which small 
fish had found their way during the night. Numbers of small children were paddling 
about from tuft to tuft of papyrus in tiny canoes enjoying life even as the happiest of 
English children. In the distance was a huge crocodile floating lazily away into deep 
water, and some children in a large canoe watching him as they fished. On some of 
the smaller tufts of papyrus were fetish huts, made for the ghosts of some departed 
relatives, into which food and clothing, &c., are placed to prevent the ghosts from 
troubling the community. 

Clans and Totems. It was somewhat difficult to obtain much information from 
these people ; they were all so taken up with their own affairs, they were unwilling 
to come to the shore to tell a stranger about their lives and doings ; still, after a little 
coaxing and gentle persuasion, a few came and were fairly intelligent and communicative. 
Their clans and totems are : 

The Bakoma clan have for their totem the husk of the small millet (bulo). 

The Baholwa clan have for their totem the guinea fowl. 

The Bagota have for their totem the kyachuli, a small animal of the cat tribe. 

The Babira have for their totem the ng'onge, an otter. 

The Bahaugo have for their totem the mondo, a civit cat. 

The Bagule. 

The Bahobando. 

It was impossible to find what these last two hold as totems. There may be 
other clans and other totems in other parts, these my informants gave as being the 
only clans in their part. 

Marriage. Polygamy is practised by the tribe, and they are also exogamists. 
The children all regard their father's relations as their own special clan, and their 
mother's sisters are all mothers to them, so that the relationship always debars them 
from marrying into their mother's clan. 

When a youth comes to puberty and wishes to marry he has first to build a hut 
for his future wife ; in this way he may obtain assistance from some of his friends and 
also from his father. It may be he has seen some girl who has taken his fancy, or, 
on the other hand, he may have no particular girl in view. He may take all the 

117 ] 



No. 70.] MAN. [1909. 

responsibilities upon himself and go boldly to the girl's parents and ask for their 
daughter, though, as a rule, he leaves the whole arrangements to his father or some 
near relation. 

The girl has the right to accept or reject the offer, though she is as a rule 
guided by her parents and friends. In some cases the youth, after having asked the 
girl's father if he may have his daughter, goes to her house and places a hoe in the 
doorway ; if she takes it, it is the token that he is accepted. On the other hand, 
if the hoe is left the youth understands his offer is rejected. When a girl has 
accepted a man's advances he goes home and brings a present for each of her 
parents, for the father a male goat, and for the mother a female goat ; this present 
ratifies the engagement. The clan next decide the amount the man is to bring as a 
dowry ; it may be ten goats or more, and some barkcloths, or they may ask other 
things from him. When he has procured and presented them he can claim his bride. 

The bride is taken to her new home by her brother who is the chief person 
concerned in the marriage, he has the right to give her away or refuse to allow her 
to marry a person he does not like. He takes her in his canoe and is accompanied 
by numbers of the bride's friends in their canoes. They start so as to reach the 
bridegroom's house by sunset. On the way they sing songs, keeping time with 
their paddles. The party stays the night with the bride and are regaled with a 
good meal and a plentiful supply of fresh meat, which is the principal item in a 
feast, according to the native idea. The next morning the bridegroom gives to each 
of the guests a small present, and they depart to their homes, leaving one girl only, 
who is either a sister or a near relation of the bride. This girl remains some ten 
days with the bride, and is then sent back with a present, a fowl or a goat according 
to the bridegroom's circumstances. 

The bride is veiled when she is taken to her new home, a large bark-cloth being 
thrown over her head coming down to her feet. She retains her veil for four or 
five days after she enters her husband's house ; when she removes it, the bridegroom 
gives her sister a fowl as a thank offering that matters are progressing favourably. 

After a few weeks of married life the bride returns to her parents to see them 
and takes them a present of two fowls ; she does not stay the night, but returns in 
the evening to her home ; her parents give her a pot of butter and a good supply of 
all kinds of food, which she takes and cooks for her husband and his friends. This 
meal ends the marriage ceremonies ; the woman now enters upon the full duties of 
married life, assisting her husband in fishing and doing the cooking and other 
domestic duties. 

Birth. No woman can bear the idea of being childless, it is a disgrace to her ; the 
husband will do all in his power, and spare no expense to make his wife a mother ; 
should all his efforts prove futile he sends his wife back to her parents, and they send 
him another woman to take her place, or failing that they return the dowry. Many 
women elect to remain with their husbands after they have been returned to their 
parents or clan, they know there is no longer any chance of marriage, and though they 
cannot hope to be a favourite wife, still they can have some of the privileges of 
married life. 

The women are, as a rule, strong and healthy and have children, though few of 
them ever have so many as six, three being the average number for each wife. 

When the time draws near for an expectant mother to be delivered she calls 
someone who has had experience in such matters to come and act as her midwife ; 
a friend is also called in to be the assistant. At the time of birth the mother does not 
go to bed, she merely stoops down and the friend stands behind her and supports her 
by holding her under the arms ; the midwife stands in front and receives the child. 
When the placenta has come away the umbilical cord is cut with a bit of sharp papyrus. 



1909.] MAN. [No. 70. 

The mother remains in the house for five days together with the midwife ; on the fifth 
day she is brought out and bathes and her hut is cleansed. The mother and midwife 
have a meal together, the midwife is given a present for her work and returns to her 
home. The husband's mother and a following of his clan come and name the child ; 
it is given the name of one of his ancestors whose ghost is expected to look after it. 
The umbilical cord is placed in a bit of mud and hidden away amongst the papyrus 
near the hut. 

When twins are born the father announces the fact by beating a drum, this is 
taken up by his neighbours ; the father takes a couple of fowls to his parents and two 
to his wife's parents, and thus announces the fact to them. The father's sister's son 
comes and closes the door and makes a way out at the back of the hut. He is the 
principal person also throughout the whole of the dancing ceremonies. The parents 
each wear two cowry shells on their foreheads, which is the token that they are 
observing the twin ceremonies. The father, has to collect food and especially animals, 
for the final ceremonial meal when the twins are first brought out of the hut. As he 
goes from place to place amongst his friends and relations and is given food to eat or 
beer to drink, he has to put some into a vessel which he carries for the purpose, and a 
little of the beer into a gourd which he carries, these portions he takes back to his 
wife who eats and drinks them. Should either of them disregard this the children 
will be sure to fall ill and die. This would be a great calamity to the clan because 
the children are supposed to be the gift of the gods, and their removal by death a 
mark of divine displeasure. The afterbirth of twins is put into two new cooking pots, 
and after it has been dried it is taken to the shore and left in the grass near one of 
the gardens used by the Bakene. 

When the father has found all the animals he needs for the final sacred meal, 
he consults with the medicine man, and with him settles the day when the twins 
are to be brought out and named. All the relatives are told and come together for 
the ceremony ; the twins are brought out and after the meal is over they are named 
and the parents are free to go the round of visits to dance and receive gifts from 
the people to whom they go. The children are seldom taken with the parents for 
the short journeys, but have to go for the long ones. 

Inheritance. The property of deceased persons is divided amongst the members 
of the clan, who also choose the heir. The heir receives the canoe and some of the 
household goods as well as the hut. The wives and the cattle, if the man had any 
on the shore, are divided up amongst the clan. In some cases the clan vote the heir 
one of the wives and some of the cattle, though this is quite exceptional, the hut, 
canoe, and fishing tackle being his only right. 

Beliefs. They believe in various deities, of whom the chief is called Gasani ; 
he is believed to be more powerful than the others, and especially has power over 
the' sky and water. This deity has his temple and his priest on the water. They 
go to him in all kinds of illnesses and for other causes also. 

Kibumba is the second deity to whom they go, should they not obtain help from 
Gasani. 

When they go fishing they offer a fowl to the water-spirit to allow the fish to 
be caught. The fowl is killed over the side of the canoe so that the blood flows 
into the water, the entrails are also thrown into the water. The fowl is cooked and 
eaten whilst they are in the canoe. 

Fishing. The chief diet of these people is fish, they fish with the rod and line, 
they use traps, and also sharp sticks for a kind of mud fish which they prod for 
and spear in the likely places. The fish they use fresh and also dry over wood fires 
and in the sun. They also barter the fish for clothing and other foods, and for 
cooking pots. 

[ 119 ] 



No. 70.] MAN. [1909. 

When a man is making new lines or nets, his father's wives must keep away 
from him lest they should happen to step over his work ; this would spoil it, no net 
or line thus stepped over would catch fish, they think. 

Government. Each clan has its head man or chief to whom the members of the 
clan go when differences arise between the members. These head men are chosen 
by the clan when the vacancy occurs. The office is held until death, unless the man 
forfeits it through drink or other vices, or is incapacitated through illness. 

They pay no taxes at all to the head of the clan, but when they have any case 
to be tried they take some offering of fish, a goat, or some other thing valued by 
them. Under ordinary circumstances an occasional present of food, or, when they can 
procure it, some beer, is all the people give to their chief from one year to another. 

Building. The huts are, as stated above, built on the papyrus roots which are 
floating in the river ; they are as a rule firm and strong. The method of building is 
to cut or break down the stems of the papyrus and thus form a foundation for the 
hut, other stems of papyrus are next laid across the first layer, and thus layer upon 
layer is placed until they have a floor raised well above water line. They next 
bring fairly strong tree branches and insert them firmly into the foundation in a circle ; 
these branches are bent inwards and bound into position by rows of papyrus stems ; 
these form a strong wall for the thatch. When the framework is completed it 
looks like a huge conical basket, some 10 feet, or sometimes 20 feet, high, and from 
10 to 15 feet in diameter. This is thatched, leaving a small hole at the apex for 
the smoke. The floor is rough and uneven, it has only a small place plastered upon 
which the fire smoulders. The bedstead is raised upon stout posts fixed into the 
floor so that if a sudden flood comes the inmates may be out of reach of the water ; 
the papyrus often sends its roots down into the earth and when a sudden flood 
rushes down from the highlands the hut cannot vise quickly enough and is there- 
fore flooded. These is no need of a door to the hut, the people are safe from the 
approaches of wild animals, and from their enemies. As a rule the door opens 
immediately upon the water so that the owner steps out of his hut into his canoe ; 
some of the chiefs have, however, a small landing-place in front of the hut, and a 
path from one hut to another if they have more than one wife. All the paths are 
made by cutting the papyrus down and throwing other stems across the first layer. 
None of the huts have poles in them, they are simply wicker frames thatched. 

The Water Ways. The water ways are kept open by constant use and by cutting 
back the growth of the sudd ; the off-shoots or side ways are private ways ; that is, they 
are for the use of the family whose hut is at the end of them. At the entrance of the 
side ways there is often an arch, especially over those of important persons ; the arch 
has different things strung to it which possess medicinal and magical properties ; these 
are meant to remove any evil which may have attached itself to the owner during his 
visits abroad, so he is able to enter his own water way and home void of danger or the 
ills which evil-disposed persons may have cast upon him. 

All their canoes are of the dug-out kind ; they use a long heavy paddle, and as a 
rule stand to paddle. For years they have held the ferries on the river, and charge 
a small fee to convey people over from side to side. Some of the canoes are large 
enough to hold three or four cows and the men to guard them when crossing. 

Dress and Ornaments. In appearance the Bakene are like the Basoga, the nose 
is inclined to be flat though they have not the protruding jaw of the negroes. As a race 
they have pleasing features. They are from 5 feet 6 inches to 5 feet 10 inches in 
height ; most of the women met were about 5 feet 7 or 8 inches in height. They are of a 
wiry build, more developed in the arm than in the leg, as is natural from their mode of 
life, most of which is spent in a canoe paddling about. 

The men wear a bit of barkcloth threaded under a string belt at the back ; it is 

[ 120 ] 



1909.] MAN. [Nos. 70-71. 

passed between the legs and threaded under the belt in front. When not at work they 
throw a barkcloth over the right shoulder, pass it under the left arm, and throw the end 
over the right shoulder again, the left arm being left exposed. 

The women have the same kind of barkcloth over their loins, and also wear belts 
decorated with cowry shells ; those who can afford them have bracelets and anklets of 
iron and brass. Both men and women wear their hair short and shave their heads from 
time to time. J. ROSCOE. 



REVIEWS. 
Africa, East. Hollis. 

The Nandi ; their Language and Folk-Lore. By A. C. Hollis. Oxford : TM 
Clarendon Press, 1909. Pp. xl + 328. 23 X 15 cm. Price 16*. * 

Mr. Hollis's book on the Masai was one of the most noteworthy contributions to 
ethnography which have appeared in this country during the last ten years, and its 
successor, The Nandi, is in some respects still more remarkable. Very little has 
hitherto been known of the non-Bantu peoples in the northern part of the East Africa 
Protectorate ; Mr. Hollis's study marks a distinct advance in this direction, and we hope 
that he will be enabled to follow it up by similar accounts of the Suk and Turkana, 
perhaps also the Gang (Acholi) and Bari. The Nandi are, like the Masai, herdsmen 
and warriors, though they have of late years become cultivators after a fashion. 
Their language is allied to that of the Dorobo or rather, the Dorobo speak a dialect 
of Nandi, a fact which, as Sir Charles Eliot points out (Introduction, p. xiv), is 
somewhat perplexing, in view of the fact that they do not appear to be racially akin. 
The Masai and the Nandi agree in supposing the Dorobo to have existed upon earth 
from the beginning of things. The theory that the latter borrowed the Nandi language 
also has its difficulties, as there are no Nandi in the country principally occupied by 
the Dorobo. The most probable solution, according to the same authority, is to 
suppose that the Nandi formerly extended further east and south, or the Dorobo 
further west, so that the two peoples were in touch, and that a wedge was driven 
between them by the Masai invasion from the north. 

The Nandi language is sufficiently different from the Masai to deserve a separate 
study. We are not aware that anything has been done for it hitherto beyond the 
vocabulary published by Sir Harry Johnston in his Uganda Protectorate, and Professor 
Meinhof's study of Dorobo in the Transactions of the Berlin Oriental Seminary for 
1907. The very full English-Nandi vocabulary collected by Mr. Hollis, the list of 
trees, grasses, &c., and the texts with literal interlinear translation, are all most 
valuable. 

The list of clans and totems on p. 5 is an item of unusual interest, together with 
the section on sacred animals and the tabus observed by each clan. The Nandi still 
consider it wrong to kill their totem-animals, but the ancient rigour of the prohibition 
is somewhat relaxed and in many cases a formal apology is considered sufficient. 

Though Mr. Hollis does not mention the belief in the totem as actual ancestor 
of the clan, he relates a curious story indicating a strong consciousness of relationship 
with it. A Nandi of the bee totem (the Kipkenda clan) happened to pass by when 
Mr. Hollis and his followers had been driven from their camping-place by an angry 
swarm of bees, and volunteered to quiet them. " He was practically stark naked, but 
" he started off at once to the spot where the loads were, whistling loudly in much 
" the same way as the Nandi whistle to their cattle. We saw the bees swarm round 
" and on him, but beyond brushing them lightly from his arms he took no notice of 
" them, and, still whistling loudly, proceeded to the tree in which was their hive. 
" In a few minutes he returned, none the worse for his venture, and we were able to 
" fetch our loads." 



No. 71.] MAN. [1909. 

It is not explained why some of the seventeen clans enumerated (the last, Chemur, 
perhaps no longer exists) have two totems and others only one. There is no 
prohibition against marrying into the same clan, though inter-marriage within the same 
family is forbidden. Certain clans may not marry into certain other clans, but there 
is no clear division in this respect. Five out of the seventeen appear to have no 
restriction laid on them, while the Tungo, which has the hyena totem, is debarred 
from marriage into no less than six clans. Others have three forbidden alliances, 
while several have only one. In some cases it is quite possible to trace a connection 
between the totem and the things which the clan may or may not do, thus the 
totems of the Toiyoi are " soldier ant and rain " (which is associated with, if not 
treated as synonymous with, thunder), and " if soldier ants enter the house of a Toiyoi 
" they are requested to leave, but no steps are taken to drive them away, and the 
" house is vacated if necessary until the ants have passed on. During a heavy 
" thunderstorm the Toiyoi seize an axe, and having rubbed it in the ashes of the fire, 
" threw it outside the hut, exclaiming at the same time : Toiyoi sis kain-nyo (Toiyoi, 
*' or thunder, be silent in our town). In the event of a hut being struck by 
" lightning, a member of the clan is called to burn the place down, and when an ox 
" is struck, it is the duty of a Toiyoi to turn it over on its side." On the other 
hand, it is impossible to conceive of any reason why people of the baboon and house- 
rat totems should not be allowed to collect honey during the rains or why the cattle 
belonging to members of the monkey totem may not pass the night outside their 
own kraal. 

The Tungo clan, whose totem is the hyena, " are held in high esteem, and one 
" of their number is selected as a judge or umpire in all disputes." One wonders 
whether this is because of the sacred character attaching to the hyena, who enjoys 
a prestige extending beyond the limits of his own clan. He is " the only animal 
" which the Nandi, like most East African tribes, hold in respect or fear." Though 
they will not scruple to kill a hyena on land owned by no one, "they will not 
" touch him if he prowls round their homes. Nobody dares to imitate the cry of 
" hyena under pain of being turned out of the tribe or of being refused a husband 
" or wife in marriage." 

A complete collection of African beliefs connected with the hyena has yet to be 
made, and we fancy the subject would well repay investigation. The werwolf-hyena 
notion is very common, existing, e.g., in Abyssinia and Nyasaland, and no doubt in 
many intermediate places, though sometimes other animals seem to be preferred. We 
hear nothing of this particular view among the Nandi, but they think these creatures 
" talk like human beings and hold communication with the spirits of the dead." Their 
peculiar theory as to the hyena's physical constitution is shared by the Zulus (Colenso's 
Dictionary, s.v. Pisintshange(imy), but we have no means of knowing whether it 
prevails elsewhere or how it originated. When a hyena is heard at night, " all Nandi 
" women, except those of the Tungo clan, flick their ox-hide covers until it stops." 
The Tungo clan are also exceptional in their funeral rites, for though, like others, 
they expose the corpse to be eaten by hyenas, they do not, if it is still untouched on 
the second day, turn it over on the other side. 

These funeral ceremonies are described on pp. 7072. It is remarkable that if the 
hyenas leave a corpse alone, it is taken as a sign that the deceased met his or her death 
by witchcraft. This seems to show that the werwolf idea is foreign to the Nandi, 
since where it prevails, the theory is that wizards take the form of hyenas for the 
express purpose of feeding on the bodies of the dead. 

Under the heading of " government," the geographical division of the country into 
"districts" and " parishes " is worth notice, especially considering the comparatively 
short occupation of the Nandi. Another curious feature is the double administration 

[ 122 ] 



1909.] MAN. [Nos, 71-72. 

carried on conjointly by the representatives of the Orkoiyot, or chief medicine-man 
(who is of Masai descent), and of the people. 

The book is so packed witn information that it has been impossible to do more 
than touch on a few among the points of interest which it contains. It is illustrated 
with a large number of excellent photographs. A. WERNER. 



America, South. Chervin. 

Anthropologie Bolivienne. By Dr. Arthur Chervin. Mission Scientifique TfO 
G. de Crequi Montfort et E. Senechal de la Grange. Three Vols. Paris, 1908. I fc 
Pp. xl + 411 ; 435 ; 151. 28 x 20 cm. 

The data with which Dr. Chervin deals in these three volumes were obtained in 
connection with the Mission Scientifique G. de Crequi Montfort et E. Senechal de la 
Grange. Though he was largely instrumental in organising the Expedition, Dr. Chervin 
was himself unable to participate in it. He secured, however, the services of M. Julien 
Guillaume, who undertook the branches of anthropometry, metric photography and 
phonography, and it is upon the materials thus obtained that Dr. Chervin has worked. 

The programme of the Expedition was an ambitious one, including not only the 
general study of man in the Bolivian highlands, but also that of the geography, flora, 
and fauna. The Expedition left France on April 3rd, 1903, returning at the end of 
the following October. M. Courty alone remained till February 1904 to carry out 
important excavations at Tiahuanaco. On the conclusion of the exhibition of the 
collections made by the Expedition, M. de Crequi presented the whole of the collections 
to the State. Dr. Chervin's long-cherished hope of establishing an American Museum 
in Paris was unfortunately not realised on this occasion, as the various specimens were 
allocated to different museums. 

Dr. Cherviu's object has been to obtain from the anthropological evidence collected 
by M. Guillaume some knowledge of the native races which, prior to the Discovery, 
inhabited the highlands of South America, now included in Bolivia. In his introduction 
and elsewhere he pays a high tribute to the work of earlier investigators of the Quechua 
(or Quichua) and Aymara peoples Alcide d'Orbigny, Sir Clements R. Markham, and 
David Forbes. With respect to ethnogeny, he advises the greatest caution in dealing 
with questions of ethnical migrations in prehistoric times. 

As regards demography, the Expedition found it necessary to collect fresh data, 
from which two facts of importance transpired : firstly, that the exceedingly sparse 
population 1^ millions in a country 3^ times the size of France was totally inadequate 
for making the most of the agricultural and mineral wealth of the country ; and secondly, 
that the half-breeds are rapidly becoming an important and progressive element in the 
community, more especially from the commercial and industrial aspect. The increase 
of half-breeds is also discussed from the point of view of the physical effects of 
altitude. 

The chief characteristics distinguishing Aymara and Quechua are very briefly 
given on pp. xxxi-ii ; they are, however, very slight. The former have a flatter face 
and are more robust ; the Quechua take shorter steps in walking although they have 
longer legs, and they dress their hair differently ; there are also minute differences in 
costume. 

Dr. Chervin obtained, through various scientific men well acquainted with Bolivia, 
answers to the list of questions issued by the Societe d'Anthropologie. These results 
apply exclusively to certain highland Quechua. As was to be expected, the informa- 
tion is fairly full when dealing with concrete matters, for a description of which very 
little special ethnological knowledge or training is necessary, but the method is apt to 
afford meagre results where the social life is concerned. In this case the meagreness 

[ 123 ] 



No. 72,] MAN. [1909, 

may be partly due to the prolonged influence of the Spaniards and of the Christian 
religion. The family is not lost in the tribe and is well defined " with precise terms 
" for the uncles, cousins, brothers-in-law, &c." Marriage is monogyuous and 
" endogamous." There is no to tern ism or social rank ; wealth alone counts. They 
are not warlike and have no warrior caste. They never practised anthropophagy. 
Property is individual. All are Catholics with a special reverence for St. James, but 
there is a great belief in the power of the ghosts of ancestors, who cause droughts, &c. 
Magic virtues are ascribed to certain birds, plants, and stones. Divination to discover 
a thief consists in beating an armadillo till it cries out, when it will say the name of 
the culprit. No woman or priest may go into a mine as evil spirits put minerals 
there. 

M. Guillaume asked a large number of persons how many brothers and sisters, and 
sons and daughters they had, and by this means some demographic information was 
obtained. 

Dr. Chervin describes in detail the photographic methods employed by M. A. 
Bertillon and applied by M. Guillaume in the field. He condemns the photographs of 
all other travellers as having no documentary or scientific character " since they are 
not comparable with one another," and he regards " metric photography " as the only 
scientific method. By following his system it is claimed that measurements can be 
taken on the photographs. The present writer has not had time to test this statement, 
and before the method is generally adopted it will have to be severely tested by 
different observers by comparing the measurements on the actual subject with those 
on the photograph. The reliability of the results depends on so many factors that it is 
improbable that investigators of different nationalities, working with apparatus made 
in various places, will be able to obtain absolutely comparable results. 

The second volume is devoted to measurements made on the living. They consisted 
of the stature, span, thoracic circumference, sitting height, length of the leg (deter- 
mined by subtracting the last measurement from the stature), length of the head 
(measured from the root of the nose), breadth and height of the head, bizygomatic 
breadth, length and breadth of the left ear, left cubit, length of the left middle and 
little fingers, length and breadth of the left foot. All these measurements and their 
relations to one another are carefully analysed and displayed in seriation tables and 
in graphic tables showing the distribution of the measurements on squared paper. 
All this has entailed a vast amount of labour on the part of the author, who sums 
up each conclusion by comparing the Aymara with the Quechua, the main result 
being that there seems to be very little difference between them, although Dr. Chervin 
regards them as quite distinct peoples. The stature of the latter (1'58 m.) 
averages 1 cm. more than that of the former; their span (l'6m.)is the same; the 
sitting height of the Quechua is 84 cm., and of the Aymara 87 cm. ; the cubit of 
the Quechua (436 mm.) is 1 cm. longer than that of the Aymara, the legs of the 
latter are estimated at 3 cm. shorter than those of the Quechua ; all the other body 
measurements are identical. The majority of both tribes are brachycephalic, with a 
cephalic index of 82 ; about one-third are mesaticephalic. 

The third volume deals with craniology. Here again Dr. Chervin insists on the 
importance of metric photography. He very carefully describes his apparatus and 
methods of orientation and fixing the skull in position. The Expedition brought back 
a collection of nearly 500 skulls, four skeletons, and other specimens. As soon as he 
had finished the first two volumes Dr. Chervin hoped to begin a study of the crania, 
but in the interval they had ceased to be at his disposal. Thus he was unable to 
complete his study ; all he had been able to do was to measure their length and breadth 
and to photograph them. Owing to prevalence of artificial deformation these measure- 
ments and the resultant indices are not of any particular value. The photographs are 

L 124 ] 



1909.] . MAN. [Nos. 72-73. 

on too small a scale to be very serviceable, and it would have been better if they had 
been twice the size, even if the number had been considerably reduced. 

From the foregoing account it will be seen that Dr. Chervin has taken a great 
deal of pains in the preparation for the Expedition, and in the elaboration of the results 
obtained. In addition to the record of new data, the book is a serious contribution 
to the discussion of anthropological methods, and it should find a place in every 
anthropological laboratory. The value of the book is greatly enhanced by the very 
large number of excellent photographs. A. C. H. 



Culture. Frobenius. 

The Childhood of Man : a Popular Account of the Siiperstitions, Manners, TO 
Games, Arts, Occupations, and Folklore, Sfc., Sfc., of Primitive Man. By Leo * U 
Frobenius. Translated by A. H. Keane, LL.D., F.R.G.S. With 415 illustrations. 
London : Seeley & Co., 1909. Pp. xviii + 504. 23 x 14 cm. 16*. net. 

Dr. Frobenius's book is already popular in Germany. The author spent his earliest 
days in the Berlin Zoological Gardens, where " he came into constant contact with 
*' Eskimo, Laplanders, Indians, Bedouins, and Blacks," and the book displays the spoils 
of a lifelong collection of ethnographical objects and information. The sub-title is 
misleading : this is not a comprehensive account of the life of Primitive Man, but rather 
a selection to illustrate certain theories. 

Dr. Frobenius's theory of cultural evolution is frankly chronological and unilinear. 
The Childhood of Man is the stage of human history which came to an end with 
the beginnings of regular agriculture : within it, Frobenius recognises three periods, 
characterised by modes of thinking about the universe. Man begins as a hunter ; his 
chief interest is in the animals which surround him ; he regards them as more powerful 
than himself, but not different in kind. Typical of this period are the Bushmen, who 
*' could make no distinction between man and animals, and knew no otherwise than that 
" a buffalo could shoot just as well as a man with a bow and arrow if he had any." 
This is the period of " Animalism," from which all animal-incidents in mythology are 
survivals. In the second period man's thoughts are concentrated on the mystery of 
death ; his religion consists in observances towards the dead, his philosophy in specula- 
tions about the fate of souls. This is the period of " Manism." Savage notions of 
metempsychosis, sacred animals, and totemism form a link between the first and second 
periods. The third mythological epoch is characterised by " Solarism, or the 
contemplation of the universe." Sun-worship and interest in the heavenly bodies 
generally did not begin with agriculture : " on the contrary, the first stimulus . . . 
" to the contemplation of the sun was . . . given during the early migrations. 
" When the peoples of the earth began to move in large groups over wide areas, when 
" they had to find their bearings . . . then they began for the first time to look 
' around upon the world, and thus acquired an interest in the structure of the universe, 
" in the sun, the moon, and the stars." A bridge from the Manistic to the Solaristic 
period is found in the fact that in many primitive mythologies the Path of the Sun to 
the West is also the Path of the Souls. 

Each period is illustrated by myths from all parts of the world, dovetailed into each 
other and into the scheme with a fascinating ingenuity which does not fail to make its 
impression in spite of a certain baffling incompleteness of method. A few of the 
incidental theories must be noticed, for the book is not all mythology. Labour begins 
with the manufacture of ornaments. Secret societies belong to the Manistic epoch, and 
by them men try to assimilate themselves to the powerful spirits of the dead. The 
" Iron Age " is no true age of human progress, but a subordinate feature of culture 
depending on the presence of iron ore, unaccompanied by any general advance in the 
arts of life. War began when peoples had been constituted in stable societies ; until 

[ 125 ] 



Nos. 73-74.] MAN. [1909. 

that time there were only duels, man-hunts, murders, and vendettas ; from these lu>:t 
came the legalisation of bloodshed. 

If any English anthropologist has influenced Frobenius it is probably Tylor ; the 
validity of " survivals " is implied throughout. To English readers his work must be 
at least a refreshing change from the stale old cliches of anthropological illustration, 
verbal and graphic. Yet it is difficult to see exactly what place the book is to fill. It 
is not quite a scientific work (for one thing it gives no references) ; not quite a First 
Reader for the student, whose teachers will hesitate to enter him on a book which 
ignores the geographical factor in cultural evolution ; and as a travail de vulgarisation 
it has (besides being expensive) this grave fault, that, by neglecting the material and 
economic side of culture, it gives an impression of savage life as essentially fantastic and 
bizarre, rather a Lunacy than a Childhood of Man. 

BARBARA FREIRE-MARRECO. 



America, South. Spruce : Wallace. 

Notes of a Botanist on the Amazon and Andes. By Richard Spruce, Ph.D. ^ 1 
Edited by Alfred Russel Wallace. London : Macmillan & Co., 1908. 2 vols. : I'T 
Hi + 518 ; xii + 542. 23 x 15 cm. Price 21s. 

In arranging for publication the manuscripts of the late Dr. Spruce, Dr. Alfred 
Russel Wallace has accomplished a task which, although without doubt undertaken as 
a labour of love, must have proved one of considerable difficulty. In order to produce 
this connected narrative of some fifteen years spent in arduous travel and scientific 
exploration, innumerable notebooks have had to be consulted, the gaps filled in from 
letters, and the whole thrown into consecutive form by the addition of just sufficient 
editorial comment to facilitate reading. 

Much as it is to be regretted that the continuous ill- health which beset the latter 
part of the long and useful life of Dr. Spruce rendered it almost impossible for him 
to prepare his notes for publication in the form evidently designed by him, it is certain 
that the task could not have fallen to more capable hands than those of the present 
editor, and Dr. Wallace is to be congratulated, not only on having rendered accessible 
a valuable contribution to our knowledge of tropical South America, but also on having 
raised a lasting monument to the memory of his departed friend. 

The general reader, who has perforce to pass lightly over much of the admirable 
botanical descriptive matter, will probably be most of all impressed with the spectacle 
here presented of an indomitable will housed in a very frail body. That a man whose 
record in England was one of frequent serious illness should have spent so many years 
in the Amazon valley and in the elevated region of the Eastern Andes, exposed to all 
the vicissitudes of a tropical climate or the freezing blasts of the Cordillera, passing days 
and nights in native canoes when frequently reduced to a diet of uncooked farinha 
and bad water, and yet should have maintained a high average of bodily efficiency, 
can only evoke astonishment and admiration. 

The date of Richard Spruce's wanderings, 1849-1864, places his work within the 
" heroic period " of scientific travel in South America. One feels constrained to place 
the book on the library shelves beside Dr. Wallace's own works, and in such good 
company as is afforded by the Voyage of the Beagle, Humboldt's Narrative and the 
writings of Belt and Bates, for the same spirit animates them all. 

Although the book, as its title implies, is of primary interest to botanists, students 
of other branches of science will find much of permanent interest and value in its pages. 
It was a matter of regret expressed by Spruce himself that he could bestow so little of 
his attention upon other than the botanical and geographical features of the wonderful 
country into which he penetrated, but none the less his observations on the native tribes 
of the great river region should prove welcome to anthropologists. The account he 

[ 126 ] 



1909.] MAN. [No. 74. 

gives of the wandering peoples of the Amazon and Rio Negro forests, who subsist 
almost entirely upon the chase and wild fruits, clearly illustrates the reason of the 
comparative sparseness of population in this vast region, where a single family may 
wander over wide areas from camp to camp as their foodstuffs become scarce locally. 
As already mentioned, the author was often reduced to the direst straits for lack of 
food. Occasionally the natives threw obstacles in the way of his obtaining seeds and 
other specimens of their common edible plants, evidently suspecting the motives which 
led the stranger to seek such information. 

On more than one occasion the author was present, much against his will, at 
native feasts, one of which he describes in considerable detail. Of special interest in 
this connection are his observations on narcotics, with the curious sex-prohibitions 
attending their use, a matter more fully discussed under a special heading in the 
second volume. He has much to say, moreover, of the " payes " or medicine men 
and their customs. 

Considerable space is devoted to a description and discussion of the Indian rock- 
pictures of the Casiquiari and Uaupes rivers, the paper being illustrated with several 
careful drawings of the figures. Spruce objects to the term " picture-writing " being 
applied to these works, since after careful study he came to the conclusion that they 
were in no sense writings or hieroglyphics. The drawings are for the most part 
exceedingly rude in execution, comparatively few of the objects represented being 
recognisable even by the natives of the region to-day. Many of the drawings figured 
appear to the present writer to bear a striking resemblance to the Carib rock-scrivings 
of the West Indies. 

The opinion arrived at by Dr. Spruce in regard to the origin and object of these 
works of savage art may be given in his own words : 

" Having carefully examined a good deal of the so-called picture writing, I am 
bound to come to the conclusion that it was executed by the ancestors of Indians 
who at this day inhabit the region where it is found, that their utensils, mode of 
life, &c., were similar to those still in use, and that their degree of civilisation was 
certainly not greater, probably less, than that of their existing descendants. The 
execution of the figures may have ranged through several centuries, a period which 
in the existence of a savage people is but a year in that of the highly-civilised 
nations of modern Europe. In vain shall we seek any chronological information from 
the Indian who never knows his own age, rarely that of his youngest child, and who 
refers all that happened before his own birth to a vague antiquity wherein there are 
no dates and rarely any epochs to mark the sequence of events." 

Whilst agreeing in the main with this decision of the author a certain hesitation is 
felt in assenting to his suggestion that the Indians " amused themselves by scratching 
' on the rocks any figure suggested by the caprice of the moment." The savage is 
really a very serious person, whose strangest actions are performed in obedience to some 
sort of logical impulse, however wild his reasoning may appear from the point of view of 
civilised man. Unless I mistake, the ethnologists of North America hesitate to dismiss 
the rudest scrivings of the Red man as mere meaningless scrawls, and in the present 
instance it would at least be possible that the drawings have some forgotten religious 
or tribal significance. Perhaps they mark the sites of former feasts or ceremonial 
gatherings. 

It may be mentioned that Dr. Spruce offers an interesting explanation of at least 
one mysterious forest sound, resembling a gunshot, akin to the famous " midnight axe " 
that has given rise to so much controversy. A sound unhesitatingly attributed by the 
Indians to the agency of a certain malign forest sprite was traced to the sudden collapse 
of a species of palm, which, when dead, gradually rots away, and is ant-eaten until 
nothing but a mere shell remains. This eventually goes suddenly to pieces with a loud 

[ 127 ] 



Nos. 74-75.] MAN. [1909. 

report, leaving nothing but a heap of dust and splinters to mark the place where a few 
minutes before it towered among its fellows. 

Several beautiful photographs worthily accompany Dr. Spruce's delicate pencil 
drawings ; one of the magnificent cone of Chimborazo calling for special admiration. 
This brief notice would be incomplete without a reference to the misfortunes which 
overtook this indefatigable man of science towards the close of his long residence 
abroad. Whilst engaged in the difficult task of procuring specimens of the valuable " red 
bark " plants for India, Dr. Spruce's sorely tried constitution gave way, and an illness 
resulted, which attended him throughout the rest of his life. Shortly afterwards the 
limited resources which his unselfish labours in the cause of science had permitted him 
to gather were entirely lost in the failure of a bank in Guayaquil, a failure brought 
about by the fraudulent dealing of an Englishman. For the remainder of his life he 
was dependent upon the all-too-scanty pension allowed him by the British, and latterly 
the Indian, Government. It is some consolation to think that, to him, his work brought 
its own reward. OSWALD H. EVANS. 



ANTHROPOLOGICAL NOTES. 

THE Royal Anthropological Institute has arranged an exhibit at the Imperial TtL 
International Exhibition at Shepherds Bush illustrating certain features in the I U 
life of primitive man, with particular reference to the " Stone Age " peoples, prehistoric 
and contemporary. One show case is devoted to appliances used in fishing, another 
to tools and the products of native industry, and a third to primitive forms of currency ; 
another series of objects illustrates the survival of primitive superstitions among people 
of higher culture, and a valuable series of model dolmens is also on view, together with 
water-colour sketches of Oceanic peoples. The various exhibits have been lent by 
various Fellows of the Institute, and were arranged by a sub-committee appointed by 
the Council of the Institute. In connection with the exhibit is an Anthropometric 
Bureau, and it is hoped that some interesting statistics will be secured through its 
agency. But the chief object is to show how the measurement of physical and mental 
characteristics is performed, and to illustrate the value of anthropometry as a reliable 
test of physical deterioration and progress. In the bureau at the exhibition measure- 
ments are made of weight, stature, head dimensions, breadth of shoulders, and other 
physical characters, but the most interesting feature is the installation of mental 
measurements, which has been arranged under the direction of Dr. Spearman of 
University College. In particular may be mentioned the measurement of perseveration 
by means of a rotating colour-disc, and measurement of attention by McDougall's 
*' spot-pattern " apparatus. The correlation of these characters with occupation and 
other data entered on the schedules will be possible when a sufficient number of 
persons have been measured. 

THE death is announced of Miss E. S. Wolfe, Fellow of the Royal Anthropological 
Institute since 1881. Miss Wolfe left a large fortune, the great bulk of which is to be 
divided amongst certain scientific and charitable institutions. Under her will the Royal 
Anthropological Institute will receive the generous bequest of 1,000. 

AN exhibition has been arranged at the British Museum of some of the more important 
objects collected among the Bushongo (Bakuba) people of the Congo Free State by the 
expedition under the leadership of Mr. E. Torday, which left England in 1907. These 
objects comprise chiefly specimens of wood-carving and fibre-cloth, of a quality 
surpassing anything yet collected in Africa ; in particular, two portrait statues of chiefs, 
who ruled at the end of the eighteenth century, are the most remarkable specimens of 
indigenous art yet discovered in that continent. The expedition is expected to arrive 
home early in October. 
Printed by EYRE AND SPOTTISWOODE, LTD., His Majesty's Printers, East Harding Street, E.G. 



PLATE I J. 



MAN, 1909. 




STRING NETS OF THE XVII DYNASTY. 



1909.] MAN. [No. 76. 

ORIGINAL ARTICLES. 
Egypt : Archaeology. With Plate I J. Petrie. 

String Nets of the XVII Dynasty. By W. M. Flinders Petrie, 
F.R.S., F.B.A. 

The past winter's work of the British School in Egypt has widened our know- 
ledge in various ways. At Thebes much search was made in the northern valleys, 
hitherto neglected, and one untouched burial of the XVII dynasty was found. This 
is perhaps the most varied and rich burial ever brought from Egypt, and it will be 
preserved as an entire group in the Royal Scottish Museum, Edinburgh. The body 
was in a single coffin painted with wings, in blue and gold. Upon the neck was a 
gold collar of four rows of small gold rings, about 400 in a row. It was fastened 
by a gold pin slipping through four small eyelets on each end of the collar, which 
fitted together alternately. On each arm were two gold armlets just below the elbow. 
Around the waist was an electrum girdle, copied from a Nubian type made of seeds 
and leather. The whole jewellery weighs half a pound avoirdupois, the largest group 
of gold work that has left Egypt. 

Outside the coffin lay a row of jars in string nets, just as they had been brought 
hanging from a stick. Only two or three examples of these nets were yet known, 
in the Cairo Museum. They vary from two to four parallel strings, each knotted 
with every string it crosses. The perfect regularity of the work shows how advanced 
the makers were in string working (see PI. I J). Two pouches with loop handles lay 
in the coffin, made of bead net-work, which was unknown before. A very rare 
object was a blue marble bowl with figures of four apes, their tails curving round to 
form the base. The furniture was of usual forms but fine quality. A chair is very 
accurately made, and still has the string seat complete. Stools, a head-rest, a decorated 
horn for scent, baskets, and vases of alabaster and obsidian complete this fine group. 

Other work was done on the cemetery of the XI dynasty, many dozens of dated 
skulls were obtained and measured, a long inscription gave further detail of the 
conquest of Egypt at that time, and the pottery was fully studied and the dates of 
various types settled. Of the same age a small temple was explored on the mountain, 
1,200 feet high. It proved to be for the worship of the Osirified King Sankh-ka-ra, 
and to have contained his seated figure as Osiris and the cenotaph which represented 
his past mortality while he still ruled on earth as a god. This illustrates the Egyptian 
conception of the deified ruler, modified from the time when he was actually slain. 
Other results at Thebes are historical rather than anthropological. 

At Memphis the main work was clearing the palace of King Apries, of about 580 B.C. 
It covered two acres, the whole of which we dug out to 10 or 15 feet, the largest 
clearance anywhere in Egypt this year. The capitals and drums of columns showed 
that it had been 40 feet high in the central court, and 50 feet high in the north court. 
The plan is the first yet obtained of an Egyptian palace, showing it to have been on 
the same scale as the great Assyrian palaces. Beside much scale armour and bronzes, 
a fine piece of silver fitting with gold face of Hathor was found in the palace. As 
many of the walls descend far below the floor of Apries, it is probable that the mound, 
50 feet high, consists of the earlier palace ruins. The sculptures of an earlier gateway 
of the palace were found, thrown aside in the fosse. This gate was 20 feet high and 
7 feet wide on either side, sculptured with six great scenes of the investiture of the 
crown prince, of the most delicate low-relief work. 

Many more terra-cotta heads of foreigners were obtained, Spanish, Greek, Jewish, 
Kurd, and others, like those found last year. The office of the school is at University 
College, London, where intending students can apply or subscriptions be sent for the 
publications. W. M. FLINDERS PETRIE. 

[ 1*9 J 



No. 77.] MAN. [1909. 

Ceylon : Religion. Selig-mann. 

Note on the "Bandar" Cult of the Kandyan Sinhalese. By C. G. ~1~1 

Seligmann, M.D. I I 

In a paper on the ".Vedda Cult of the Dead," published in the Transactions oj 
the Third International Congress for the History of Religions, I alluded to the 
practice prevalent among the Kandyan Sinhalese, that is of the Sinhalese of the central 
portion of the island, of canonising important men soon after their death and making 
offerings to their spirits, who are invoked to protect from evil and send good fortune. 
Such canonised spirits are known as Bandar, and Mr. H. Parker, late of the 
Irrigation Department, who has devoted special attention to this subject, wriles that 
he has the names of considerably more than 100. " Some are included in the list as 
" important ancestors ; others, the majority, because of their power ; others because 
" of their cruelty or their sudden violent death. They are all classed as Yakas by the 
" Sinhalese and are generally hurtful ; but some have certain protective functions, and 
" protect cattle and cocoanut trees and crops." 

The object of this note is to draw attention to certain features of this cult, and 
to give the invocation used in seeking success and protection from sickness from 
Kosgama Bandar, who appears to have attained distinction on account of his violent 
death, inflicted by order of the Sinhalese King. The invocation of Kosgama Bandar 
was obtained from one Tissahami the Arachi (headman), of Potuliyadde, a jungle 
settlement in Uva Province. Tissahami is one of a line of spirit dancers (Sin. 
kapurale\ his great grandfather having been a Vedda shaman. Although this man's 
descendants intermarried with the local Sinhalese and adopted the Sinhalese mode of 
life, one man at least in each generation continued to act as spirit dancer, and the 
father of the Arachi was a spirit dancer and wederale (native doctor) of some note. 
The Arachi, now a man of between forty and fifty, exerts a great deal of influence 
over the peasants in his neighbourhood, who all recognise that he is more or less in 
constant communication with the spirits, to which fact his neighbours attribute much 
of his success. In this manner was explained the quickness with which he recently 
learnt blacksmith's work. I soon discovered that he was handier, quicker, more 
intelligent, and very much less respectful of established authority than the majority of 
the peasant Sinhalese with whom we came in contact. 

Kosgama Bandar lived in the eighteenth century or earlier at Kosgama. He 
refused to pay tribute to the king, and probably headed a rebellion, which was quickly 
put down. He was betrayed by an adherent whom he trusted, and was tied to a tree 
and shot to death with arrows. He is now said to be especially helpful in litigation 
and in recovering lost cattle ; but, in fact, he is of assistance in every way. 

In order that some of the references contained in the invocation may be clear 
it is necessary to point out that the dead are faced by the initial difficulty of com- 
municating with the living. They have no power to appear to them in dreams or 
visions, and, indeed, can only make their desires known in the first instance by 
causing sickness or by means of certain animals. It seemed that the spirits usually 
adopted the latter expedient, the animal being a " sending," and the rank of the 
deceased being indicated roughly by the animal sent, in which, however, the spirit 
of the deceased is not immanent. The lion is said to be the highest ; then comes the 
elephant ; the leopard indicates the spirit of a rather less exalted person. 

Before the dead can manifest their power in this manner or in any way 
interfere in human affairs they must obtain the permission of one or more high gods 
of whom the most important is Skanda, one of the four guardian deities of Ceylon, 
*' the Kataragam God " as he is called by the jungle dwelling Sinhalese, on account 
of the position of his famous temple. How the spirit obtains this permission is not 
clear, but I was told that the early signs of the power of the deceased are always 

[ 130 ] 



1909.] 



MAN. 



[No. 77, 



in some way connected with the Kataragam God, and when Kosgama became a 
Bandar, a leopard sent by him rode round the Kataragam temple on the back of 
one of the god's bulls, i.e., one of the tavilam bulls, bringing provisions and salt 
to the temple. 

Having once obtained permission from the Kataragam God to accept offerings 
and to help or injure men, the spirit indicates his desire to be reverenced as a Bandar 
at a shamanistic ceremony which is held when the doings of the " sending," or 
other mysterious events, suggest that one of the dead is trying to communicate with 
the living. A spirit-dancer then invokes the new Bandar and becomes possessed by 
him, and the Bandar, speaking through the dancer, explains fully who he is, how 
he should be invoked, what offerings should be made to him, and the benefits that 
he will confer in return. 

I am indebted to Mr. Parker for the following transliteration and translation of 
the invocation to Kosgama Bandar. Two words. Kiteyita in the sixteenth verse 
and Kitula in the seventeenth and eighteenth are left untranslated ; several mistakes 
were made in writing down the song and afterwards corrected and there may be 
uncorrected mistakes in these words. Explanatory remarks are enclosed in [ ], 
words inserted in order to make sense are in ( ). 



1. Vldd gamadln pdjm e knttiyaya 
Numudd Inapita tiyeyi kirittlyaya 
Sudd nan asu pita saraslcciyaya 
Vlddgamardlata sadiwlccya 

2. Kosgamardlaga nisi Atapattu 
Dura yanawd daeha Ian karagattu 
Rakas klyanneta Ian karagattu 
RaJias poledl sadl karagattu 

3. Ran kandata Id kanda dlya nawdpii 
Pas katu sandunem dara ekltarapu 
Patkada munata waesun wasapu 
Kosgama ran kanda mele sadawapu 

4. Ran kanda malakada diya ndwdld 
Sandun kapuru pinldlya ekkarald 
Ran saluwak gena muna wasdld 
Kosgama ran kanda dawati dqddld 

5. Aendami sangalak yakun natanneta 
Baendami patlya ina sayl wennata 
Paenneml Kola(m.)batt saraba uganneta 
Waendaml Kosgama raja waslnneti 

6. Wele aetun wela muda nawatanne 
Male ba(m)baru lesa senaga ddanne 
Pele bohoma dura sita pawatinne 
Sale himdayi Kosgama deciyanne 

7. Nd gaga nd ruka nd sewunaele 
Bo gasa bo ruka bo gewunaele 
Tunbo-atthana atu sewunaele 
Maenik rajdge pufu sewunaele 

8. Ma&nikak sorakan karapu lit. bandiya 
Sorakan nokalot nowatlyi bandiya 
Ridi makd wata bubulu paelaendiya 
Maenik raja allan ran bondiya. 

9. Maenik rajdge nlnda kaeleyd 
Andd bambaru ran ganiti inuleyd 
Mata wicarak aeyi anadu kaleyd 
Maenik rajoyi naduwak nolabeyd 



10. Maenik konata baendl lesata wipulld 
Anik yakun desa no bana siyalld 
Sonikkiyata karakaewena siyalld 
Maenik raja waenda ganinnt siyalld 

11. Maeniken ipadunu tedaya asanne 
Anikut yakkuta sarune karanne 
Hanlkata tun Iowa dlwas balanne 
Maenik rajo uda buwane enne 

12. Palingu maenik yasane satapenne 
Palingu maenik dlwa salu palandinne 
Palingu maenik male palandinne 
Palingu maenik ran kadu wadaranne 

13. Maenik baendapu putuwe waeda inne 
Maenik baendapu jaya wewaela aeraganne 
Maenik baendapu ran bondl daranne 
Maenik rajd uda buwanen enne 

14. Kataragamata waenda paenald kala wirlya 

ahapanne 
Gonuge pitata dm nangd maluwa maedata 

wadlminne 
Maluwa maedata ivaeda-mowald teda ana- 

naka pennanne 
Mewan tedati Kosgama Devi ganan gamuwa 

waedi inne 

15. Awipatayindud depatayl Kosgamardlaga 

waliye 
Disd fiatayima dill patayi Kosgamardlaga 

waliye 
Bubulu liaetayl bondl haetayl e allana ran 

pall ye 
Glnl kukulayl panduru haetayl e Ntlat 

tawa baeriye 

16. Ahashe taru kelineyl kiteyi td taru yata 

liimlnda eteijl 
Polowe waell kelineyl kiteyi td waeli yata 

kiminda eteyi 
131 ] 



No. 77.] MAN. [1909. 



Mude raela kelineyi kiteyi td raela yata 

kiminda eteyi 
Kosgama Den wadineyi maduwa^a balanda 

Den wadineyi 

17. Allana kaduwa mini bandala tiyennd 
Dorakoda kitula ran bandala tiyennd 
Maeniken pdnage aeti tiyennd 
Kosgamardla yasane nidi pennend 



18. Allana kaduwa mini baenduwdt boruyi 
Dorakoda kitula ran baenduwdt boruyi 
Maeniken pdnage aewilenawdt boruyi 
Kosgamardla yaxane nidi et boruyi 

19. Ran manden bat kdld tiyennd 
Ran kendiyen diya bild tiyennd 
Maeniken pdnage aewiti tiyennd 
Kosgamardla yasane nidi penennena. 



1. The crime at Kosgama, that deed 
Done to Vidagamarala, 

Who had a never-removed kris at his waist-belt, 
And was accoutred on a horse called "white." 

2. The base Atapattu of Kosgamarala 

Having seen him going from afar called him near ; 
To confer secretly he called him near ; 

In that secret place he behaved treacherously [i.e., seized him and handed him 
over to the King]. 

3. Having placed gold on the body [? in the mouth], the body was washed with 

water, 

Five parcels of sandal-wood, and firewood, were collected, 
A piece of cloth was placed as a covering for the face ; 
The golden body of Kosgama in this way was made ready [for cremation]. 

4. They washed impurities from the golden body ; 
They collected sandal, camphor, and perfume ; 
They brought a golden cloth and covered the face ; 

And having wept they burn the golden body of Kosgama. 

5. I dressed (as though) for dancing to a couple of Yakas ; 
I tied on my belt in order to contract my waist ; 

I bounded to Colombo to learn (to jump like) a grasshopper ; 
I (then) paid obeisance for the Kosgama king to dwell here. 

6. In the paddy field the tusk elephants, pleased with the field, are stopping ; 
Like bambara on the golden flower the multitude are crying. 

The family descends [lit. continues] from very distant (times) ; 
The power of the Kosgama God is great. 

7. (Like being) in the Na shadow of the Na tree, the Na tree ; 
(Like being) in the Bo shadow of the Bo tree, the Bo tree ; 
(Like being) in the shadow of the branches of the Thorn-apple ; 
(Is being) in the shadow of the seat, of the Gem King. 

8. The bracelet (bandiya) is a gem which it is said was stolen. 
If it were not stolen it would be of no value, the bracelet ; 
It is ornamented round with silver bosses, 

The golden bracelet which the Gem King carries. 

9. Having gone to the jungle owned by the Gem King, 

Having hummed [lit. cried] the bambara take pollen from the flowers. 

Why should he behave unjustly to me only ? 

There is no gain in a law suit against the Gem King. 

10. Like a gem fixed at the end [of the spire of a dagoba~] is the Great One 
In the direction of the other Yakas not a sound is heard ; 
Speedily all turn away [the new God having supplanted them]. 
Let us all worship the Gem King. 

[ 132 ] 



1909,] MAN. [No. 77, 

11. They hear of the power derived from the gem, 
And he makes the other Yakas hasten away. 

Quickly he looks at the three worlds with his divine eyes ; 
The Gem King comes through the sky. 

12. He sleeps on the couch set with crystal gems ; 

He wears a divine cloth adorned with crystal gems ; 

He wears a necklace of crystal gems ; 

He carries a golden sword set with crystal gems ; 

13. He is seated on the gem-set chair ; 

He takes a cane of victory set with gems ; 

He carries a golden bracelet set with gems ; 

The Gem King comes (thus) from the sky [lit. upper abode]. 

14. Hear of his prowess done when he came [lit. jumped] down to worship at 

Kataragama, 
While the leopard, having mounted on the back of the bull, was going to "the 

middle of the enclosure. 

By causing it to come to the middle of the enclosure he shows his power. 
The Kosgama God who possesses such powers as these visits [lit. is present 

at] a number of villages. 

15. There is two-fold prosperity at the (festival) day of Kosgamarala ; 

There are (people with) brilliant silk clothes from even seven districts (present) 

on the (festival) day. 
There are sixty bosses and sixty ornamental rings round them [lit. bondi 

fetters] on the golden shield that he carries. 
Cannot (you give) more than a red cock [lit. fire (coloured) cock] and fsixty 

offerings for the Chief ? 

16. The stars gambol in the sky, ... he will dive beneath the stars. 
The sand gambols on the earth, ... he will dive beneath the sand. 
The waves gambol on the sea, ... he will dive beneath the waves. 

The Kosgama God comes to the maduwa, the God comes to look (at the 
offerings). 

17. Bells are fixed on the sword he holds; 
Gold is overlaid on ... his doorway ; 
His lamp receives its light from gems ; 
Kosgamarala sleeps on his couch. 

18. It is untrue that bells have been fixed on the sword he holds ; 

It is untrue that gold has been overlaid on ... his doorway ; 
It is untrue that there is any shining of his lamp from gems ; 
It is also untrue that Kosgamarala sleeps on his couch. 

19. (His) rice has been eaten off (his) golden plate ; 

(His) water has been drunk out of (his) golden drinking pot ; 
There has been shining of his lamp from gems ; 
Kosgamarala has slept on his couch. 

1, line 3. Mr. Parker points out that the kris dates from ancient times in Ceylon. 
" I found the greater part of a blade of apparently pre-Christian Age at Tissa (Southern 
" Province). There is a true Sinhalese weapon of this type, the itiya, a sort of 
" assegai, which has similar bends in the blade, and there is a spear in the British 
" Museum with a wavy blade." My field interpreter simply translated "hunting- 
knife." 

2, line 1. Atapattu, an official title. 

[ 133 ] 



Nos. 77-78,] MAN. [1909. 

5. This verse describes the preparations made by the spirit dancer in order that 
he may do his part worthily. 

6, line 1. Tifesahami explained that the elephants of the deceased became 
possessed by his spirit, but Mr. Parker considers this line refers to the people being 
too full of grief to drive the wild elephants out of their fields. 

6, line 2. Bambara is the rock bee (Apis indica) ; the sound of weeping is 
compared to the humming of many bees. 

8, line 1. Mr. Parker writes : "the meaning of bandiya is doubtful, there were 
" sixty among the decorations of the shield described in verse 15 ; these might be 
" raised riugs round each of the bosses on it." 

8, line 2. The stealing of the gem refers to a legend of which my informants did 
not know the details. It seemed that this line referred to a gem by the aid of which 
the future might be predicted ; for some cause the gem lost its lustre and power. 

9, line 3. Mr. Parker writes : " This line means that he will treat all alike, 
" but in any case it is useless to quarrel with him." 

14. This verse refers to the deeds by which Kosgama manifested his desire to 
be treated as a Bandar. 

15, line 4. The usual meaning of glni kukula at the present day is "guinea-fowl," 
but this is inapplicable in the invocation. 

16, line 4. The maduwa is the bower-like structure to which the yaku are 
called when they are invoked. 

18. This verse consists of the remarks of an imaginary doubting listener, and 
the words " it is untrue " mean no more than " is it really true ? " 

19. This verse answers the doubter ; further details are given, and the last two 
lines reiterate two of the statements on which doubt has been cast. 

C. G. SELIGMANN. 



Sociology : Exogamy. Lang. 

Exogamy. By A. Lang. 

The problem of exogamy is always with us, and will be revived by 
Mr. Frazer's forthcoming book. I have been obliged to look into the question again, 
and especially to examine the papers by Mr. .Crawley and Mr. Thomas in the 
Festschrift for Mr. Tylor (Anthropological Essays). I note that Mr. Crawley 
(pp. 51, 52) quotes Mr. Atkinson's views (Primal Law) from a summary by 
Mr. Thomas. Where Mr. Thomas gave it we are not told, nor do I know. " This rule " 
(no marriage for the offspring of the " Cyclopean " sire) " crystallised into an instinct." 
" This," says Mr. Crawley, truly, " is a psychological impossibility " (p. 52). But 
where did my cousin say that the impossibility occurred ? 

Mr. van Gennep attributed the same opinion about an " instinct " to Mr. Atkinson 
in Mythes et Legendes d'Australie, p. 116, note 2). I then re-read Mr. Atkinson's 
Primal Law, and could find therein no such assertion. Mr. Thomas (in Kinship and 
Marriage in Australia, p. 65) summarises Mr. Atkinson's view thus: "This 
" law .... came in the process of time to be a traditional rule of conduct, 
" almost an instinct." Mr. Atkinson regarded it as " a traditional rule of conduct." 
That he said " an instinct " is a statement which I could not verify, and I wish that 
instinct made us give exact references to an author's own work. 

Mr. Crawley seeks " a sounder psychology " in a book by Mr. Havelock Ellis, 
which I never saw. There is " a normal failure of the pairing instinct in the case of 
" brothers and sisters, or of boys and girls brought up together from infancy. The 
44 sensory stimuli of vision, hearing, and touch have been dulled by use," and " deprived 
" of their potency to arouse the erethistic excitement," and so forth. Yes, in civilised 
family life, but not in savage life, where the brothers and sisters are kept apart and 

[ 134 ] 



1909.] MAN. [No. 78. 

have rules of avoidance, which romance calls on them to break, making their situation 
most stimulative. 

Mr. Thomas writes, in the same book (p. 345), " as Mr. Lang has pointed out, if 
" there is one thing more than another which should promote incest, on this theory, 
" it is the separation of brothers and sisters long before puberty, which is such a 
" characteristic feature of some primitive societies .... we are entitled to ask 
" why the custom of brother and sister avoidance arose at all if it removed the greatest 
" safeguard against incest," namely, constant familiarity from infancy. " If hearth- 
" mates develop an instinct " (I do not adopt the phrase) " against sexual relations 
" with each other, it would be unnecessary to separate brothers and sisters for reasons 
" of sex ; and it would never occur to anyone to propose that they should be separated 
u to provide against non-existent dangers." 

Mr. Crawley, I think, will reply that they were separated for some mystic reason 
of " sexual tabou," but the obvious explanation is that of Mr. Thomas. Mr. Crawley 
also explains " the legal prohibition " against adelphic unions as rising from " a naive 
" desire to, as it were, assist nature, to affirm what is normal," to bolt a bricked-up 
door. But this does not explain separation and avoidance. 

But why prohibit marriages of non-consanguineous " brothers and sisters " in the 
phratry, people in mere social classificatory relationships ? " It is due to tribal solidarity 
" and is engineered by identity of names " (p. 54). I would say " due to the idea 
that all persons in the phratry are, by now, legally akin." 

Mr. Howitt's theory, or at all events Mr. Frazer's, is that we have every right 
to assume that " the founders of exogamy in Australia " (who legislated merely to 
prevent consanguineous marriages) " recognised the classificatory system of relationships, 
" and the classificatory system only " (Folklore, June 30, 1904, p. 177). But 
before the "reform," before the phratriac division produced its effects, where were the 
classificatory relationships which alone the reformers of consanguineous relationships 
recognised ? Either they did not exist and could not be recognised, or must not all 
members of the tribe, of a certain status, have been classificatory or tribal brothers 
and sisters ? If so the reformers had to bar the marriages of all of them, within the 
tribe, make the tribe exogamous, and find another intermarrying and exogamous tribe, 
to be the other phratry. If so no exogamous partition was made within the tribe ; two 
tribes made alliance and connubium, which is practically my own theory. 

Mr. Crawley does not believe in the reformatory division of the tribe. He appears, 
however, not to observe that, on Mr. Atkinson's theory, the members of his original 
Cyclopean family were under greater temptations than those of Mr. Havelock Ellis's 
family, who are brought up in constant familiarity between boys and girls ; for 
Mr. Atkinson postulates hostility between all his groups. Boys and girls, to-day, 
meet plenty of others, not of their own family, and the superior attractions of these 
act as lightning conductors of the sexual emotions. The Cyclopean brothers and sisters 
having no such distractions, would most certainly have gone the way of all flesh had 
the sire not expelled the boys. 

I am not wholly wedded to Mr. Atkinson's very ingenious theory, for really we 
do not know the manners of truly primitive man. But I do think that if, from 
scarcity of supplies., he lived in tiny family groups, with hostile neighbours no 
accessible lightning conductors the seniors would forbid to the juniors love-affairs 
within their circle, for these meant the cutting of fraternal throats by fraternal flints ; 
blood feuds round the hearth, and the ruin of the party. 

Mr. Crawley begins with " two friendly fire circles, consisting each of father, 
mother, and one or more children." The children marry out of their own family, for 
they are biases to the attractions of their brothers and sisters, and into the other 
family, and " the two connected families will keep together." If round the same 

L 135 ] 



No. 78.] MAN. [1909, 

hearth, the children will become blasts, on this theory, I fear, but they seem not to 
have the same hearth (p. 56). Moreover, given one family, apparently isolated, and 
by nature exogamous, whence came the other two families ? Where did the children 
pick up mates ? Are all families in the region on friendly terms all round ? If so, 
why are only two families posited as the result of the one family ? There might 
be half a dozen. If we only knew who the original two parents were, how they met, 
and so on, it would be easier to understand. I do not understand the provenance of the 
original family, which itself was an union of members of two families. If they have 
only three sons, three families and the original family co-exist, and thus I do not see 
why the intermarrying was always on a dual system. The supposed original dual 
family took women from other groups, and vice versd, I suppose, so we have, in 
fact, many families intermarrying, not eternal intermarriage between descendants of 
the original two families only. It may be due to my want of imagination, but I keep 
wondering who the parents of the one original family were, and whence they came 
together, unless we start with Adam and Eve. Even so, Cain and Abel must have 
married their sisters, faute de mieux. 

Mr. Crawley anticipates the question, " Why should they " (the two original 
families) "continue to marry?" and he answers, "Why not?" Why not, indeed? 
The question is why, if families all around are friendly, and if they are hostile, had 
not the founder of the first family, the source of the other two, to fight for his mate ? 
Mr. Crawley thinks that he had not, " all the facts tend to show that primitive man 
" relied for his wives on friendly arrangements as a rule." Well, if there were several 
friendly families within a walking distance, or even two families, there is no reason why 
Mr. Crawley's two families should for ever continue to intermarry, and make a solid 
system out of the arrangement, the phratry system, all but universal in Australia.* 

Either Mr. Crawley or Mr. Frazer seem to differ on a point of fact. Mr. Crawley 
says, " The children of two brothers may not marry " (intermarry) " nor the children 
" of two sisters. The children of a brother and sister may " (p. 57). Mr. Frazer 
says " .... the system was devised .... to prevent the marriage of 
" a man's children with his sister's children" {Folklore, ut supra, p. 178). These 
must be different systems, and each needs explanation. 

I do not dwell on other points in which I think Mr. Crawley has misunderstood 
me, as I certainly do not understand his theory. It " excludes from an unwarranted 
" pre-eminence the system of totemism," but does it account for one totem to one 
totem marriage ? Probably it does by simply supposing both of the two original 
families to have, somehow, got a totem. But, as has been said, I do not see why 
these two families, now duck and dog, continued to intermarry exclusively, and then 
gave up their exclusiveness, as they have done, except among the tribes from the 
northern Urabunna to the Barkinji. 

Mr. Thomas, contrary to both Mr. Atkinson and Mr. Crawley, supposes " fatber- 
" daughter aversion, expulsion of the young females, temporary exit of the young males, 
" and then later return with brides from another group " {Anthropological Essays, p. 553). 

The expelled young males would easily pick up expelled young females ! " In 
" the expulsion of one set of females and the introduction of another we have the 
" principle of exogamy ; and if we suppose that only two communities were within 
" such distance of each other, we have the simplest possible form of exogamy, the 
" intermarriage of two and only two groups." Surely there is but sketchy evidence 
for father-daughter aversion in the higher mammals, only that of the Khirgiz and 

* Mr. Crawley says " the phratry names are usually unintelligible." Out of fifty-eight known 
to Mr. Thomas, " nineteen can be translated with certainty, and one can guess at the meaning of 
some half a dozen more " (Thomas, p. 53). It is long odds that the unknown forty, roughly speaking, 
are of the same sort as the known score. 

[ 136 ] 



1909.] 



MAN. 



[Nos. 78-79. 



Aristotle (Anthropological Essays, pp. 349, 350), for semi-tame horses and for tame 
camels. Two and only two families within accessible distance is also an improbable 
postulate, which (Anthropological Essays, p. 206) makes it hard to understand one 
totem to one totem marriages ; these, as Mr. Thomas says, " are verifiable but 
unverified" (Howitt, Native Tribes of South-East Australia, pp. 189-194, Spencer 
and Gillen, Central Tribes, p. 60, and note L, Northern Tribes, p. 71). 

Verily we have not solved the puzzle of exogamy, and now I hear from South 
Australia, that some tribes have exogamous phratries, the children taking the name 
which is not that of the parent's phratry ! A. LANG. 



India : Archaeology. Seton-Karr. 

Some recent Indian Palaeolithic Implements. By H. W. Seton-Karr. 

Four implements are figured from the valley of the Penaar River running into 

the Bay of Bengal to the north of Madras. They were recently picked up by a 

native whom I taught to look 
for palaeolithic implements and 
forwarded by him at the begin- 
ning of the year. I found other 
examples myself of these types 
in the same district, but these 
are so symmetrical that the form 
and intention are clearly shown. 
H. W. SETON-KARR. 




[ 137 ] 



No. 80.] MAN. [1909. 

REVIEWS. 
Africa, East. Weule. 

JVissenschqftliche Ergebnisse meiner ethnographischen Forschungsreise in 
den Siidosten Deutsch-Ostafrikas. Von Dr. Karl Weule, Direktor des Mu- 
seums fiir Volkerkunde und Professor an der Universitat zu Leipzig. (Mitteilungen 
aus den deutschen Schutzgebieten. Ergaozuugsheft, No 1.) Berlin: Mittler, 1908. 
Pp. x + 150. 33 x 25 cm. Price, 3 marks. 

The scene of Dr. Weule's researches during the latter half of 1906 was the 
region comprised between the Lukuledi and the Rovuma, the greater part of which 
is occupied by the Makonde Plateau. Here, owing to the wars and wanderings of 
Several generations, the slave trade, and the settlements of freed slaves at the mission 
stations, the population is, as so often in Africa, of an extremely mixed character. 
It is, however, so far as one can tell, a mixture of indigenous stocks. No extraneous 
elements would appear to have been imported beyond the fraction of Arab blood 
(whatever that may amount to) contributed by the Swahilis from the coast. The 
oldest inhabitants seem to be the Makonde, who are closely allied to, if not identical 
except in name with, the Mavia on the otber side of the Rovuma, and also to the 
Wamaraba on the coast near Mikindani. The Makua, driven from their homes in the 
south by the Walongwe, and afterwards by the Angoni, impinged upon the Makonde 
from the south and south-west, and a further westward immigration of Yaos took place 
after this, and is still going on. Besides these, we have the Wamwera, inland from 
Lindi, of whom Dr. Weule saw comparatively little ; the Wamatambwe on the Rovuma ; 
a colony of freed Wanyasa (Anyanja) slaves at Masasi, and a few villages of so-called 
Augoni near Nchichira. 

The value of Dr. Weule's results is somewhat unequal. For the excellent 
illustrations, reproduced from photographs and drawings, there can be nothing but 
praise, and in all that relates to externals he may be said to have met with the success 
generally obtainable by a patient and painstaking collector. But when we find how 
dependent he was on interpreters and on a somewhat elementary knowledge of Swahili ; 
when it is further taken into account that his expedition, even when not actually accom- 
panied by a Government official, had more or less of an official character, and that 
his methods, as incidentally revealed both here and in the more recently published 
Negerleben in Ostafrika^' were not always of a conciliatory nature ; it is evident 
that his accounts will require careful sifting. It is somewhat surprising that he 
should have been allowed to see so much of the unyago festivities ; but here, too* 
to a certain extent, official pressure was at work. The account of the Makua 
echiputu on pp. 117-119 in particular must be received with caution. Without 
pronouncing any opinion as to its inherent probability or otherwise, it is impossible 
to overlook the fact that it was obtained more or less under compulsion, from a 
woman detained to work out her husband's taxes. (In Negerleben, p. 371, the author 
relates a further way in which he took advantage quite unjustifiably it seems to us of 
this woman's difficulties.) The statement that her assertions were subsequently con- 
firmed by another Makua scarcely by itself sufficient evidence in a case of this sort. 

Our confidence in Dr. Weule is not increased by occasional indications of an 
a priori attitude towards his subject, as when he says, " Schon das Vorkommen der 
" Gesichtsmaske in Ostafrika wirkt befremdend." Why ? It is only a further develop- 
ment from the animal masks used in the Chinyau (= Yao, unyago) dance of the 
Mang'anja and Achewa (see Foa, Traversee de VAfrique, p. 40, and the illustration), 
which, again, strongly suggests the nadro of the Bushmen as figured in their rock- 
paintings and described in the traditions preserved by Stow and others. From the use of 

* Unless, indeed, we are to suppose that the latter contains a certain admixture of "yarns "to 
support its character as a light and popular work. We own to suspicions of one or two passages. 

[ 138 ] 



1909.] MAN. [No. 80. 

actual heads to that of wicker or wooden masks imitating them is but a step (cf. Scott, 
Matig^anja Dictionary ; " The masks are made of maperi [i.e., maize or sorghum] stalks 
peeled and strung together, or of wood, or earth, or skins)." Both human and animal 
masks are represented in Dr. Weule's collection, so that the further transition is 
illustrated without difficulty. Of special interest is No. 2, Plate 21, described as 
" Tanzmaske der Makonde, den Hasen darstelleud." We might here have a clue 
which, if followed up, would help us to understand the position of the Hare in Bantu 
folk-tales, and perhaps, ultimately, in Bantu mythology. But in the text it seems to 
be classed among the Shetani or " devil " masks, of which no very satisfactory account 
is given. They are all horned and bearded ; the names (if really current, and not 
merely used by Swahili-speaking natives in their explanations to Dr. Weule) must be 
imported ; whether the form is likewise primitive or modified in accordance with 
imported ideas we cannot know without further inquiry. He remarks that in the mask 
in question, which, unlike the others, is entirely white, the horns rather resemble hare's 
ears, and therefore it is possible that " diese Maske in der Tat den Reinecke Fuchs 
" Afrikas, niimlich den Sungura, darstellt." Dr. Weule assumes that Moslem influence 
is out of the question here, because Islam forbids plastic representations. Whether his 
conclusion be right or not his argument will hardly hold, for all Moslem countries are 
not equally orthodox in this respect cf. what is said by M. Bel {La Population Musul- 
mane de Tlemcen) as to the religious pictures found in Algerian marabouts' shrines. 
Another instance of a dangerous inclination to a priori judgments occurs on p. 114. 
Speaking of secret societies, Dr. Weule says he had hitherto thought this institution 
inconceivable in East Africa (fur Ostafrika einfach undenkbar), and still does not 
believe in its existence among the Makonde. It is a somewhat rash conclusion to 
arrive at after a stay of a few weeks. The Nyasaland Yaos have an organisation called 
seketera, of which my informant discovered the existence after eight years' residence 
in the country without the slightest suspicion of such a thing. Moreover, it may be 
doubted whether the stilt-dance is quite so isolated a phenomenon as our author thinks. 
Mr. Sutherland Rattray (Chinyanja Folklore, p. 179) speaks of it as part of the ordeals 
undergone by men initiated into the secret society connected with the Chinyau. It 
must be remembered, too, that we know little or nothing concerning the initiation and 
allied ceremonies of the Bemba, Lunda, Luba, and other peoples west of Nyasa. 

In the section on toys and games (pp. 91-95) we think that the author's generali- 
sations as to the absence of organised games (though this is not so clearly stated as in 
the Negerleben) and lack of enthusiasm in play are a little too sweeping. It is difficult 
to identify the passage quoted from Livingstone in support of his view, especially as 
no reference is given. The nearest we can find is Last Journals, II, 227 : " In many 
" parts one is struck by the children having so few games. Life is a serious business, 
" and amusement is derived from imitating the vocations of the parents hut building, 
" making little gardens, bows and arrows, shields and spears. Elsewhere boys are very 
" ingenious little fellows, and have several games ; they also shoot birds with bows 
" and teach captured linnets to sing " going on to enumerate various other toys and 
pastimes. It cannot be said that this is fairly represented by " Schon Livingstone klagt 
" vor einem Menschenalter iiber die sichtliche Langweile, ja man mochte sagen die 
" Blasirtheit mit der die Wanyamwezikinder sich in Strasse und Hof herumdriickten ; 
" nichts von Begeisterung, nichts von der alles vergessenden Hingabe wie sie unseren 
" Kindern so erbeigentiimlich ist." This may seem a trifle, but such looseness of 
quotation scarcely inspires confidence. 

We see no necessity for Dr. Weule's assumption that the two forms of top figured 
in Plate 28 (Figs. 8, 9, and 10) are necessarily borrowed from Europe. The nanguli 
and nagogo, large whipping-tops, described by the Rev. D. C. Scott (see Mang'anja 
Dictionary, s.v.) eighteen or twenty years ago can hardly have taken root during the 

[ 139 ] 



Nos. 80-81.] MAN. [1909. 

short interval which had elapsed since the establishment of the mission in 1875, 
and the Yao top (No. 10), though similar in principle to our humming-top, has the 
peg for winding the string below instead of above, and may well have been evolved 
on the spot. With regard to the " diabolo," Dr. Weule seems to have overlooked the 
passage in Cameron's Across Africa (II, 91), which is quite sufficient to dispose of his 
theory. As to his so-called " telephone," it resembles a small kind of friction-drum, and 
we should not be surprised to learn that the use ascribed to it by Dr. Weule was an 
after-thought, possibly suggested by some European. 

Dr. Weule's linguistic collections are, we understand, being examined and analysed 
by Professor Meinhof, and will doubtless see the light later on. But we own that 
the specimens given here and in . Negerleben do not encourage us to hope for any 
great additions to Bantu linguistics. The Yao ndondosha song on p. 103 is unintelli- 
gible without considerable correction of the text. Ya chimwene, for instance, should 
probably be achimwene, " chief," and the translation overlooks the fact that ndondosha 
(as apparent from the pronouns) is in the plural throughout. We doubt whether 
kuilulu wakonawe could mean "the girl from Ilulu" ; wakonowe is certainly a plural. 
The ndondosha, by-the-bye, deserves further investigation ; it is a " fetch " similar 
to the Zulu umkovu, a corpse resuscitated by wizards for their own ends. 

The phonograph records of native melodies brought back by Dr. Weule have been 
treated by the Psychological Institute of the Berlin University, under the superinten- 
dence of Dr. Von Hornbostel. They have, however, been the subject of a lengthened 
controversy carried on in the pages of Globus see also Dr. Von Hornbostel's article 
in the last number of Anthropos into which, fortunately, we need not enter here. 

A. WERNER. 



Religions. Marett. 

The Threshold of Religion. By R. R. Marett, M.A. London : Methuen, Q4 
1909. Pp. xix + 173. 19 x 13 cm. Price 3s. 6d. 01 

The avowed object of these collected papers is critical and classificatory. Mr* 
Marett is not alone in thinking that animism, as a master key, fails to unlock several 
doors of the crypt of religious origins. 

In the first of these suggestive papers he inquires whether there may have been 
some religious feeling or thought previous to or back of animism. The type of the 
latter he finds in the spirits of the dead. To the question : " How came an animistic 
" colour to be attached to a number of things not primarily or obviously connected with 
" death and the dead ? " he answers, that " in response to ... the emotions of 
" Awe, Wonder, and the like, . . . there arises in the region of human thought a 
" powerful impulse to objectify and even personify the mysterious or 'supernatural' 
" something felt, and in the region of will a corresponding impulse to render it 
" innocuous, or better still propitious, by force of constraint, communion, or conciliation. 
" Supernaturalism, then, as this universal feeling taken at its widest and barest may 
" be called, might, as such, be expected to prove riot only logically but also in some sense 
" chronologically prior to animism, constituting, as the latter does, but a particular ideal 
" embodiment of the former." 

The proof, however, of this priority does not seem to be forthcoming. He quotes 
some examples of awe in action where the object is vague ; but the vagueness of the 
object is no proof that the attendant emotion in the subject is prior to the belief in 
spirits. He speaks of such objects as Powers. " Not all Powers are ghosts and spirits, 
" even if they tend to become so." In the case of a thunderstorm there is certainly no 
need to presuppose a spirit ; nor is there any process from the abstract to the concrete 
if such a phenomenon be prior to the development of a spirit of the storm. 

But it is not clear how or why such a Power should be objectified or personified 



1909.] MAN. [No. 81. 

later, still less why awe should start the process of objectification or personification. 
If we say that emotion is the origin of religion, well and good : there is nothing more 
to say. But emotion in itself cannot produce the idea of soul or spirit, nor does it 
foster their production. It apparently amounts to this : some phenomenon is 
" supernatural." Why ? Because it inspires awe. Why does it inspire awe ? Because 
it is supernatural. 

Such emotional processes are neither prior to nor subsequent to animism. They 
are parallel in time and in origin ; there is no real causal connection. The term 
pre-animistic, therefore, begs the question. 

There are several appeals in the course of the volume to psychology. Now the 
science of mind is able to throw a flood of light on the origins of animism, and 
therefore of animistic religion, but it supplies no warrant for a pre-animistic religion 
of awe. It would ask, What causes the emotion ? The answer, " Anything super- 
" normal, anything which defeats reasonable expectation," is no answer, because it 
omits the most important part of the psychical process, all that comes between the 
object and the final result (the emotion) qf the impact of object and subject. The 
complete answer would explain in one formula all cases of awe in the presence of 
" Powers " and all cases of recognition of spirits. 

Several phrases invite psychological criticism. Such are " the horror of a human 
" corpse instilled into man's heart by his instinct of self-preservation," " as regards 
" delirium, epilepsy, and kindred forms of seizure, the patient's experience of 
" hallucinatory images, combined with the bystanders' impression that the former is, 
" as we say, ' no longer himself,' would, I think, well nigh immediately and directly 
" stamp it as a case of possession by a spirit." In the latter instance, what are the 
hallucinatory images of epilepsy ? and what have they to do with the patient's 
possession by a spirit ? 

His criticism of the Frazerian doctrine of the relation of magic and religion as 
of merely abstract usefulness and reality is well argued. That the prayer is evolved 
from the spell is, however, an unnecessary assumption, not to mention its apparent 
yielding of the Frazerian position. 

In his criticism of the theory that taboo is a negative magic, he again has 
recourse to the " mystery " suggestive of awe, which he regards as the chief material 
of religion. Taboo is "a mystic affair," and is a result of experience of phenomena 
that are "normally abnormal." He describes it as "a negative mawa." This essay 
is, perhaps, the most successful in the volume. As having nothing to do with the 
genesis of spirits the theory is not handicapped from its start. 

The proposal to make mana a category of comparative religion is not new, but 
it is judicious. " Taboo is the negative mode of the supernatural, to which mana 
" corresponds as the positive mode " ; this is a convenient formula, but the author 
puts it forward as " a minimum definition of religion." In so doing he posits the 
priority of the impersonal forms of the supernatural. This seems to misunderstand 
the essence of animism as the doctrine of souls, not in the narrow sense of human and 
humanised souls, and also to involve a process from the abstract to the concrete. 

The last essay in the book treats of Comparative Religion as a branch of Sociology 
and of Social Psychology. It contains some interesting criticism of various schools 
and various points of view. " There seems to be good reason to respect the British 
" tradition which ordains that Psychology must preside over the investigations of 
" Comparative Religion." If only the presiding science were the science of the 
psychologists ! 

The volume is full of interesting apergus. Mr. Marett's critical instrument is 
keen and well manipulated, but, perhaps, does not always operate at the critical spot. 

A. E. CRAWLEY. 

[ HI ] 



No. 82.] MAN. [1909. 

Thuringia : Archaeology. Goetze. 

Die vor- und fruhgeschichtlichen Altertumer Thiiringens. Herausgegeben QO 
von Prof. Dr. A. Goetze, Prof. Dr. P. Hofer, San.-Rat Dr. P. Zschiesche. Mit Ofc 
24 Lichtdrncktafeln und einer archaolog. Karte. Wiirzburg : Curt Kabitzsch (A. 
Stubers Verlag), 1909. Pp. 466. 25 x 20cm. 

Tliis stout volume with its accompanying map is the outcome of a resolution 
passed by the Historical and Archreological Society of Erfurt in February 1905, that 
a map should be prepared on which all the prehistoric finds in Thuringia should be 
carefully marked. The work was far more troublesome than had been anticipated ; 
difficulties of various kinds were encountered at every step, so that fourteen years 
have passed before effect could be given to the resolution. The map, in two sheets 
on a scale of 1 : 100,000, covers an area of about 75 x 68 geographical miles or 
5,100 geographical square miles, and is rather less than the province of Thuringia, 
although the finds belonging to the whole area are noted in the body of the volume. 
Seven colours are used to indicate the different epochs to which the finds are assigned 
and fourteen signs are employed to show the nature of the find, such as flat grave, 
barrow, settlement, depot-find, fort, &c. To give an idea of the magnitude of the under- 
taking it may be mentioned that finds from 1,260 localities, including 2,030 graves, 
7,600 single objects, 237 settlements, 46 depot-finds, 198 forts, 19 workshops, and 
23 menhirs, altogether about 10,000 entries or numbers are duely recorded. The bulk 
of the volume is taken up by a brief description of each find arranged by places and 
these according to the Kreis or Verwaltungsbezirk to which it belongs. In the left- 
hand margin of each page a letter or abbreviation such as St, B, T, R, F, Slv, in 
fat type, catches the eye and shows that the entry concerning the find belongs to 
the Stone Age, Bronze Age, La Tene, Roman, Frankish-Merovingian or Slav Period. 
The museum or collection where each object is preserved is, of course, given, and also 
a reference to the work, if such exists, in which the find is recorded. The biblio- 
graphy, a most useful appendix, covers no less than forty pages and is arranged in 
sections according to the period of time of which the author treats. The twenty- 
four plates give good photographical illustrations of 379 objects mentioned in the 
text. 

The preface of forty pages by Professor Goetze briefly summarises some of the 
historical results that follow from the excavations and finds recorded in the volume. 
As far back as the Mousterien epoch of the palaeolithic age Thuringia was inhabited 
by man, who had to share the country with Elephas antiquus, the rhinoceros and the 
cave-lion. Then, as in many other places, a hiatus ensued, and when man reappeared 
he was no longer a savage but something of an agriculturalist, living in large com- 
munities and surrounded by domestic animals. He was in touch, too, with the outer 
world, for the marble arm rings, the ornaments of spondylus shell, the axes of nephrite 
and jadeite, as well as a rude copper dagger from Thuringian graves, must all have 
been imported. No less than seven types of neolithic pottery, most of it profusely 
ornamented, are found in the province, and these are described in some detail. Dr. 
Goetze purposely refrains from expressing an opinion on the relative age of the Cord- 
and Band-ceramic, as it is still a moot point and still under discussion. The finds 
in Thuringia give no countenance to the hypothesis that the Bronze Age was heralded 
by a Copper period. The little copper that found its way into the province altered 
in no respect the neolithic character of the civilisation. In fact the general mode of 
life was not much changed by the substitution of metal for stone implements and one 
type of stone hammer appears for the first time in the later Bronze period. At the 
beginning of the Bronze Age large quantities of bronze were introduced by traders, 
for as many as 297 bronze axes were found together at Bennewitz, 120 at Schkopau 
and 84 sickles at Bedra. There is no proof as yet that the copper ores of the Hartz 

[ 142 ] 



1909.] MAN. [Nos. 82-83. 

and the Thnringian forest were worked at so early a period. In exchange for the 
bronze the Thuringians probably gave salt, in which the country bounds. 

In the latter Bronze Age, corresponding on the whole with the fourth period of 
Montelius, a new people who brought cremation with them and new form* of ceramic, 
the Lausitz type make their appearance in Thuringia, arriving from the south or 
south-east. The difficulty of assigning ethnic names to prehistoric people is illustrated 
by the circumstance that Dr. Goetze supposes the new comers were Thracians, while 
Kossinna maintains they were Karpo-Dacians, and Dr. Pic considers them to have 
been Slavs. In the La Tene period, from the fifth century B.C. to A.D. 1, although 
the potter's wheel was known the great majority of vessels were still made by hand. 
In the succeeding epoch, from the first to the fifth century, covered by the Roman 
Period and the period of migrations, the civilisation of the Thuringians developed 
without a break from that of La Tene, and not until the second half of the Roman 
Period does the grave furniture show signs of greater wealth and luxury. J. A. 



Superstition. Frazer. 

Psyche's Task : a Discourse concerning the Influence of Superstition on the QQ 
Growth of Institutions. By J. G. Frazer, D.C.L., LL.D., Litt.D. London: 00 
Macmillan, 1909. Pp. viii + 84. 23 x 14-5 cm. Price 2s. 6d. net. 

" Psyche's task " was to sort out the seeds of good from the seeds of evil. Under 
this title Dr. Frazer has published, with additions, the substance of a paper read 
at a meeting of the Royal Institution, and afterwards given in the form of lectures 
to his class at Liverpool, " in the hope," he says, " that it may call attention to a 
" neglected side of superstition and stimulate enquiry into the early history of those 
" great institutions which still form the frame-work of modern society." The theory 
of the book is summed up in four propositions, to the effect that among certain 
races and at certain times superstition has strengthened the respect for government, 
property, marriage, and human life, and has thereby contributed to the establishment 
and maintenance of civil order, to morality, and to the security of life and property. 
" Superstition " is briefly defined as falsehood (p. 3) or a body of false opinions 
(p. 83). The four chapters which follow are made up of a selection from Dr. Frazer's 
immense store of examples. There is no theorising outside the four corners of the 
proposition, and unless the reader can find a clue to Dr. Frazer's present sociological 
position in the choice of examples, he must wait for Totendsm and Exogamy. 

In the chapter on Government, Dr. Frazer quotes, first, the mana of Melanesian 
chiefs ; the worship of dead chiefs in Fiji ; the tapu of Maori chiefs, believed to 
be living " gods " ; and like beliefs from the rest of Polynesia, Angola, and the 
Malay countries. The next series, nearly all from Africa (there is a new example 
from Mr. A. C. Hollis' Nandi), shows the king's power over weather, crops, and 
fertility in general ; and from this Dr. Frazer proceeds to the " halo of superstitious 
veneration " which surrounded the ancient Kings of Peru, India, Greece, Ireland, 
Scotland, Sweden, and Burgundy ; and so on to Dr. Johnson and the King's Evil. 
To complain would be ungrateful, for it is thanks to Dr. Frazer that these examples 
are familiar. Nothing is said about the origin of kingship ; in fact, the whole book 
is written with a sort of ironical detachment from modern theory, and the last 
sentences of this chapter might be a quotation from the early eighteenth century. Is 
this meant to mark the end of Dr. Frazer's interest in Sacred Kings ? 

The chapter on private property deals with those forms of taboo which are 
reputed to bring supernatural punishment in the shape of sickness and misfortune, on 
thieves and trespassers an application of taboo so strongly developed in Polynesia that 

[ 143 ] 



Nos. 83-84.] MAN. [1909. 

" some good authorities . . . have held that the system was devised for no other 
" purpose." (Psyche's Task, p. 17.) In this way, Dr. Frazer says, " Superstition has 
" strengthened the respect for private property and has thereby contributed to the 
44 security of its enjoyment" (p. 30). 

Dr. Frazer's theory of taboo was announced in 1905 (Lectures on the Early 
History of the Kingship, p. 52). Judging by the examples which he has chosen to 
use in this chapter, is taboo still negative magic ? understanding by " magic," as in 
1905, "a misapplication of the association of ideas by similarity and contiguity." None 
of them exactly fit the formula " Do not do this lest the counterpart of this should 
" follow." Of the taboos quoted which are indisputably taboos which are called 
tabu, tambu, tapiu by their makers those of one series (pp. 17-20, 23) are not 
< 4 sympathetic " in form at all, the other series is " sympathetic " indeed, but the 
correspondence is between the taboo-mark and the penalty invoked, not between the 
penalty and the offence (pp. 22-25). In a few cases of fady in Madagascar (p. 26) a 
special penalty is attached to the offence, " to steal an egg caused the thief to become 
44 leprous " and so on, but there is no '* sympathetic " connection. It would have been 
interesting if Dr. Frazer had taken this opportunity of replying to Mr. Marett's 
criticisms. {Anthropological Essays presented to E. B. Tylor, 1907, p. 219 ff.) 

The third chapter illustrates the proposition that " superstition has strengthened 
" the respect for marriage," and for sexual morality in general. The Karens, the 
Assamese, the Battas, the Dyaks, and other peoples punish (or expiate) immorality, 
lest the crops should fail or the land be visited with sickness and dangerous beasts. 
44 Where these superstitions prevail it is obvious that public opinion . . . will treat 
44 such offences with far greater severity ; and conversely, wherever we find 

44 that these offences are treated by the community with extreme rigour, we may 
44 reasonably infer that the original motive was superstition " (p. 42). The explanation 
of this Dr. Frazer finds 44 in the analogy which many savage men trace between the 
44 reproduction of the human species and the reproduction of animals and plants " an 
analogy mistakenly applied in their attempts to assist the propagation of animals and 
plants on the principle of magical sympathy or imitation (pp. 44, 45). Rules of sexual 
morality are thus survivals from a pre-religious age of magic. The deeper question 
how certain relations came to be regarded as irregular, and so disturbing to the course 
of nature, is left for discussion " in another place." 

The last chapter deals with the service rendered by superstition in strengthening 
the respect for human life, by " the wholesome though groundless terror," inspired by 
the ghosts of murdered men. This has a two-fold effect : it deters the prospective 
murderer, and it prompts the community to get rid of him. Here, as elsewhere, 
Dr. Frazer inclines to refer all ideas of blood-pollution and all rites of purification to 
44 a fear of the dangerous ghost " ; though this explanation does not easily fit some 
of the best-known Hebrew and Greek examples. Surely there is a pre-auimistic 
aspect of blood-pollution. 

But, as we have said, Psyche's Task is little concerned with anthropological 
theory, and the modest propositions which alone it professes to uphold are abundantly 
proved. BARBARA FREIRE-MARRECO. 



ANTHROPOLOGICAL NOTE. 

THE death is announced of Mr. W. F. Stanley, the well-known educationalist 
and founder of the Stanley Trade Schools ; he had been a Fellow of the Royal 
Anthropological Institute since 1886. 

Printed by EYKE AND SPOTTISWOODB, LTD., His Majesty's Printers, East Harding Street, E.G. 



PLATE K. 



MAN, 1909. 





FIG. i. 

GRAVE OF AX ELDER: KAYA JIJ3AXA. 



FlG. 2. 
GRAVE OF A MAX AXD HIS \VIFE : KAYA JIBAXA. 





Photo: Caff. S. S. Kncx, R.E. 

FIG. 3. 

GRAVE OF AX ELDER : 
KAYA JIBAXA. 



FlG. 4. 
GRAVE OF AX ELDER : KAYA JIliAXA. 



GRAVES OF THE WA-NYIKA. 



1909.] MAN. [Nos. 85-86. 

ORIGINAL ARTICLES. 

Africa, East. With Plate K. Hollis. 

A Note on the Graves of the Wa-Nyika. By A. C. Hollis. fljj 

The tribes that fringe the British East Africa littoral from the Tana River UU 
to the Anglo-German frontier are collectively known as the Wa-Nyika, or desert people.* 
They are nine in number, viz., Giryama, Kauma, Chonyi, Jibana, Kambe, Ribe, Rabai, 
Dnrnma, and Digo. All these peoples have a more or less common origin, having been 
driven south by the Galla about the fifteenth century from behind Shungwaya (Port 
Durnford), between the Tana and Juba rivers ; they speak a very similar Bantu dialect, 
which is nearly akin to Ngozi. the old language on which the modern Swahili is based ; 
they all profess a belief in a god (Mulungu) and in the transmigration of souls ; and they 
worship the spirits of deceased ancestors and tribal elders. The shades of the deceased 
are called Koma. The koma cannot be seen ; at one time they reside in the graves, at 
another above the earth. These spirits are held to be powerful for good and evil ; to be 
responsible for good and bad crops, health and sickness, prosperity and poverty ; and 
they must at all times and on all occasions be prayed to and propitiated as, for instance, 
when a person falls ill or is about to undertake a journey, at a wedding, or at child-birth. 
Individuals worship the koma of their immediate ancestors or elder relatives, and the 
koma of the whole tribe are incited on public occasions, such as in times of war, during 
a drought or famine, on the outbreak of an epidemic, at the sowing of seed, when the 
harvest is reaped, and at the removal of a town or building of a village. 

The chief resting place of the koma is in or about the Kaya, the central point or 
metropolis of the tribe, where a hut is erected for their habitation. In that hut all 
property deposited by the people is safe, for a kirapo or talisman is suspended in it, 
which prevents the approach of thieves. The koma are also supposed to haunt the 
trees that surround most of the Kayas. For this reason the Kayas are usually situated 
in the centre of small forests, which in old days formed natural fastnesses, where in 
times of Avar the whole tribe congregated. The felling of trees in or near the Kayas 
is forbidden, and the people living in the Kayas often go many miles to fetch their 
building poles and firewood. Important men and women of the tribe are buried in the 
Kayas : others are interred outside or near their own huts or villages. In order that 
the spot where the interment has taken place may be remembered, a memorial post is 
erected at the head of the graves. This post is sometimes grotesquely carved to 
resemble the deceased or it is shaped in a fantastic form and bedaubed with paint ; 
at other times it is plain. The Jibana and Chonyi tribes are more given to carve the 
" headstones " than the others. A piece of cloth is generally hung round the men's 
posts, whilst the women's are occasionally clothed with the national kilt in miniature. 

Sacrifices are made at the graves of such of the deceased as have families. Flour 
and water is poured into a coco-nut shell let into the ground, and goats and fowls 
are killed so that the blood falls on the grave. A portion of the food eaten on these 
occasions is left on the ground for the koma. When the offering is made the dead 
are called by name and invited to come and eat and drink. When beer is brewed, 
some of the liquid is poured on the graves and the spirits are exhorted to partake 
thereof, so that the drink may not excite quarrels among their descendants or relatives 
who live upon the earth. A. C. HOLLIS. 

Australia. Frazer. 

Beliefs and Customs of the Australian Aborigines. By Professor OP 

J. G. Frazer. 00 

In May of last year (1908) I had the good fortune to meet the Bishop of North 

Queensland (Dr. Frodsham) at Liverpool, and he gave me in conversation some valuable 

information as to the native Australian beliefs and customs based on his personal 

* These people call themselves A-Nika. 
[ 145 ] 



No. 86,] MAN. [1909. 

knowledge of the aborigines. He told me that he had travelled among the Arunta 
as well as among various North Queensland tribes, and he asked me whether I was 
aware that the Australian aborigines do not believe children to be the fruit of the 
intercourse of the sexes. His lordship informed me that this incredulity is not limited 
to the Arunta, but is shared by all the North Queensland tribes with which he is 
acquainted, and he added that it forms a fact which has to be reckoned with in the 
introduction of a higher standard of sexual morality among the aborigines, for they do 
not naturally accept the true explanation of conception and childbirth even after their 
admission into mission stations. The Bishop also referred to a form of communal or 
group marriage, which he believes to be practised among aboriginal tribes he has 
visited on the western side of the Gulf of Carpentaria ; but, unfortunately, I had not 
time to obtain particulars from him on this subject. I pointed out to his lordship 
the high scientific importance of the information which he had volunteered to me, and 
I requested that he would publish it in his own name. He assented, but as some 
time has passed without his finding leisure to draw up a full account, he has kindly 
authorised me to publish this brief statement, which has been submitted to him and 
approved by him as correct. I need not indicate to anthropologists the great interest 
and value of the Bishop's testimony as independently confirming and extending the 
observations of Messrs. Spencer and Gillen on the tribes of Central Australia. In the 
interest of science it is much to be desired that the Bishop, or those of his clergy 
who know the natives, would publish fuller information on these topics. 



In authorising me to publish the foregoing statement the Bishop of North 
Queensland (Dr. Frodsham) wrote me a letter (dated Bishop's Lodge, Townsville, 
Queensland, July 9th, 1909) in which he gives some interesting additional information 
and makes certain valuable observations, the fruit of his personal experience, which 
deserve to be laid to heart by anthropologists, especially by such as have no first-hand 
knowledge of the Australian aborigines. As he has kindly allowed me to make what 
use I please of his letter, I shall avail myself of his permission to quote some 
passages from it. He writes : 

" The result of thirteen years' observation has led me to conclude that while 
anthropologists may be right in placing the social organisation of the blacks at one end 
of the ladder of development and Western democracy at the other, they are absurdly 
wrong in thinking that they can carry the analogy into respective intelligence or 
even physical development. Speaking from observation I can say deliberately that 
the Australian blacks, when they are rationally treated, are capable of intellectual 
development in one case also to my personal knowledge of no mean order. 

" As example of my use of the word rational, let me instance the fact that the 
aborigines find it very difficult to understand any modern conception of individuality. 
The tribe is the norm of their social life, and they regard social offences in much 
the same way that the Israelites did when the law of the Goel was in force. You can 
readily see how the existence of such a misconception affects all the relationships 
between the blacks and whites in North Queensland. At Yarrubah we have frankly 
accepted the communistic principle, and the blacks find it not only possible but 
comparatively easy to pass to our modern conception of individual responsibility. 

" With further reference to the subject of my conversation with you at Liverpool 
last year, we often have girls, who are sent to the mission, enceinte, and we never dwell 
upon any wrongfulness of their condition. We have no trouble afterward, neither have 
we found, at any rate for many years, that the girls persist in the belief, practically 
universal among the northern tribes, that copulation is not the cause of conception. 

" I was speaking this week to the Kev. C. W. Morrison (M.A. of Emmanuel 
College, Cambridge), who is acting head of the Yarrubah Mission. He told me that 
among the tribes around the Cairns district in North Queensland the acceptance of 

[ U6 ] 



1909,] 



MAN. 



[Nos. 86-87. 



food from a man by a woman was not merely regarded as a marriage ceremony, but 
as the actual cause of conception. Mr. Morrison also added that monogamy was the 
custom in these tribes except in the case of sisters. This latter fact is borne out by 
my own observation. One aboriginal, whom I know well, married four sisters and 
stayed at that, but whether from principle or prudence I am unable to say." 

J. G. FRAZER. 



England : Archaeology. King : Polkinghorne. 

Excavation of a Barrow on Chapel Carn Brea, Cornwall. /;// Q7 

H. King and the late B. C. Pol 'ki ng home, B.Sc., F.C.S. Of 

The former of us had previously noted a rather curiously shaped mound, and on 
August 19th, 1907, we examined it 
together. 

A short distance from the tumulus 
shown on the six-inch Ordnance map, 
south of the ruined chapel, projects a 
natural earn, and carrying on the ridge 
made by this earn and abutting on the 
north end of it is the mound in ques- 
tion, obscured by growth and suggest- 
ing a portion of a drystone hedge. 
This, however, we decided it could not 
be in such a position. On probing it 
we found that it was composed of small 
weathered blocks, such as could be 
gathered on the surface of the hill. 
The approximate dimensions are : 
Length, 18 feet ; breadth, 7 feet ; and 
height, 3^ feet. 

We opened on the east side at the 
middle, and after removing a consider- 
able quantity of weather-rounded blocks 
came upon the eastern wall of a kist 
built of flat-faced stones, irregular in 

size, supporting a single slab. Without disturbing this capstone we caused the eastern 
wall to be removed, disclosing a mass of compact fine loam. When a considerable 
amount of this was withdrawn a large urn was disclosed standing at the south end 
of the kist. The loam was carefully cut away around and behind, and the vessel 
lifted out without other injury than a small hole made by the pick. The interior 
of the kist was about 2 feet 6 inches square, and the height 2 feet 3 inches. 

The fine earth removed from the kist contained a few bones which had obviously 
fallen over the edge when the remains were placed in the urn, and three small flint 
flakes. The bottom of the urn had a large hole which had been plugged by a stone, 
and the lower third contained partly calcined human bones held together by loam. The 
rest of the urn was full to the mouth with earth and granules of quartz and felspar. 
One handle was broken. 

The teeth (four in number) were stained and small. All the bones suggested a 
small individual. 

The dimensions of the urn are : Height, 20 inches ; diameter, mouth (exterior) 
13 inches ; diameter, base, 7^ inches ; maximum diameter, 15^ inches ; projection of 
handle, 1^ inches ; opening of handle (vertical) 3 inches ; general thickness, \ inch. 

Neither the broken-ofF handle nor the piece of the bottom were in the kist. The 
ornamentation is very distinct and interesting. It is in three tiers and appears to have 

[ U7 ] 




Nos. 87-88,] MAN. [1909. 

been formed by impress of twisted reeds ; the upper tier is of nineteen concentric 
triangles ; the middle one of scooped-out holes, and the lower of a lozenge-pattern. 

The barrow may at one time have been surrounded by standing stones ; one such is 
in position at the free end (north) of the mound. Beyond this was a small mound of 
circular plan which by the depression on the summit had apparently been opened. We 
had this re-opened and found no signs of a kist or bones. 

We do not suppose that the urn is of Neolithic Age, although the flint flakes were, 
we think, purposely placed in the kist, probably from tradition. We have not found a 
single flake beyond these on the hill, but on the surrounding moors and fields flakes 
and small scrapers are fairly abundant. H. KING. 

B. C. POLKINGHORNE. 
Additional Note. 

On September 27th, 1907, Mr. H. King re-opened this barrow on the western 
side and found another urn considerably broken and entangled in the roots of a furze 
bush just below the surface of the mound, resting against the north end of the 
capstone and outside the kist. The dimensions would be probably somewhat less 
than those of the first one described. One handle and part of the base are entirely 
missing (cf. above). 

The ornament consists of a band round the mouth 3^ inches in depth of repeated 
acute angles bordered by four horizontal circles above and three below, the whole 
being the impress of twisted thongs. The fragments contain three holes bored after 
firing, two of these make a pair on the same level of the ornament and are obviously 
" repair " holes. A few portions of bone were embedded in the mass of roots and 
earth. B. C. P. 



Archaeology : Eoliths. Lewis Abbott. 

The Eolithic Problem. By W. J. Lewis Abbott, F.G.S. 

The recent attacks of Mr. W. G-. Smith upon the eoliths, although differing 
from those of other critics, are fortunately susceptible of either- absolute proof or disproof 
although the attacking of anything coming from one to whom we must all feel deeply 
indebted for so much magnificent work is by no means pleasant. His last article is 
unfortunately as painful reading as its predecessors. Everyone knows that the question 
of man-worked flints occurring at Dewlish does not rest upon the things he here attacks. 
What is the use of quoting the negative evidence of a paper written before a thing 
was discovered ? And the attempting to alter the geological horizon of E. meridionalis 
simply because a paheolith was found on the surface at a different part of the town, 
or to deny the bona fides of the Java Mauer, and other finds, is neither geology nor 
anthropology, but unfortunately on a par with the manner of attack upon flint working. 
If we go back to Mr. Smith's former papers, his statements can, I think, be reduced 
to the following : 

(a) That naturally-shaped flints exist of such a form that they sometimes possess 
a thinned-out bay, and that during the vicissitudes of gravel making, or gravel life, the 
weaker edges get abraided away, resulting in forms so closely resembling some eoliths 
as to prove the natural origin, not only of those which they resemble but others from 
which they are in every way dissimilar ! 

(6) That when a pebble is in a certain position and " moved about slightly " in 
the direction shown by the arrows, such a hollow-scraper is produced. 

(c) That in this process minute chips are detached and (in the specimens under 
consideration) have been arrested by the oxide of iron, and now form a " pan " near the 
place from which they were removed. 

(rf) That, having found a small flake which was obviously removed from a flint 
while the latter was in the gravel, he maintains that Nature having removed one flake 
can displace the others in similar manner and thus produce the so-called eoliths. 

[ 148 ] 



1909.] MAN. [No, 88. 

Now, as regards (a), no one who has had any experience of beach action ever 
questioned for a moment that the bombarding which is incessantly going on among 
the stones must sometimes strike in a fortuitous place, and eventually, after producing 
perhaps hundreds of what a gunner would call " misses," but what we call incipient 
cones of percussion, produces a form similar to that we call a hollow scraper. There 
is nothing in all this to invalidate the artificial nature of eoliths. Upon the evolutionary 
hypotheses the anthropoidea were not born original discoverers and inventors : they 
must naturally have been furnished with their prototypes of implements by mother 
Nature. But what we are most concerned in just now is, firstly, are there any 
absolute criteria by which we can really distinguish any or all of the multitudinous 
operations of Nature from those of man ; and secondly, does Nature work in the way 
suggested by Mr. Smith ? because if we cau show it does not, his attacks upon the 
eoliths are assuredly Balaam's curses. 

From hundreds of similar flints I have, I pick one from the St. Leonard's beach, 
and I have no doubt it was such a nature-formed specimen that man's progenitors first 
used, and so deeply did the love of this form sink down into his nature that, throughout 
the whole of the succeeding stone ages, he still clung to it. Not only is it a bulbed 
flake but the concavity or bay is a cup-flaked face, criteria which I think Mr. Smith 
and other authorities still regard as proving man's work. My object in pointing this 
out is to show that I do not underestimate the work of Nature ; on the contrary, having 
studied beach action every morning for the last ten years and the other natural forces 
for nearly four tens, I am prepared to give Nature credit for more things than most 
people, and, further, to show how she does them. Space precludes me entering fully 
upon the features which distinguish the works of Nature from the free-struck work 
of man. I may, perhaps, be permitted to refer to the following, which will be 
sufficient for our present purpose : 

(a) Upon this specimen can be seen those characteristic little incipient cones of 
percussion which do not appear in flints that have not been subject to cannonading. 
(6) As the blotvs are administered in various directions and with varying force 
the axes of the flakes are at all possible angles, and the flakes of ever-varying sizes, 
(c) Around and upon the actual edge of the " scraper," instead of the regular- 
formed correctly-directed pits and valleys of percussion we find a contused edge. 

(rf) We might further point out that if we examine the flaking face of such 
a specimen we often see round the hollow a number of incipient flakes flakes 
not quite removed, but which a little push or necessary change of temperature will 
dislodge. 

Now as I was particularly desirous not to be found tilting at a windmill I sent 
off" to Dr. Blackmore and asked him if he would be so kind as 10 allow me to examine 
the specimens he had sent to Mr. Smith ; and I have to thank him for not only doing 
this, but for sending two others. So exactly alike are these that I am tempted to 
call them the Blackmore triplets two are dextral, one sinistral. I have examined 
these very carefully, and I am prepared to say that they do not bear a single one of 
the characters of naturally-shaped flints enumerated, nor others I have not here gone 
into. It is true they owe their original outline to thermal fissure, but this had nothing 
to do with the formation of the hollow scraper ! Now as these do not possess one 
of the characteristics of natural productions, I submit, even at this opening of the 
subject, that Mr. Smith's argument against the eoliths falls to the ground. But let us 
turn to the positive features, a* negatives very rarely convince. The first thing that 
strikes us is the brilliant uniform orange red of the whole surface of the specimens ; 
we feel ourselves transported to the highly oxidised iron beds of the Red Crag, and 
we immediately realise the fact that since these flints entered the colour-giving matrix 
not a single flake has been removed ! Most of the high edges show signs of wear, 
but nowhere of rock pinching or pressure, which under certain conditions, if present, 

[ 149 ] 



No. 88,] MAN. [1909. 

might have produced flaking. This, of course, rules out Mr. Smith's argument of the 
small flaking having been done at some subsequent period ! 

Two other things strike us at the same moment as the colour ; firstly, the delicacy 
and evenness of flaking and the absolute constancy of the angle. There is no measur- 
able difference in the three hollows, which are 31 mm. long, and as there are some 
twelve secondary flakes removed in each, and the largest is not more than 4 mm., 
it follows that the secondary working more closely approaches the fine work of 
neolithic times than we should expect ; indeed, I looked through ten boxes of 
neolithic scrapers in my collection before I found an example of better work. 
Secondly, the axes of the flakes or valleys all turn coincidently with the curve, thus 
showing that the direction of the blow changed with every flake removed, and that 
as this bears a constant relation to the desired curve, assuredly it follows they were 
struck by an intelligent being who knew, firstly, what he wanted, and secondly, how 
to get it, and above all that they were not the chance work of blind Nature, be her 
possibilities never so potent. After many years' practice and careful observation I 
am quite confident that these were the work of a fairly skilful flaker who could 
(a) obtain and maintain the striking angle, and (6) the intensity of the blow, and 
(c) a complete mastery of the changing of the former while maintaining the latter, 
or (e?) changing the latter with the varying thickness of the stone with which he had 
to deal. As I run my eye up the hollow of one of these triplets and look down upon 
its edge and see such a constancy of angle that there is scarcely a mm. difference 
in the length of the whole flakes forming the entire row without one single blow 
resolving, I am tempted to admire the skill acquired by the one who worked it. On 
several occasions my old friend has written down the idea of practising flint working. 
This I am certain is a mistake. I have always done the reverse ; the result is I can 
to-day reproduce most of the work of the past, even to the fine almost rectangular 
rectilinear work of the Hastings kitchen midden men, and I know the conditions 
necessary for the production of the various kinds of results desired. I unhesitatingly 
maintain that we ought to accept as an axiom that no one can speak with authority 
upon a practical subject in which he has had no actual experience. I respectfully 
submit that not realising this has led the hero of the paleolithic floors to go so 
terribly wrong in the next part of the subject, viz., how " Nature " removes flakes. 

One of the most elementary but never-varying laws is that there must be a 
constant relation between the striking plane, the striking face, and the flaking face. 
Flakes are not chopped off as a bricklayer chops chips off a brick in the same plane 
as the motion of his trowel (striking plane). The billiard table is as much to the 
student of flint-working as it is to the physicist in the study of light or applied 
mechanics. If a ball were in the centre of the billiard table and one wanted to bring 
it over to a centre side pocket, would he drive his ball on full ? Certainly not. Yet 
this is what Mr. 'Smith tries to do. He says the force was applied in the direction of 
ihe arrows. May I beg my old friend to try the experiment ? If this hollow were 
struck at a normal to its surface (as at least one of the blows would be in traversing a 
semi-circle) hard enough, he might reduce the whole flint to powder, or, as we used to 
say in old student days in connection with shooting the candle through the blackboard, 
if the cohesion of the molecules were less than the velocity of the striker the latter 
might pass through the flint. I have seen this done with a piece of very thick plate 
glass, while the common case where the velocity is insufficient to do this where the 
cone is cut out with only a tiny apex is too well know*n to need mentioning. Now, if 
we look at the relation of the two striking surfaces with the two arrows in his Fig. 1, 
we see there is there practically a difference of 90 degrees, and, needless to remark, 
two blows acting at right angles to each other could not possibly produce the same 
result in relation to the plane of the curve ! Fig. 2 introduces an even worse state of 
things, and carries the blow down till it only just skids upon the surface. It is therefore 

C 150 ] 



1909,] MAN. [No. 88. 

evident that it was a physical impossibility for flakes to have been removed with power 
thus applied. 

We now come to the action of the pebble (Fig. SA). Here it is a little difficult, 
because we are only told that the pebble " moved about slightly " to hollow out the 
scraper. But I do not know, perhaps, that that matters much, as it is a mechanical 
fact that, move the pebble about how we would, we could not make it take a flake off 
in the flaking plane (the flaked side of the hollow), no matter what pressure was 
exerted. If, however, it did remove a splinter, unfortunately it would be from the left 
side ! as anyone can prove for themselves by trying the experiment, following the 
angles and directions here given. It is therefore absolutely certain that the specimen 
could not possibly have been flaked in the manner suggested. 

Anyone ought to know, and Mr. Smith knows it, only somehow he did not call it 
to mind, that a striking face and a flaking face can never be coincident. As a matter 
of fact, the force would have to come from the other side and act in an almost opposite 
direction. 

There is another point with which I must deal, and that is that the fragments 
of the flint removed in the process of making the hollow scraper now rest in the 
" pan." It may seem unnecessary to reply to this, but, coming as it does from an 
arch-restorer of conjoined flints, I feel I must. I, too, have had some experience in 
fitting together detached fragments ; during the working of the Ightham fissures I 
certainly restored over 5,000 small bones, jaws, teeth, &c., of the small animals. Then 
again, I have been trained all my life to ocularly weighing gems ; a process justly 
regarded as the most delicate in the commercial world ; the weights of rose diamonds 
being gauged by the eye to a hundred thousandth of an ounce, which ought to qualify 
one for the recognition of dislodged flakes. But let us examine the composition of 
this " pan " and thus settle the question. Upon examination we find this to be 
composed of hundreds of small pieces of silica of various sorts, 95 per cent, are 
coarse quartz grains mostly waterworn, and some fractured, some larger pieces of 
altered chert and highly altered flint and a few small fragments of flint, but not one 
of the size that would have been produced in the working out of this hollow, and 
only one of them that I could see, under microscopic examination, that presented the 
features of flaked faces ; almost all of them presented the characteristic features of 
thermal fissure ; while the facets of the hollow show free flaking : and instead of 
the small flakes being in the same state, and of the same colour as the flint, as a matter 
of fact not one of them is ! 

One more point shall be the last. Mr. Smith finds a small flake, which has been 
removed since the flint has been in the gravel, and therefore concludes that " if one 
small flake can be detached by natural pressure all the other flakes were." Innumerable 
parallels in this extraordinary logic rush into my mind : one alone shall suffice. Some 
time ago Mr. Lasham sent me a lot of palaeoliths from Farnham ; so roughly were these 
treated in transit that several flakes were removed. Now if a railway journey could 
remove several flakes, why could it not remove all the others and produce the 
palaeolith ? Everyone knows that implements as well as flints are subject to various 
kinds of thermal fissure as they lie in the gravel, and even to " spontaneous 
brecciation." Sir John Evans many years ago found a fine implement at St. Acheul 
which had split up into a great number of pieces by thermal fissure. Many of us 
have found the same sort of thing ; we also know that " in-creep " stones have 
been known to flake each other, as instanced by Mr. F. Gr. Spurrell ; but one or two 
flakes do not make an implement. Then again, take a hundred hollow scrapers of 
one's own make and examine them, most of them will show incipient flakes, which 
sufficient contusion, or shake, or change of temperature, will dislodge. These incipient 
flakes abound on beach specimens and neoliths, and even on palaeoliths, and the flake 
Mr. Smith found dislodged in gravel might just as well have been an incipient 



Nos. 88-89.] 



MAN. 



[1909. 



flake originating with man, and his gravel was just as potent an implement maker 
as the railway journey and no more. 

We may grant the possibilities of Nature to hollow out an embayed flint, or to 
flake a rounded end, so as to have taught earlier man their use. We admit she can 
split up rounded pebbles, and from these make "hollow scrapers," very much more 
difficult of construction than those referred to by Mr. Smith, but she cannot produce 
the counterfeits of the combination tools, with the different kinds of work to suit 
the different kind of edges ; she cannot alter the striking-plane upon the alteration of 
the flaking-face, to retain a constant flaking-plane ; she cannot gradually change her 
striking-plane from north to south to make the pits of percussion turn coincidently 
with the hollow ; she cannot maintain the constancy of the striking-angle so as to 
keep all pits (or flakes removed) of uniform length, especially if she has to perform the 
last-named feats coincidently ; and there are numerous other achievements we see on 
some other disputed objects which lie altogether outside the possibilities of Nature. 

The products of Nature are imitative in their outline, from the profundity of 
natural forces and resources ; but it is the very variety of her operations which 
does not enable her work to stand the tests of physical constancy. So long as it is 
mere outline, not too closely examined, she is safe. It is only when we study and 
learn the laws which underlie all flint-working operations of man, and the profound 
capabilities and incapabilities of Nature in regard to the shaping of hard stones, that 
we can call a verdict for Nature or the anthropoidea in regard to the eoliths. At 
any rate if they are ruled out it must be by an appeal to the laws of Nature, and 
not by an array of unsupportable assertions in direct opposition to them. 

W. J. LEWIS ABBOTT. 



Africa, Central : Archaeology. Seton-Karr. 

Obsidian Implements in Central Africa. />'// //. W. Seton-Karr. 

I have lately returned from a journey on the Mombassa-Uganda Railway. 
I found scrapers and rough cutting implements along the course of the Gilgil River, 
washed out of the river deposits, the material being 
obsidian or volcanic glass from the numerous non- 
active volcanoes in the district. During a temporary 
delay of a train in one of the 
cuttings, at mile 305/400, I took 
from the gisement from the side of 
the cutting in situ three obsidian 





FIG. 1. FIR. 2. FIG. 3. 

implements from 7 feet to 10 feet below the present surface. I forwarded them to 
Professor Gregory (without knowing that he was in Australia) as he first found 
similar ones, excepting circular scrapers, which he describes in his book on The 
Great Rift Valley. I found three types : (1) scrapers, (2) cutting flakes, and 
(3) lance-heads. H. W. SETON-KARR, 



[ 152 ] 



1909.] 



MAN. 



[Nos. 90-S1. 



Physical Anthropology : Method. Gray. 

A Portable Stature Meter. By J. Gray. flf| 

Travellers who propose to make measurements of the races they come in UU 
contact with have often felt the want of a stature meter which would be at once 
light, compact, and easily made ready for use. A rod graduated throughout its 
length and fitted together with two or 
three fishing-rod joints does not comply 
very well with the ahove conditions. It 
occurred to me that the lazy-tongs linkage 
might be adapted for this purpose, and the 
illustration shows a stature meter which I 
have designed on this principle, and which 
has been made by Home and Rowland, 
Troughton Road, Charlton, Kent. The 
instrument weighs about 1 lb., when made 
of magnalium, and when folded up may 
be carried in an overcoat pocket. The 
readings are taken by means of a steel 
tape graduated to mm., which is con- 
nected to the bottom transverse bar. passes 
up through the middle of the linkage, over 
a pulley on the top bar, then down to the 
reading point, which is fixed at a conve- 
nient height for the eye of the observer. 

The length of the tape between the 
top guide pulley and the reading point 
must evidently remain constant when the 
linkage expands and contracts. To ensure 
this, the tape passes from the top pulley 
along the adjacent link, round a second 
guide pulley at its lower end, and similarly 
in a zig-zag manner along other links till 
the reading point is reached. Finally the 
tape is wound on to a spring drum. 

The instrument may be used for 
measuring other heights than stature ; for 
example, the height of the acromion, of 
the trochanter, or of the tip of the finger. 
It is preferably fitted with a level, to en- 
sure the vertical position. 

J. GRAY. 




__ REVIEWS. 

America : Mexico. Starr. 

In Indian Mexico : A Narrative of Travel and Labor. By Frederick Starr. Q4 
Chicago, 1908. Pp. xi + 425. 24 x 16 cm. Ul 

Professor Starr begins hia preface by the following remark : " Why another 
" travel book on Mexico ? Few countries have been so frequently written up by the 
" traveller. Many books, good, bad, and indifferent, but chiefly bad, have been per- 
" petrated." Professor Starr has no need to plead as an excuse for publication that 
" Indian Mexico is practically unknown," for the book is sufficiently interesting even to 
those who are not especially concerned with the study of native races. Indeed, Mexico 

[ 153 ] 



No. 91.] MAN. [1909. 

has been fortunate during the last year in the publication of two volumes the book 
under notice by an expert anthropologist, and a volume on Southern Mexico by 
Mr. Hans Gadow, a distinguished naturalist. 

The work planned by Professor Starr was threefold : 

(1) The measurement of 100 men and twenty-five women in each population, 

fourteen measurements being taken on each subject. 

(2) The making of pictures, portraits, dress, occupations, customs, buildings, 

and landscapes. 

(3) The making of plaster busts of five individuals of each tribe. 

To do such work, of course, involved difficulty, as the Indians of Mexico are 
ignorant, timid, and suspicious. 

The book shows us how, by persistence and a very free use of the recommenda- 
tions to the local authorities, given to the author by the Mexican Government, these 
difficulties were overcome. 

The book does not contain a continuous narrative of travel, but is arranged in 
groups of chapters dealing with different parts of the country and covering journeys 
during the years 1895 to 1901, and as no map is given it will be difficult for anyone not 
acquainted with the localities to follow the author's routes. 

The first chapters describe a journey made on horseback in 1896 from Oaxaca to 
the frontier of Guatemala through the mountainous country of the Mixes, a country 
that is very seldom visited by travellers, which the author describes as very beautiful, 
but where he was not well received by the natives. At Ayutla he found most of the 
villagers were drunk, by no means an uncommon occurrence in many of the Indian 
villages, and he seems to have been glad to get away from the Mixes, although it 
necessitated leaving a beautiful mountain region for the hot and arid country in the 
neighbourhood of Tehuantepec. However, three years later he re-visited the Mixes, 
and, after overcoming many difficulties, obtained all the measurements he needed. 

From Tehuantepec, where he was duly impressed, as are all travellers, with the 
beauty of the Tehuantepec women, the author journeyed on through the State of 
Chiapas to the frontier of Guatemala. At Taxtla Gutierrez he notes the brightly 
painted and highly polished gourds and calabashes, which are manufactured in the 
town and sent to all parts of the Republic, and tells us that the "aje," which gives 

. them their brilliant lustre, " is made chiefly at San Bartolome, and is secured from an 
" insect, a sort of plant-louse which lives upon the blackthorn and related trees. The 
" insect is found only in the wet season, is small, though growing rapidly, and is of 

. " a fiery-red colour, though it coats itself over with a white secretion. It lives in 
" swarms, which form conspicuous masses. These are gathered in vessels, washed to 

; " remove the white secretion, boiled, crushed, and strained through a cloth ; an oily 
" matter, mixed with blood (?) and water, passes out, which is boiled to drive off the 
" water and to concentrate the oily mass. This is then washed in trays, to rid it of the 
" blood, and made up into balls, which are sold at ten or twelve centavos (five or six 
" cents) a pound. It is a putty-like substance with a handsome yellow colour. We 
" have already stated that it is ground up with dry paints to be rubbed on the object 

. " which is to be adorned, and that the brilliant lustre is developed by gentle and 
" rapid friction." 

" Pintos," people afflicted with a disease, common in many parts of Mexico, 
which discolours and spots the skin, appear to be very numerous in Chiapas, and a 
photograph given of a Mestiza woman shows the unpleasant effects of the disease. 

Professor Starr began his measurements with the Otomi, a name in ancient times 
synonymous with stupidity, as he felt that if he could succeed with this conservative 
and reserved people he might surely look for success among the other tribes. The 
Otomi women, who were measured first, may be considered true pygmies, as the 

L 154 ] 



1909.] MAN. [No. 91. 

average stature of twenty-eight subjects was 1,437 millimetres. "The men apparently 
" of pure blood presented two quite different types. There are many men who are 
" as little as the women ; these present almost the type already given as that of the 
" women, but are a little lighter in colour. The second type is tall, sometimes over 
" 1,700 millimetres. The eyes of these men are usually widely-spaced and the face 
" appears rounder than in their smaller brethren. All the Otomis of both types, 
" men and women, have astonishingly big heads." 

On Lake Patzcuaro Professor Starr found the " Tsupakua," or spear thrower, the 
ancieut " atlatl," still in use by the wild duck hunters for propelling light cane shafts 
tipped with iron. 

The author leads us through many little-known towns and villages, mostly in the 
state of Oaxaca, in search of pure-blooded Indians, and even with the most recent map 
of the state spread before us it is not easy to follow him in his wanderings. He visited 
Mixtecs, Triquis, and the little-known Juaves near Tehuantepec, Cuicatecs, Chinantecs, 
and many other tribes. 

In some places, as at the large Mazatec town of Huanhtla, where the women wear 
particularly interesting costumes, he Avas well received, and the work of measuring both 
men and women was quickly finished, but there was always difficulty in persuading 
men to allow their heads and shoulders to be moulded with plaster of Paris, and in 
many instances there was much trouble with drunken Indian officials and no little risk 
was run from the ill-feeling aroused among the Indian population, and it was a wonder 
that the work was got through without some serious disturbance. 

Among the Totonacs the author noted several curious " costumbres," survivals of 
a heathen cult, and he secured some sheets of the bark paper which is manufactured 
in secret, and cut into the shape of human figures and used in " magic " by the brujas 
or witches. 

Tarascan, Tlaxcalan, Tepehua, and Totonac towns and villages were visited and the 
inhabitants were measured and photographed. A journey was made through the land 
of the Huastecs, an isolated fragment of the great Maya race, and a visit was paid to 
Yucatan in order to measure and photograph the Mayas themselves. 

The last part of the book contains the description of a long and somewhat 
difficult journey from Tehuautepec through Chiapas to a navigable branch of the 
Grijalva river, which was descended to Frontera, whence a coasting steamer plies to 
Vera Cruz. This journey took the author through the country of the little-known 
Zoques, Tzotzils, Tzendals, and Chols. It was in the Tzotzil town of Chamula that 
the most serious outbreak of recent times took place, in 1868, " when under the 
*' influence of the young woman, Checheb, they attempted to restore the native 
" government, the Indian life, and the old-time religion. Temples were erected to 
*' the ancient gods, whose inspired priestess the young woman claimed to be ; but 
*' 300 years of Christianity had accustomed them to the idea of a Christ crucified ; 
" an Indian Christ was necessary, not one from the hated invading race ; accordingly 
*' a little Indian lad, the nephew of the priestess, was crucified, to become a saviour 
" for their race. Their plans involved the killing of every white and Mestizo in all 
*' the country ; in reality, more than 100 men, women, and children in the fincas and 
" the little towns were killed. San Cristobal, then the capital city, suffered a veritable 
*' panic, and it took the entire force of the whole state to restore order." 

We could wish that the author had given us something more of the results of his 
investigations, but his ethnographic notes are reserved for separate scientific publi- 
cations ; it is probably the only record of the kind that has ever been made in this 
country and must be of immense value, and it was secured by untiring persistence and 
great energy, entailing much hardship and the utmost discomfort on Professor Starr 
and his companions. 



Nos. 91-92.] MAX. [1909. 

" Reliable figures," the author tells us, " are wanting as to the number of pure 
" Mexican Indians. If the population of the Republic be estimated at 15,000,000, 
" it should be safe to say that 5,000,000 of this number are Indians of pure blood, 
" speaking their old language, keeping alive much of the ancient life and thought." 

The book is profusely illustrated by photography ; there is a copious index, and 
a glossary of Spanish and Indian words. 

The appendices consist of a most amusing account of the professor at work 
extracted from the Chicago Record, and a note on the 'purple spot on Maya babies. 

A. P. M. 



France : Archaeology. Congress. 

Congres prehistorique de France, Chambery, Savoy, 1908. QO 

The Report of the fourth Congress, held at Chambery, Savoy, in August, Ufc 
1908, is a volume of over 900 pages, and includes fifty-eight communications with a 
very large number of illustrations, plans, and maps. It is a remarkable testimony to 
the interest taken by Frenchmen in le prehistoire of their country, especially as the 
previous Congress, held at Autun (for Solutre) in 1907, produced a compte rendu 
of 1,000 pages. 

Among the many interesting papers are two by M. Rutot, " An Eolithic Industry 
contemporaneous with an Industry of the Upper Paleolithic Period " in a cave in the 
province of Liege, and " The Extension in France, Belgium, England, and Germany 
of the Flenusian Industry." The latter describes sites near Havre, one of them in 
the forest of Mongeon, at the spot called Les Sapinieres ; the other on the plateau of 
Sandouville, with a rudimentary history, "Neolithic ivitk an eolithic fades.' 1 ' 1 M. Rutot 
" had given this name provisionally to some finds at Flenu and Jemappes near Mons, 
" and at Spiennes, where the rudimentary objects extend under the polished stone 
" site. The study of the station of Spiennes showed that what at first appeared a 
" true eolithic deposit, exposed on the surface of the ground by the effect of denudation, 
" was really resting on the brick earth of Ergeron, and therefore neolithic. The finds 
" near Havre are identical with those in Belgium, which he has now named from 
" Flenu, and also some from Surrey and the chalk plateau in Kent. The neolithic 
" eoliths of England cannot be mistaken for Tertiary eoliths, as these are a dark 
" yellowish-brown, owing to their long sojourn under the Pliocene alluvium, and they 
" are always more or less rolled, while the former are intact, with sharp edges and with 
" white or blueish patina. The explanation of Fleuusians in England (as a barbarous 
" people still entirely in the eolithic stage) may be that as they appeared soon after 
" the Tardenoisians had installed themselves in open-air stations, their invasion took 
" place when the neolithic period had just commenced, soon after the opening of 
" the Straits of Dover, and when it might be possible to pass over on foot at 
" low tide." 

The discussions on these two papers induced M. Rutot to write another, included 
in the report, " What is an Eolith ? " " G. de Mortillet gave the name eolith to certain 
" rudimentary instruments found in Tertiary beds. I am asked why I apply the same 
" name to a quaternary industry and even to neolithic and modern implements, as the 
" Tasmanian : (a) The eolithic industry is the mass of stone industries of all ages, 
" which include only (in the portion preserved to us) lumps or flakes directly utilised 
" for striking, cutting, scraping, and piercing after the necessary retouching for 
" accommodation to the hand, and with occasional retouching when worn, to the 
" complete exclusion of all instruments shaped intentionally. (6) An eolith is, apart 
" from any chronological notion, one of the implements intended for striking, &c., 
" forming part of an industrial class in which no intentionally-shaped instrument exists. 
" Any industry which includes intentionally-shaped instruments belongs either to the 

C 166 ] 



1909.] MAN'. [No. 92. 

" palaeolithic or neolithic group?. . . . That portion of the eolithic industry not 
" preserved to us cannot include bone instruments, for we see that the most rudimentary 
" use of bone appears at the level of La Guina, for me the Lower Aurignacian. If the 
" Eolithic folk had used bone it is unlikely that the Palasolithics, a progressive people, 
" would not have continued it. The modern eolithic Tasmanians did not use bone, but 
" had two wooden weapons, a lance and a bludgeon. We are therefore authorised to 
" suppose that some eolithic tribe possessed these weapons, especially as at even the 
" most ancient eolithic period there are plenty of knives and scrapers which appear 
" to have been used for working wood." " Intentional shaping is more complicated 
" than merely retouching or preparing for use by roughly flaking. In Belgium, at 
" Spiennes near Mons, we can see precisely where intentional shaping began, for in a 
" very clear level between the Mesvinian (the last pre-palaeolithic eolithic industry), 
" and the Chellean, we recognise the existence of an industry which I have called 
" Strepyien "which offers for the first time the association of implements of eolithic 
" facies and instruments of intentional shaping, rudimentary but evident. The 
" Strepyien is at the bottom of those quaternary beds which lie on the lower 
" quaternary." " Thanks to recent discoveries, we have seen that in France, Belgium, 
" and England, the Chellean is found at the same stratigraphic level, but on account 
" of different conditions of climates, the Elephas antiquus existed later in France than 
" in England and Belgium, where it more rapidly gave place to the mammoth and 
" its fauna." 

Dr. C. Peabody described the exploration of two limestone caverns in the Ozark 
Mountains (states of Missouri and Arkansas), where, under clay and great fallen 
rocks, there are archaeological deposits of a considerable depth in an extremely fine 
dust. The abundant chipped flint implements and bone piercers and needles are of 
Magdalenian type, and there are fragments of coarse pottery. None of the painted 
pottery characteristic of south-east Arkansas was found. 

M. Marc Didier found in the Vallee du Largue (in the south-west of the depart- 
ment of Basses Alpes) that man had frequented it largely in the first periods of the 
lower Palaeolithic period. He must have left the region during the Acheulean epoch, 
and probably was only there during part of the Mousterian, but increased considerably 
during the chief Solutrean period, as shown by its various forms of flint instruments, 
especially the laurel and willow leaf shapes. There are no typical Magdalenian 
implements, and the people may not have known the industries developed in Dordogne. 
The Solutrean merges into neolithic, and it is therefore difficult to separate the 
palaeolithic from the neolithic in the open air sites in this region. In one plate of 
the illustrations some typical "turtle backs " are given. 

The workshop of Bois de la Roche, at Ige (Saone et Loire), described by 
E. Hue, is interesting because all types of implements, more or less finished, are 
found there ; but the most numerous chips are in a layer of vegetable earth resting 
on a layer of flint pebbles, the total thickness with implements being about 50 cms. 
Examination of the mass of implements and the different degrees of patina shows 
that the site must have been actively utilized since the Mousterian period, and that 
the Neolithic people continued to extract their materials for implements from it. 

H. Marlot spoke of " Workshops and stations, palaeolithic and neolithic, at Dixmont 
" (Nonne). The chain of low green hills bordering the course of the Nonne, known 
" as the Foret d'Othe, was much frequented and inhabited by the primitive populations. 
" The quantity of objects collected is enormous, and forms the magnificent collections 
" of the Museums of Troyes, Sens, Auxerre, and Dijon, and the important private 
" collection of Dr. Leriche, of Joigny. On the plateaux of Meilly-sur-Rouvre, Sainte- 
" Sabine, Chazilly, and Thoisy-le-Desert, forming the watershed of the Seine and Loire, 
" are found, under the untouched quaternary alluvium, an extraordinary quantity of 

[ 157 ] 



No. 92.] MAN. [1909, 

" flints, especially Mousterian and Magdalen ian, with an abundance of Chellean coups 
" de poing, and complete absence of Solutrean." 

There were five papers on rocks with cup markings, and then came the lake- 
dwellings. L. Schandel described the neolithic site in the Lake of Aiguebelette, near 
Chambery. The piles, still visible about 200 metres from the shore, are trunks of 
trees, 15 to 20 cms. in diameter. The depth of water there is from 1-50 to 2 metres. 
Flint implements of small size, and some good pieces finely retouched on both sides, 
were found, and also whorls of calcareous stone, and a few fragments of unbaked grey 
pottery. This site, with those of the lakes of Clairvaux and Chalain, and that close 
to Annecy, make four neolithic lake sites known at present in France. 

The lake-dwellings at Annecy (lie des Cygnes) were found when dredging the 
harbour in 1884. The finds are in the Museum at Annecy. M. Le Roux said that 
below a thick hard bed of sediment was the archaeological layer formed of a mixture 
of mud and sediment, in which were the prehistoric objects mixed with remains of 
huts. There were polished axe-heads of amphibolite, serpentine, chloro-melanite, and 
other rocks, all found locally or near the Lake of Geneva as erratic blocks. Stone 
whorls and hand-made pottery of two kinds were also found. This site seems to be 
of the end of the neolithic period, when there were extended commercial relations, 
as shown by flints from Grand Pressigny. Agriculture was advanced, and there were 
domestic animals and many cultivated plants. These were described by Ph. Guinier. 
There was a weed, Silene cretica, originally from Asia Minor and Eastern Europe. 
It still grows in Southern Europe, but only on cultivated ground. 

A study of the " Pottery of Bronze Age Lake-Dwellings of the Lac du Bourget," 
by Morin Jean, showed that a period of perhaps seventeen centuries was represented. 
Two series are distinguishable, the first produced under the influence of ideas which 
began at the end of the neolithic period, and prevailed during nearly the whole of the 
Bronze Age. This had local types with a few others connected with the eastern basin 
of the Mediterranean. In the second series are vases of more recent make, indicating 
a new departure, and the principles which the potters of the first Iron Age continue and 
follow. There are four-footed vases, vaguely zoomorphic, similar to some found in the 
second city of Hissarlik, in Cyprus, Sicily, Sardinia, and Northern Italy. The Lac du 
Bourget seems to have been the centre of the curious black pottery inlaid with thin 
bands of tin in various designs. The museum of Chambery has many specimens. 

Professor F. Foret's paper was on " Lake-dwelling Cemeteries," " a question still 
" quite obscure and inconclusive." He knows three cemeteries on the north shore 
of the Lake of Geneva, which may be attributed to Bronze Age lake-dwellers ; that of 
the Moraine de Saint Prex, discovered about 1876, that of Montreux, and that of 
Boiron, two kilometres west of Merges. There are several lake sites in the neigh- 
bourhood. Since the end of 1905 he has opened seventeen burials at Boison, which 
revealed the following facts : It is a cemetery on a level with no traces of a tumulus, 
mound, or stela over the tombs. The tombs are not in a row but dispersed, and 5 or 10 
metres apart, and must have had some surface indication such as a wooden post, as they 
are never super-imposed. They are of very different types, with juxtaposition of 
burials of inhumation and incineration. In the tombs of inhumation there is no orienta- 
tion of the skeleton, which is stretched out, lying on its back, with no mortuary 
chamber or cist, and no recognisable wooden coffin. The body had ornaments, as 
bracelets, rings, and bronze pins, but no arms or implements and not one knife. At the 
feet, in some cases, under a horizontal slab, there were vases, urns, and piles of plates. 
Two skulls were measured. One is dolichocephalic, index 71. 5, the other mesaticephalic, 
index 78. 

In the incinerated burials the remains of the body were either placed in a vase 
or more frequently spread on the floor of the tomb in a layer of ashes and bones. A 

[ 158 ] 



1909.] MAN. [Nos. 92-93. 

careful analysis of the fragments of calcined bones shows that there is no mixture of 
animal bones with the human remains and therefore no sacrifice on the funeral pyre, 
and the remains are of only one skeleton. Everything indicates that the cremation 
took place elsewhere and that the ashes were gathered up and deposited in the tomb. 
From the fragments of jewels it is apparent that the body was burned in its clothing. 
The ten or twelve vases, plates, &c., placed in the tomb strikingly resemble the 
arrangement of the cemetery of Hallstatt. 

Dr. M. Baudouin described the Gallo-Roman necropolis of Troussepoil at Le 
Bernard (Vendee), and its remarkable funerary wells. Thirty-two well-burials have 
already been found, from 3 to 15 metres deep, and Om. 90 to 1m. 10 in diameter, 
excavated in the rock. The illustrations give a clear idea of the arrangement of the 
many vases, &c. found in them. 

M. Florance gave a long list with plans of the camps, mounds and enclosures of 
the department of Loir et Cher. In the south of the department there are hundreds of 
tumuli, and chipped flints can be found whenever they are looked for. The museums 
of Blois, Vendome and Pontlevoy are full of prehistoric souvenirs. "My researches 
" in the department have led me to believe that if no prehistoric enclosures are to 
" be found here it is because there has been no interruption, in our favoured land of 
" inhabitation, and that ancient works are often thought modern, through having 
" been occupied by successive generations." The feudal system did not create new 
centres of habitation : it simply applied new methods of defence to those already 
existing. Digging under a castle mound has revealed neolithic implements. 

Small maps are given at the end of the volume of all the lake-dwelling sites 
near Chambery. A. C. BRETON. 



Borneo : Languages. Beech. 

The Tidong Dialects of Borneo. By Mervyn W. H. Beech, M.A., with preface QQ 
and notes by Dr. A. A. Fokker. Oxford : Clarendon Press, 1908. Pp. 120. UU 
17 X 12 cm. Price 5s, 

This little volume should prove extremely useful both to the students of Malayo- 
Polynesian linguistics, and also to travellers or officials in north-east Borneo who 
come into contact with the natives. 

It consists of (1) a chapter on the origin of the Tidong language ; (2) a brief 
but very interesting sketch of Tidong village life ; (3) grammar of the two Tidong 
dialects of Tarakan and Bolongan ; (4) a tale in both dialects, The Tailed Man of 
Silimbatu ; (5) a vocabulary of Tarakan and Bolongan, with occasional words in other 
dialects. There is also a lengthy appendix by Dr. Fokker on the comparative phonetics 
and derivation of Tidong. 

The Tidongs " occupy the east coast of Borneo between Lahad-Dato and the 
" country a little to the south of Bolongan, though they seldom penetrate more than 
" thirty miles inland." In his first chapter the author gives a short account of their 
history. 

He regards them as of Malay extraction, the present Tidongs being descendants of 
Malay immigrants to Bolongan, who intermarried with the aboriginal population. 
Part of this mixed population emigrated to the island of Tarakan, where the Tidong- 
speech was retained, but in Bolongan it assimilated more Malay words. The abori- 
ginal people and language, which was thus modified by Malay into Tidoug, is called by- 
the author "Kayan." This suggests that words in the vocabulary which are not 
Malay should be Kayan, but a comparison of such words with those used by the typical 
Kayans on the Tutau and upper Apoh Rivers in Sarawak territory shows many 
differences. 

[ 159 ] 



No. 93.] 



MAN. 



[1909. 



By " Kayan " the author may possibly mean " aboriginal," for the Tidong words 
which differ from Malay are almost identical with those in the dialects of the people 
who are called in Sarawak " Orang Bukit" (hillmen, Kadayans, and Bekiau on Upper 
Balait and Tutong rivers) and Bisaya on the Limbang river. 

The following short specimen of the dialects in question collected by me in Sarawak 
in 1899 show this very clearly : 



English. 


Tarakan. 


Bolongan. 


Kadayan. 
Orang Bukit, 
Balait E. 


Bekiau. 
Orang Bukit, 
Tutory R. 


Bisaya. 
Limbang R. 


Uma Belubo. 
Kayan, 
Tutau R. 


Uma Apoh. 
Kavan. 
Apoh R. 


Village - 


pagun - 


b'nua 


pagun 


bagun 


pagun 


uma - 


uma 


Woman - 


dinandu 


d'dor 


kemo 


kakimo 


kimo 


doh- 


ledo 


Rain 


dasam - 


dasam 


sisam 


rasam 


lasam 


usan - 


usan 


Sand 


agis 


agis - 


agis - 


agis - 


pasin 


hit - 


act 


Smoke 


lisun 


lisun 


lesun 


lisun 


. 


sap - 


lisun 


Hair 


abok 


bu - 


abok 


abuk 


abok 


bok- 


bok 


Meat 


ansi 


'nchi 


u nchi 


ansi - 


ansi - 


sin - 


sin 


Tooth - 


ipan 


ipan - 


ipan - 


ipan 


ipan 


ipa - 


ipa 


Wing 


alad 


alar, sayap- 


alad 


alad - 


sayap 


kapet 


kapit 


Coconut - 


piasau - 


nior - 


pasau 


piasau 


bua-pasau - 


nyo- 


klapa 


Flower - 


busak - 


bunga, buse* 


usak 


usek - 


bunga 


pidang 


pidang 


Know 


pandai - 


pandai 


pandai 


pandei 


kito - 


jam - 


jam 


Pinch 


Hfflldut - 


wriut 


ngadut 


menff&dut - 


ngugot 


nit&n 


nyitan 



The grammar shows the Tidong, as might be expected of a language with direct 
Malay influence, to belong to the western group (Malay, Javanese, Sunda, Bali, 
Makassar, &c.) of the languages of the Archipelago. Dr. Fokker considers its nearest 
relation to be the Ngadju Dayak of Barito River, but a comparison shows that its forms 
are much less complex. The author has done the grammatical part very thoroughly, 
each rule being illustrated by examples in both dialects, sometimes with the Malay 
added for comparison. There is also a collection of useful and idiomatic phrases. 

In the vocabulary a list of English words is given with the equivalents in Tarakan 
and Bolongan and sometimes in the Nonoekan and Simbakong dialects. In his intro- 
ductory remarks the author states that he has omitted all words which are identically 
the same as Malay. This is a defect which creates some difficulty for the student, who 
could use the list with more certainty if pure Malay words used in Tidong had been 
inserted. As it is, when a word is absent from the English list there will always be 
a doubt as to whether its equivalent is Malay or not, e.g., " arrow, bird, spittle," do not 
appear in Mr. Beech's list, which thus suggests that the Tidong equivalents to these 
words are Malay, but in Aernout's Tidoeng vocabulary (Indische Gids, 1885, pp. 536 ff.) 
the Tidong words are given as bunseoi, susui, u'ieq, which are not Malay. The 
particular variety of Malay which has influenced the Tidong language is also left in 
doubt. Dr. Fokker contributes some interesting footnotes to the vocabulary and an 
appendix which will be very useful to the student of Indonesian phonetics. 

The book is convenient in size and very neatly printed. The few illustrations 
are good. 

The publication of this work by Mr. Beech should serve as a stimulus to other 
officers in British Borneo to set forth in as able a manner as he has done some of 
the wealth of philological material which exists in that little-known country. 

S. H. R. 



Printed by EYRE AND SPOTTISWOODE, LTD., His Majesty's Printers, East Harding Street, E.C. 



PLATE L. 



MAN, 1909. 




FIGURE A. 




FIGURE B. 



MUSICAL INSTRUMENTS IN KHORASAN. 



1909.] 



MAN. 



[No. 94. 



Sykes. 
Special fli 

:M.G. m 



ORIGINAL ARTICLES. 

Persia. With Plate L. 

Notes on Musical Instruments in Khorasan, with 
Reference to the Gypsies. By Major P. Molesworth Sykes, 
This subject falls into two headings : 

A. Musical instruments used mainly by the gypsies for playing at enter- 

tainments. 

B. The Nakkara Khana. 

A. I have recently been making inquiries as to the musical instruments in use 
in Khorasan. To illustrate the subject, I sent for some gypsy musicians, of whom 
three photographs were taken, marked respectively A, B and C. Figure A alone 
shows all the instruments, as, in the other photographs, the reed instrument does not 
appear. Con- 
sequently, in my 
description, I 
shall refer 
chiefly to illus- 
tration A. The 
gypsies in the 
group are part- 
ly standing and 
partly sitting 
down. Standing 
on the left of 
the group is the 
player of the 
reed instrument 
(No. 1), which 
I propose to 
deal with first. 

It is termed \ 

(Nay) or "reed" 

and is made 

from a reed with 

seven fastenings 

of gut at the 

joints. It is 18 

inches long and 

2J inches in circumference. It has five holes in front and one behind, all at the 

lower end. Fingers are used in front and the thumb behind. According to Khan 

Sahib Ahmad Din Khan, who has materially helped me in collecting these notes, 

it is the national instrument of India, where it is called Bansari (bamboo). Its notes 

are shrill and rudimentary. 

The JG (Tar) or " stringed " is the next instrument (No. 2). It is made of 

mulberry wood with a total length of 40 inches and a total width of 10 inches. Its 
neck is 19 inches long, and it has five metal strings, three on one side and two on the 
other. It is played with a triangular iron plectrum. The volume of sound produced 

is small, but not unpleasing. The third man standing up is playing a l^, (Surna) 
or oboe (No. 3), made of walnut wood and mounted in brass, studded with turquoises. 
Its length is 14^ inches with seven holes in front and one hole behind, played with 




FIGURE C. 



No. 91] MAN. [1909. 

the thumb. The sounding reed is always removed before playing and kept moist 
as in the case of reed instruments in Europe. The note is very shrill and powerful, 
somewhat resembling that of a bagpipe ; it is always played with the kettle drums 
mentioned below. In A Travers la Perse (Hachette et Cie.), which is a French 
adaptation of my Ten Thousand Miles in Persia, the first illustration is that of three 
Baluch gypsies, the centre man holding a somewhat similar pipe. The other two 
men carry drums ; the individual on the right of the group, curiously enough, looks as 
if he had stepped out of an Assyrian sculpture. 

We now come to the men sitting down, one of whom is playing on the pair of .L5J 
(Nakkara) or kettle drums (4). They are made of pottery and are respectively termed 
j>\ (Zlr) or treble and ^ (Bam) or bass. The former, covered with camel hide, is 

1\ inches in depth with a diameter of 6 inches on the playing end, but tapering down 
to 3^ inches. The bass is covered with cow hide and is 8^ inches in depth, with a 
diameter of 7 inches, tapering down to 4 inches. The drum sticks are of gypchin 
(a hill bush) wood. As stated above, the kettle drums are played with the pipe. 

The ancient name was j~Z (Tabirah). The sounds emitted are not pleasing to 
European ears. 

The next gypsy holds in his hand a tambourine (5), known as *?)* (Diayrah) or 
" circle," cp. our English word " diary." It is made of the wood of the Chinar or 
Oriental plane, with rings and bells fastened inside. Its diameter is 17 inches and its 
depth 2J inches. Good instruments are fitted with gold bells and rings. I am informed 
that this instrument is used in Turkestan but not in Kashmir. 

Next to the tambourine player is a man holding what is perhaps the most 
interesting instrument of all (6). The instrument itself is reproduced best in 

Figure B. It is known as a ^Ui (Kamanchah), or " little bow," and is made of walnut 

wood. The total length is 37 inches, with a finger-board 9 inches in length. The 
instrument is handled like a violoncello ; but, in shape, resembles a mandoline with a 
long spike of worked iron. The belly is constructed from a pumpkin covered with 
parchment and mounted with stripes of bone radiating from a turquoise. The neck is 
pierced on each side with three holes, and with a hollow at the back, 3 inches in 
length ; there are three wire strings and six pegs, three of which are dummies. The 
bow resembles our double-bass bows and is 22 inches in length ; it is made of 
gypchin wood and has a strap and a loop with which to tighten the horsehair. To 
complete the equipment, a bit of beeswax is tied on to serve as rosin. Instruments 
similar in character and name are used in Turkestan and Kashmir. The volume of 
sound is small but not unpleasing. 

To continue, the next instrument is a ciLij (Dunbak)* or drum (No. 7), which is 

made of walnut or mulberry wood, and is covered with parchment. Its total length 
is 17 inches, with a diameter of 11 inches. It consists of a belly 9^ inches in length 
and a neck 7-J- inches. Somewhat similar drums made of pottery are used in 
Kashmir. 

The last instrument to describe is a .k^ (Santur) or zither (No. 8). This 

instrument is apparently more modern ; the length on its longest side is 31^ inches 
and 14 inches on the shortest side. It is played by tapping with wooden hammers, 
which somewhat resemble the parts of a pair of scissors. There are seven wooden 
pegs on each side and one of bone. There are three perforated holes on the board. 
The strings are wound up by means of seventy-two wrest-pins, each pin con- 

* The name is clearly an onomatopoea, as are also nakkdra and bam. 

[ 162 ] 



1909.] 



MAN. 



[No. 94, 



trolling four wires. The zither is only procurable in Teheran, and is apparently of 
foreign make. 

B. The Nakkara Khana. This music apparently dates back to prehistorical 
Iran and looms largely in the Shah Nama, the great epic of Persia. To-day, in 
imitation of Europe, there are also brass bands of varying degrees of unmelodiousness ; 
but the Nakkara Khana still exists as an appanage of royalty in the chief cities 
of Iran. It is played invariably from a gateway to usher in the rising sun and to 
play out the setting sun. During the mourning months of Safar and Muharram, 
it is silent. It is possible that the custom was originally in honour of the great 
luminary ; but of this I have no proof. 

At Meshed, the sacred city of Persia, the Imam Riza, who was a contemporary of 
Haroun-al-Rashid, is, in theory, still alive,* and the Nakkara Khana belongs to the 
shrine erected 
in the saint's 
honour. The 
players are all 
locksmiths by 
trade and the 
posts are here- 
ditary. The in- 
struments used 
(vide illustra- 
tion D) are three 
in n u m b e r 
(a) Nakkara, or 
kettledrums of 
metal of a large 
.size. Five sets 
:are used at 
Meshed ; (6) 
Surna or oboes, 
.three of which 
are used ; and 

(c) Karrna l/p 

or long trumpets. 
They are usually 
made of brass 
or copper, and 
are 5 feet in 
length. Ten. are played in the Meshed Nakkara Khana. The ancient name for these 

formidable instruments was ^ tf (Gav Dam) or " Bull note." The music when heard 

from a certain distance is weird in the extreme and even fascinating. It commences 
.and finishes with the drums and is unlike any other music I have heard. Captain 
Franklin, whose assistance I would acknowledge, tells me that similar long, metal 
trumpets are to be seen in Tibetan monasteries to-day. 

Khan Sahib Ahmad Din states that the Nakkara Khana exists in Afghanistan at 
Kabul, Kandahar, and Herat. Popular airs are played one hour after sunset, after 
which a very big drum is beaten, and this is repeated thrice at intervals ; after the third 

* In this connection, when Meshed was connected with Teheran telegraphically, the first message 
.sent- along the new line was from the Shah to the Imam. The latter duly replied. 

[ 163 ] 




FIGURE D. 



Nos, 94-95.] MAN. [1909. 

beat no one can move abroad without a pass. The Surna and Karrna are only 
played in the month of Ramazan. The Amir is also accompanied on the march by 
a Nakkdra Khana. 

I now propose to make a few general remarks. Mr. Sinclair in the Journal of 
American Folk Lore (January-March 1907) has written a most interesting paper on 
Gypsy and Oriental Music, which my notes, to a certain extent, supplement. In it 
(p. 16) he states that "all the public musicians, singers, and dancers in Persia are 
gypsies." This statement, however, goes too far. In Khorasan, all the public musi- 
cians are gypsies ; but, at Shiraz, they are all Jews, except in the case of Nakkdra 
Khana, which is played by gypsies. Elsewhere they are mainly gypsies, but not 
entirely so. Singers are frequently Persians and rarely gypsies, if Persia be taken as 
a whole. Dancing girls are recruited from all classes in Persia and are seldom gypsies. 
At Meshed, the troupes invariably come from Teheran. They generally dance before 

women with castanets, termed utfCj- (Zang), or " bell," and made of bronze. The 

music consists of two kamancha or string instruments, one dunbak or drum, and 
occasionally a zither. The instruments, in this case, are not played by gypsies, but 
by Persians. Dancing boys dance before both sexes, but dancing girls only before 
women, except in secret. The gypsy women are not dancers, except in rare cases. 

To resume, I have in notes and vocabularies, previously published in the Journ* 
Anthr. Inst. (Vols. XXXII and XXXVI), shown that the gypsies of Persia have 
only retained a percentage of gypsy words in their own language, which is now 
less pure than when Ouseley collected a vocabulary nearly a century ago. This 
Professor de Goeje explains* by suggesting that I was not given their own words. I, 
however, venture to think that, as the various vocabularies were given to my agents 
in different parts of Persia, and yet, more or less, contained the same percentage of 
words, it is reasonable to suppose that they represent the gypsy jargon of to-day. 
Consequently, it is not surprising to learn that the gypsies of Persia have no special 
songs in their own language, but sing those in vogue in Persia. 

To conclude this paper, I give the following well-known lines from Hafiz : 



UV 
" Alas ! that these Lulis (gypsy girls), bright and sweet beings, disturbers of 

the city : 

Have reft patience from my heart like the Turks the tablecloth of loot."t 

P. MOLESWORTH SYKES. 



Tabu. Aston. 

The Incest Tabu. By W. G. Aston, C.M.G. QC 

In his Psychology of Sex Mr. Ellis says : " The explanation of the UU 
" abhorrence to incest is really exceedingly simple. The normal failure of the pairing 
" instinct to manifest itself in the case of brothers and sisters or of boys and girls 
" brought up together from infancy is a merely negative phenomenon due to the in- 
" evitable absence under these circumstances of the conditions which evoke the pairing 
" impulse. Courtship is the process by which powerful sensory stimuli proceeding 
" from a person of the opposite sex gradually produce the physiological phenomenon 
" of tumescence, with its physical concomitant of love and desire. . . . Brothers 
" and sisters have at puberty already reached that state to which old married people 

* Vide the Journal of tlie Gypsy Lore Society for October, 1907. 

f This refers to the then Turkish custom of the retainers looting everything after the master had 
partaken of the feast. 

[ 164 ] 



1909.] MAN. [No. 95. 

" by the exhaustion of youthful passion and the slow usage of daily life gradually 
" approximates." 

Mr. Crawley, in an article on Exogamy contributed to Anthropological Essays 
presented to E. B. Tylor, endorses this view, and it is therefore not without diffidence 
that I venture to point out some considerations adverse to the opinion held by these 
eminent anthropologists. Mr. Ellis's explanation of the abhorrence to incest is no 
doubt simple. But is it adequate ? How can such a merely negative phenomenon 
as the sexual indifference produced by long familiarity bring about the very positive 
result of abhorrence ? There is surely a link missing in this chain of reasoning. 

The statement that tumescence is dependent on the stimulus of courtship is only 
a part of the truth. Of course, it may be due to this cause, but it oftener comes of 
itself without any such stimulus, and in very young people generally does so. 
Mr. Ellis's sequence of cause and effect is courtship, tumescence, fruition. But is not 
tumescence, courtship (often brief and perfunctory or altogether absent), fruition, far 
more common ? Just as hunger may be experienced without the stimulus of the sight 
or smell of food, so tumescence will occur even though there should be no person of 
the opposite sex within a hundred miles. There is an abundance of tumescence without 
either courtship or fruition. 

The truth is that familiarity causes only a comparative indifference to the sexual 
attraction between brother and sister. It may even produce an opposite effect. Com- 
bined as it is with opportunity, it does away with shyness, which is a very potent 
obstacle in the case of young people. The sexual appetite, especially in the male, is 
much too imperious to be stayed by such a flimsy barrier, and, if no more substantial 
check existed, would sooner or later lead to fruition. We should then have a state 
of affairs like that described by a missionary to Anam. " There," he says, " no girl 
" who is twelve years old and has a brother is a virgin." Sir Harry Johnston, speaking 
of a Central African tribe, informs us that " it is rare for children thus growing up 
" together to fail to marry or to dislike one another." How can we reconcile these 
facts with Mr. Ellis's statement, that in the case of boys and girls brought up together 
from infancy there is an inevitable absence of the conditions which evoke the pairing 
impulse ? The case of the lower animals is, in my opinion, fatal to Mr. Ellis's theory. 
The lord of the poultry yard distributes his favours with much impartiality among 
his consorts, whatever their relation to himself, of which, indeed, he knows nothing. 
He may show a passing preference for a stranger on her first introduction to him, but 
that is all. The pigeon fancier knows that if it is desired to make two birds pair, 
all that is necessary is to put them in contiguous cages where they can see one 
another through the bars. Whether they are brother and sister or not signifies little. 

Mr. Ellis's comparison of the difference caused by the slow usage of daily life 
in the case of married couples is rather unfortunate' for his theory. Here we have 
not an innocent familiarity as in the case of brother and sister. It is "love's sad satiety," 
a very different thing, which blunts the edge of desire, and even with this powerful 
ally long familiarity is notoriously a very imperfect check on conjugal intercourse. 
What really brings about its cessation is the far more formidable obstacle of the 
incapacity produced by old age. 

The insensibility, caused by familiar domestic intercourse, to the sexual attrac- 
tions of a brother or a sister, though a real, is a negligible quantity in the problem. 
For-its solution we must look elsewhere than in the mutual relations of the parties more 
immediately concerned. The abhorrence of this crime is not the spontaneous outcome 
of the familiarity between those of the same household, but is imposed from without. 
The true obstacle to incest is the fact that it is condemned by the general opinion of 
the community. In a word, it is tabu. The powerful influence exercised by the tabu 
is notorious. Men have been known to die of remorse for having unwittingly infringed 

[ 165 ] 



No. 95.] MAN. [1909. 

far less important prohibitions than that which is directed against incest. Let me quote 
a concrete example of its power from Japanese history. In the fifth century A.D. the 
heir apparent, Prince Karu, conceived a violent passion for his sister by the same father 
and mother. (Unions between the children of the same father only were not at this 
time considered incestuous, at least in the case of princes.) But he " dreaded the 
guilt " and was silent. His passion, however, became so violent that he ultimately 
yielded to it. The result was that the officials and people " turned against him." 
A civil war followed, Prince Karu was banished, and he and his sister eventually 
committed suicide together. The guilt, the popular indignation, and the suicide of 
the offending parties are unexplained by Mr. Ellis's theory. The Greek legend of 
CEdipus, the story of Kullervo in the Kalevala, and many others, illustrate the same 
principle. 

The origin of this tabu is by no means a simple matter. Young people, and indeed! 
the majority of the tribe or nation, know nothing of the real reasons for imposing it. 
When the sexual impulse begins to stir in them, as it does some years before puberty, 
they become possessed with an intense curiosity regarding sexual matters. Among 
other things they discover that everybody about them regards incest as an abominable 
thing not to be committed on pain of the most dreadful consequences. Perhaps they 
are told that bogey carries off the people who do such things, that they fall down 
dead or are struck with some fearful disease, and that they are hated and despised 
by everybody. Threats of corporal and even capital punishment are not wanting. 
Teaching of this kind acting on impressionable young minds produces a horror of the 
crime, which not only creates a motive for self-restraint, but actually kills desire before 
it is born. This, and not familiarity, is the real cause of the sexual indifference between 
near relations which undoubtedly exists. 

It is important to observe that when once the notion that a thing is tabu has 
become firmly established, a condition of mind (the conscience of writers on ethics),, 
hardly to be distinguished from the congenital predisposition known as instinct, is the 
consequence. The results on action are in both cases alike prompt and unreasoning. 
The man himself is unconscious of any difference. Observe a hen with her chickens. 
Her warning cry (the germ of the tabu) is soon recognised by her offspring, and acted 
on as implicitly as if it were an instinctive prompting from within. She tells them 
(from her inherited experience) that such and such a thing, a hairy caterpillar for 
example, is unfit for food, and they at once repress a natural temptation to make trial 
of it. Observation shows that their shrinking from the touch of the human hand is 
more owing to parental teaching than to instinctive fear. I once had an abnormally 
tame hen who neglected this part of her children's (and foster-children's) education. 
They were so devoid of fear that they would snuggle against me, or even creep into my 
sleeve for warmth. Yet I have known a blind kitten a few hours old show unequivocal 
signs of displeasure when taken up in a hand which had caressed a dog just before. 
Here it was no doubt the sense of smell which had aroused a purely instinctive 
antipathy. 

When Westermarck says in his admirable work, The History of Human Marriage 
(p. 319) : "The home is kept pure from incestuous defilement neither by laws, nor by 
" customs, nor by education, but by an instinct which under normal circumstances 
" makes sexual love between the nearest kin a psychical impossibility/' he has hardly 
allowed sufficiently for the distinction between a genuine congenital instinct and those 
quasi-instinctive promptings which are really the result of early education, between the 
original stem and the grafts whose union with it has become obliterated by time. 

The question remains : What were the reasons which induced the community or 
their leaders to place a tabu on sexual intercourse between near relatives ? Sexual 
jealousy has something to do with it. It is too general a cause to account for this. 

[ 166 ] 



1909.] MAN. [No. 95. 

specific effect, but it no doubt helps to lend vigour and emphasis to any restrictive 
measures which may be dictated by other considerations. 

There is evidence that unions of young people of immature age are condemned. 
Indeed the widespread puberty rites may be regarded as the formal removal of such a 
tabu. The injurious effect of too early intercourse of the sexes on physical 
development is recognised in the case of the lower animals. For example, I find 
in a leaflet addressed to poultry-keepers by the Dublin Castle authorities the advice : 
" At an early age separate the sexes. When not allowed to run together both cockerels 
" and pullets grow faster and ultimately make better birds." It is also to be noted that 
pregnant girls, and babies whose parents are too young to bear their proper share of 
their support, are an unwelcome addition to the burdens of the community. Perhaps an 
additional motive is the protection of very young girls from male tyranny. But this 
prohibition, though it covers to some extent the same ground as the incest tabu and 
thereby helps to confirm it, is too general to account for it : we must seek for 
something more specific. 

Sir H. Maine in his Early Law and Custom (p. 228) points out one vera causa 
of the incest tabu, viz., the discovery that " children of unsound constitutions are born 
" of nearly related parents." It has been abundantly shown by Darwin and others 
that in the case of the lower animals, unions of this kind yield a weakly and stunted 
offspring. In the case of human beings we have no longer before us the results of 
closer in-breeding. But the marriages of first cousins are notoriously attended with 
similar, though attenuated, consequences. The Chuen, a Chinese book written centuries 
before the Christian epoch, says : " When the man and woman are of the same 
" surname the race does not continue." 

Still greater importance is to be attached to Dr. Tylor's suggestion that " exogamy 
" was an early method of political self-preservation." Incest is anti-social. It tends 
to confine the domestic affections within the narrow circle of the family instead of 
acting as a cement to bind the community together and thereby promote its strength 
against attacks from without and also its general welfare. Both public and private 
interests would concur in establishing this prohibition. The head of a family or the 
petty chief who insists on his children marrying outside the . domestic circle not only 
confirms his own power and prestige by so doing, but helps to lay the foundations of 
those larger political units with which the welfare of mankind is so intimately associated. 
At the present day, for somewhat similar reasons, foreigners are usually selected as the 
consorts of royal personages. 

Mr. Yate says of " the endogamous Maoris who frequently marry near relations " 
that " each one is jealous of the authority and power of his neighbour ; the hand 
of each individual is against every man, and every man's hand is against him." 
The incest tabu is a necessary preliminary to progress from such a condition of 
things. 

With Sir Henry Maine, I do not see how it can be assumed that savage or 
half-civilised races are necessarily blind to the physical evil consequences of incest. 
It should be remembered that with them, as with ourselves, it takes all kinds to 
make a world. They have their ignorant multitude who practise more or less 
imperfectly and unintelligently what they have learnt from their ancestors and 
superiors, but they have also a select few who may, in comparison, be called philosophers 
and statesmen. It is with the latter that all impulses to progress originate. Nor 
should it be forgotten that the incest tabu is not precisely a primitive institution. It 
requires a certain degree of enlightenment for its establishment. In many uncivilised 
countries it is at this day ill-understood, too narrow in its scope, weighted with 
useless provisions, or very imperfectly realised in practice. Even in civilised Europe 
there are countries where a man is allowed to marry his niece. With ourselves the 

[ 167 ] 



Nos, 95-96.] 



MAN. 



[1909. 



c=, 



n 



unions of first cousins are not half as much reprobated as they ought to be. Our table 
of prohibited degrees would bear revision. 

A certain share must be assigned to the principle of the survival of the fittest, 
in the wide prevalence, though not in the origination, of the incest tabu. Few 
things are more vital to the welfare of a family, a tribe, or a nation, than the right 
ordering of the sexual relations, and any gross failure in this respect handicaps it 
woefully in the struggle for existence. W. G. ASTON. 

Egypt. Blackmail- 

The Porridge Stirrer as an Egyptian Hieroglyph. By Aylward QO 
M. Btackman, B.A. 

Among the number of unclassified signs in his Collection of Hieroglyphs Mr. 

Griffith includes j . From an XVIIIth Dynasty example, Plate VI, Fig. 67, in the 

above-mentioned work, Mr. Griffith thinks it may perhaps represent a winder for thread 

(Fig. 1). He, however, points out that this is 
quite possibly a corruption of the early forms 
which occur in the Old Kingdom tombs at 
Medum, and, as we shall see, this is undoubtedly 
the case. In those early paintings the object 
is coloured red and there is no binding (Fig. 2). 
(See Medum, Plates XI and XXVII.) 

An implement in common use among the 
modern Egyptians and Nubians is the mifrakeh. 
With this they stir a sort of porridge made 
from lentils (Fig. 3). The example here 
shown is made from part of the rib of a 
palm-branch (gerideh). At the end of the 
stick a hole is bored and a short stick is 
inserted, the middle part of which is shaved 
away so as to be thinner 
than the two ends. By 
constant use in liquids the 

wood swells, and the inserted stick becomes tightly fixed in the 
hole. The examples given render it fairly evident that the sign 

reading nd is the modern mifrakeh. The examples from 

Medum have the same shaped ends as the modern implement, indeed 
the difference between the centre and ends is more strongly marked 
in the ancient than in the modern specimen. 

The Arabic word farak, from which mifrakeh is derived, means 
to rub a thing with the hand, to husk corn between the fingers. 
(See Hava's Arabic-English Dictionary under <^Jt.) The mifrakeh 

is used in the following manner : The long stick is placed between 
the palms of the two hands, the lower end with the inserted stick 
being in the porridge, and the hands are worked exactly as if one 
were rubbing the husks off wheat, hence its name mifrakeh. The 
instrument revolves rapidly like a drill and so the porridge is stirred. 
It is perhaps worth noting that the fire-drill used among the Dinkas 
is called mifrakeh, being worked like the porridge-stirrer. 

The meanings of the Arabic verb farak and the Egyptian verb nd are identical, 

z.e., to rub. This verb combined with the verb Hiii sn cc occurs frequently in receipts 

I ll 
[ 168 ] 




FIG. 1. 



FIG. 2. 




% 

FIG. 3. 



1909,] MAN. [Nos. 96-98. 

which direct that some hard material be reduced to powder, i.e., * His] nd sn cc " rub 

and grind fine." It seems therefore certain that the object used as word-sign for nd, 
41 to grind," is identical with the modern Egyptian and Nubian porridge-stirrer. And so 
one more sign may now be knocked off the gradually decreasing list of Egyptian 
hieroglyphs classed as uncertain. 

N.B. I found the porridge-stirrer used from Shellal up to Gerf Hussein in Nubia. 
Two of my boys, one from Qus and the other from Quft, say it is commonly used 
in their neighbourhood, and my head guard, from Illahun in the Fayyum, says it is 
used there. While acting as assistant to Drs. Grenfell and Hunt at Behnasa in 
Middle Egypt I found several Graeco-Roman examples in the rubbish-mounds. 

AYLWARD M. BLACKMAN. 



REVIEWS. 
Africa, East. Weule. 

Native Life in East Africa. The Results of an Ethnological Research QTF 
Expedition. By Dr. Karl Weule. Translated by Alice Werner. London : Uf 
Pitman, 1909. Pp. xxiv + 431. 24 X 17 cm. Price 12*. 6d. 

This book is not only translated by Miss Werner, but is also reviewed by her 
in a " Translator's Introduction." The author suffers nothing by the translation, and 
he has the benefit of authoritative criticism in the review. Judged as an account 
of the results of a scientific study of native life the book is open to the charge of 
diffuseness, a great deal of irrelevant matter being included. A better title would 
have been " An Ethnologist in East Africa," since the personal element is con- 
spicuous. Dr. Weule's freshness of outlook, and his sense of the novelty of his 
experiences, enlist the reader's sympathies even more than do his frequent references 
to the trials of a traveller and investigator, whilst his energy and enthusiasm are 
worthy of all praise. The full value of his investigations must be judged by the 
detailed accounts of them, published elsewhere, but it is evident that he was able to 
get through a large amount of work. Six months is a very short time in which 
to travel considerable distances, make large collections, take photographs, cinemato- 
graphic and phonographic records, study languages, and explore the " back of the 
black man's mind." In the last-named field of research he was less successful than 
he expected, but, as Miss Werner incisively indicates, he expected too much. 

Most of Dr. Weule's time was spent amongst the Wayao, Wamakua, and Wama- 
konde, in the region of the Makonde plateau, and his most important achievement 
was in his observations of certain parts of the unyaqo or initiation ceremonies, of 
which he shows a number of photographs. The scale on which they are reproduced 
is, however, too small, as is also the case with the series representing stages in the 
making of pottery and bark cloth respectively. The wearing of the pelele is illustrated 
by a number of excellent photographs, and scarification is also liberally treated in this 
respect. The numerous reproductions of drawings by natives are of considerable 
interest. 

In spite of defects in the plan of the book, it is an interesting and useful addition 
to general anthropological literature. H. S. H. 



Africa, South. Tongue. 

Bushman Paintings. Copied by M. Helen Tongue, with a Preface by Henry 
Balfour. Oxford : Clarendon Press, 1909. Pp. 48. Plates 56. 34 x 25 cm. 
Price 3 3*. 

It, is unnecessary to insist on the importance of a work which serves to place on 
permanent record a large series of accurate copies of bushman rock paintings. 

C 169 J 



No. 98.] MAN. [1909. 

Apart from the melancholy interest which attaches to the bushmen themselves as an 
almost extinct aboriginal race, the high standard of their pictorial art as compared with 
that of the surrounding peoples, and its similarity to that of the cave-men of Europe, 
appeals strongly to all those interested in ethnological science. The drawings, over 
one hundred in number, are the work of Miss M. H. Tongue, and were laboriously 
collected over a wide area, including portions of Cape Colony, the Orange River- 
Colony, and Basutoland. Miss Tongue was fortunate in having as collaborator Miss 
Bleek, daughter of the celebrated philologist, who from her earliest years has been 
acquainted with representatives of the bushman race. The text consists of a detailed 
description of each site from which paintings were copied, together with suggestions 
for the elucidation of the meaning of the figures where possible, and also a short note 
by Miss Bleek on a number of individual bushmen with whom she had the good 
fortune to come in contact in the early eighties. Mr. Henry Balfour contributes an 
interesting and appreciative preface. Valuable as the text is, the illustrations form 
the main feature of the book ; these, with the exception of four plates of photographs 
and a good map, are all in colour, and by far surpass any reproductions of similar 
paintings heretofore attempted. The majority are printed on paper tinted either 
silurian grey or dark terra-cotta, which gives the effect of a dark rocky background ; 
two are chromo-collotypes, and show a distinct attempt on the part of the artist at 
shading. The latter are pictures of eland, and are two of the best in the book, their 
technique suggesting something of the Japanese. 

The scenes depicted deal in the main with animal life, and the figures of the 
various beasts are infinitely more successful than those of the men and women, a 
feature which is not uncommon in primitive art. The animals represented are in great 
variety antelope, buck, lion, leopard, hippo, rhino, giraffe, baboon, various domestic 
animals, ostrich, vulture, crane, and so forth. Living by the chase, the bushmen were 
compelled to make the study of the game animals their chief occupation, and nothing 
bears witness to their deep knowledge of animal life as the studies executed by the 
favoured few who were the tribal artists. In spite of the simplicity of the drawings 
it is impossible not to acknowledge the vigour of such scenes as the springing lion on 
Plate III, the hippo turning on the hunters on Plate IV, or the charging wildebeest 
on Plate XXXI. One of the most successful paintings is shown on Plate XVI, a 
peaceful scene of eland and hartebeest grazing, in which is displayed a remarkable 
variety in the attitudes assumed by the various animals ; this picture is further 
remarkable as containing almost the only representation of vegetable life contained 
in the series, the branch of a tree from which an eland is pulling the leaves. Desire 
to depict nature as he found it often led the primitive artist into difficulties, but hi& 
courage failed not at the delineation of even the most awkward attitudes, and attempts 
to show animals in a foreshortened aspect are fairly numerous ; notably on Plates II r 
XVIII, XXV, and XLI. Of particular interest to the ethnologist are those scenes 
which exhibit pictures of native life, such as the hunting scene (Plate XXV) where 
two hunters disguised as buck are stealing up to a herd of eland, or the representation 
of a dance (Plate XXXVI), where a number of men dressed up to represent animals 
perform characteristic evolutions while the women stand round and clap their hands. 

Of other races the Bechuana are frequently represented, and are easily recognised 
by their shields of characteristic pattern, and one drawing appears to represent a 
couple of European soldiers behind a breastwork. A number of signs are, of course, 
impossible of explanation, and of these no doubt some have a magical significance ; 
but it is pleasing to find illustrations of two, possibly even three, myths which have 
been preserved to us. One depicts the well-known story of the children and the 
mantis (Plate XL), the second the legend of the man who was changed into a frog 
(Plate VIII) ; besides these pictures there exist two (Plates VI and XVIII) showing 

[ 170 ] 



1909.] MAN. [Nos. 98-99. 

spotted buck, of no known species, surrounded by fish. The authors make the very 
plausible suggestion that these may represent the mythical " rain-bulls " which 
sorcerers were supposed to lead over the country in order to cause rain ; in this 
case the spots would typify the raindrops. Space permits no more than a short 
description of the leading features of the pictures, each of which deserves a close 
study, and those who had the opportunity of seeing Miss Tongue's drawings when 
they were on view in the library of the Royal Anthropological Institute will know 
that much remains unsaid. 

It is not easy to estimate the difficulties which beset the collection of a series of 
drawings such as these, and all students of primitive man will feel greatly indebted 
to Miss Tongue and Miss Bleek for their labours. It must be no small recompense 
to them to see their fine material published, as it deserves, in so sumptuous a form. 
The Oxford University Press already possesses a reputation for enterprise and 
efficiency which it would be hard to render higher, but, if the thing is possible, it 
is accomplished by the valuable book of which a brief description has been given. 

T. A. J. 

PROCEEDINGS OF SOCIETIES. 
Anthropology. British Association. 

Anthropology at the British Association, Winnipeg Meeting, August 25th to QQ 
September 1st, 1909. UU 

The Anthropological Section of the British Association met at the Carlton School, 
Winnipeg, under the presidency of Professor J. L. Myres. The President's address on 
the influence of Anthropology on the course of Political Science will be found in 
Nature (Sept. 23, 1909). As was to be expected, a great number of the papers pre- 
sented dealt with American Ethnology and Archaeology, and an important feature of the 
meeting was the day devoted to papers and discussion on the necessity for an Ethno- 
graphic Survey of Canada, not only of the aboriginal population, but also of the 
white settlers. Partly as a result of this a committee was formed to consider what 
steps should be taken to carry out such a survey, and a memorial was drawn up on 
the subject, which, it is hoped, will be presented in due course to the Canadian 
Government. 

It may also be of interest to note that the Section had the opportunity of seeing 
a party of Sioux and Cree Indians who happened to be quartered at the barracks 
during a part of the meeting. 

In the summary which follows the papers are arranged under subjects, and the 
future destination of the papers, so far as known at present, is indicated in square 
brackets. 

PHYSICAL ANTHROPOLOGY. 

Archaeological and Ethnographical Researches in Crete. Interim Report of the 
Committee. The Committee has received the following interim report from Mr. C. H. 
Hawes, who was able to return to Crete in the spring of 1909 : 

Extracts from Mr. C. H. Hawes* Report. 

During October, 1908, four skulls, two portions of other crania, several pelvic and 
long bones came to light in the course of deepening a well in the alluvial bank of an 
ancient river ten minutes east of Candia. The argillaceous deposit on which they 
lay had acted as a natural plaster of Paris, and we are now in possession of human 
osseous remains of not later than the Middle Minoau I period, in the most extraordinary 
state of preservation. Complete measurements and observations have been made upon 

[ 171 



No. 99.] MAN. [1909. 

these, and I hope to publish them at an early date with a comparison of those discovered 
by Dr. Duckworth in 1903. 

In attacking the problem of how to discover or uncover the ancient stratum among 
the modern people, I have addressed myself to the task of finding out and isolating, 
if possible, alien elements of historical times. Representatives of Turkish and old 
Venetian families have been approached, and genealogical, traditional, and historical 
information garnered, with a view of testing them anthropometrically. For example, one 
village at which I am to stay this week claims to contain only descendants of Venetians 
who have strictly refused exogamous marriages. A small Armenian colony has existed 
in Candia since the Turkish occupation in 1669, and inasmuch as the Armenoid type 
of head is met with in the east end of the island, whether of historic or pre-historic 
date, this little band of settlers is being measured. Albanian influence has been 
suspected in Crete, and rightly so, since for various reasons the Turkish janissaries in 
the island included large numbers of these Europeans, and considerable mixture resulted. 
In view also of the Dorian occupation of Crete and the belief in certain quarters that 
Illyria largely furnished the Dorian hosts, it seemed important to get at the Albanian 
type. Records, of these and other peoples to be met in the island were in my posses- 
sion, but I was anxious to attempt the method of race analysis by contours of the 
living head. During my short stay at Athens I was able, by the aid of Mr. Steele, 
of the Lake Copa'is Company, to pay a flying visit to an Albanian village in the 
mountains to the north-east of the lake. There, in the village of Martino, reputed to 
be the purest of five such, I measured forty individuals and obtained contours of their 
heads by means of an instrument which I had just completed. Contours obtained at 
random from Albanians of the islands of Hydra and Spezzia coincided exactly with 
the type from Martino. 

The problem has been attacked from another direction. What modification of the 
cephalic index and the shape of the head has been effected by artificial deformation or 
formation of the head ? I am indebted to Professor Macalister for calling my attention 
to the importance of this factor. It is a custom which is far more prevalent than is 
dreamed, and thousands of people in this island, mostly of the male sex, are unaware 
of a custom which is universal except among the Mussulmans and the better educated 
minority of urban population. The first object was to gauge the effect on the cephalic 
index and the contours. At the outset it is necessary to distinguish between the 
results of intentional formation and involuntary deformation due to the lying on hard 
surfaces. For these purposes I am making comparisons between subjects who have 
and have not undergone head shaping, and between those who have and have not 
suffered from a pillowless infancy. Striking examples of the latter are to be found 
among the small colony of Epirote bakers, who, owing to the extreme poverty of their 
parents at home, possess the most extraordinary and incredible head-shapes it has been 
my lot to see. Similar observations are being made upon the Armenian settlement 
here. Observations on these two extreme forms of head will prove instructive in 
comparison with the results of similar, though modified, treatment of the Cretan native. 
Further, whole families of Cretans are under observation, and measurements and contours 
have been taken of them, including children who have and have not been bandaged 
in their infancy, from the age of fourteen days up. 

In addition to these researches which are in progress, I have been able to garner 
from a cave, where are carelessly consigned the bones of many a deceased Cretan of 
to-day after a short burial in the cemetery, some hundred bones from all parts of the 
skeleton, saving, unfortunately, the cranium ; and thus a comparison is possible between 
skeleton and skeleton of ancient and modern times. Two collections of hair, representing 
a series of shades, have been made for me by Orthodox and Mussulman barbers in 
Candia. [Rep. Brit. Assoc., 1909.] 

[ 172 ] 



1909.] MAN. [No, 99. 

Anthropometric Investigation in the British Isles. Report of the Committee. 
Although the last report of the Committee was considered to be final as regards the 
method of anthropometric investigation, it was thought advisable to reappoint the Com- 
mittee to act as an organising centre to promote the establishment of authropometric 
investigation among all classes of the population of the British Isles. In this direction 
important work has been done during the past year. 

The importance of installing anthropometry in public schools was brought under 
the notice of the Headmasters' Conference on February 10th last, and their co-operation 
was asked for. In reply, a letter, dated May 21st, was received from the secretary of 
the Headmasters' Conference Committee, suggesting the issue of a short circular 
explaining the items of information that it was most important to collect. In response 
to this suggestion a memorandum was drawn up and sent out by the Anthropometric 
Committee to the headmasters of 107 public schools. 

Measurements are now being carried out, generally under the direction of the 
medical officers of the education authorities, in primary schools, and in a certain number 
of provided secondary schools. But there is still a wide field among secondary schools 
for both boys and girls in which the Committee could do good work. 

The Establishment of a System of Measuring Mental Characters. Report of 
the Committee. The work of the Committee is going forward and promises to yield 
interesting results, but is not sufficiently advanced for a full report. 

ETHNOGRAPHY. 

(a) AMERICAN. 

Papers relating to a proposed ethnographical survey of Canada : 
(A) The Aboriginal Peoples. 

E. SIDNEY HARTLAND. Retrospect. In this paper Mr. Hartland summarised the 
work that had been done in Canada from the time of the Jesuit Fathers down to the 
present. A great part of this work was done by the committee of the Association 
appointed at the Montreal meeting in 1884. The work of this committee ceased with 
the death of Dr. George Dawson, and since then, with the exception of Mr. Hill- 
Tout's researches on the British Columbian tribes, little systematic work has been done 
by Canadians, and it has been left almost entirely to the institutions and museums of 
the United States. 

DK. F. BOAS. Ethnological Problems of Canada. After a brief enumeration of 
some of the gaps in our knowledge Dr. Boas pointed out that the general outlines 
of Canadian ethnology had become known through reconnaisances carried out largely 
under the auspices of the British Association, and that the task of the future would 
be a systematic study of the ethnological problems of the country. He discussed 
these problems in their relation to the general ethnological problems of the American 
continent. While in the whole area from the Argentine northward to the Great Lakes 
certain characteristic traits of civilisation are found which differentiate the civilisation 
of ancient America from that of other continents, distinct types of culture are found 
on the extreme north-west of the continent, including the whole area from California to 
the coast of Labrador ; and in the extreme south-east in Brazil and Tierra del Fuego. 
This suggests that these marginal areas may possess a culture older than that of the 
middle part of the continent and not exposed to the same historic influences. Among 
the Canadian tribes only the Iroquois and a few of the western tribes, like the Blackfeet 
and Assiniboines, belong to the middle area of the continent. All the rest belong to 
the northern marginal area. The tribes east of Great Slave Lake and of the northern 
interior of Labrador may represent the civilisation in its present form. The problem 

[ 173 ] 



No. 99.] MAN. [1909. 

becomes still more difficult owing to undoubted influences which extended from Asia into 
America, and which reach Hudson's Bay and the Great Plains. The unravelling of 
these historical conditions is, perhaps, the most important problem to be solved by a 
study of Canadian ethnology. 

Ethnologists are not yet in accord in regard to the theory of the gradual develop- 
ment of civilisation. While some believe that similarities of culture occurring among 
diverse tribes, sometimes wide apart, is due to pyschological similarities, others believe 
that gradual dissemination has played an important part. In Canada there are at least 
six distinct types of culture, that of the Eskimo, the north-west coast, the Mackenzie 
barrier of the western plateaus, that of the plains, that of the eastern woodland, and 
that of the Iroquois. The study of the relations of these will help to clear up the 
fundamental anthropological problems that are of the greatest interest, and which have 
also a distinct practical bearing upon our views relating to the history and future of our 
own civilisation. 

DR. G. B. GORDON.^ The Anthropological Work of the University of Penn- 
sylvania. Dr. G. B. Gordon, reviewing the researches into the history of man on the 
North American continent that have been carried on under the auspices of the Govern- 
ment and institutions of the United States, called attention to certain far-reaching 
changes that have been witnessed in the attitude of the educated classes, and especially 
of the institutions of learning, with reference to those studies that fall directly within 
the province of anthropology, changes which, he predicted, are destined to affect very 
profoundly those inter-related branches of learning which, like history and sociology, 
are most directly affected by the anthropological method. These tendencies are made 
manifest by the history of anthropological activities in those quarters which are most 
influenced in shaping educational development and methods of research. 

The work of the Smithsonian Institution through the Bureau of Ethnology has been 
a prominent factor in promoting that interest in the study of the native races which has 
been carried on, with successful results, by the great universities and museums of the 
country. Nothing in the history of anthropology is more significant than the present 
condition of archreological studies in the great universities as contrasted with that which 
obtained a few years ago. Until very recently the name of American archaeology was 
obnoxious because it was foreign to European civilisation. To-day in the same quarters 
the chief archaeological interest lies in the prehistoric period, and, with a realisation of 
the unity of all problems of human development, comes a rapidly-increasing interest in 
American archaeology as a subject of study. This is the condition of archaeological 
science in American institutions of learning to-day, and, as an index of this condition, 
the Archaeological Institute of America, which for many years has maintained schools 
at Rome, Athens, and Jerusalem, has only last year established a similar school in 
New Mexico, and is making an effort to establish another in the city of Mexico, the 
object of these schools being the study of American archaeology. 

(B.) The White Settlers. 

DR. F. C. SHRUBSALL. Ethnographic Study of the White Settlers. Dr. Shrub- 
sail described the nature and methods of investigations being pursued in crowded 
centres of population, with a view to obtaining statistical information that may be of 
value in determining the factors that lead to degeneration or improvement in the 
physical life of communities. In the main, Dr. Shrubsall held that the constitution 
of a people depended upon immigration, emigration, and the birth and death rates. 
The death rate seemed to be the selective factor in Nature's method of evolution, 
weeding out the weaklings and the unfit. With the advance of civilisation, however, 
humanitarian principles had prevailed and every effort was made to save the unfit 
.from perishing in childhood, and the insane from committing suicide, and the mentally 



1909.] MAN. [No. 99. 

deficient from the consequences of their lack of adaptation to their environment, thus 
leaving them to be parents of the next generation, and unfortunately such proved a 
fertile stock. Of the relative importance of heredity and environment heredity 
predominated and the degree in which it affected the individual was dependent upon 
the intensity of inherited constitution. The entire trend of the paper was to urge the 
necessity for taking preventative measures while the Dominion was still young, instead 
of remedial measures when the country would be confronted with the grim problems 
which faced the thickly-populated centres of older lands. Much might be done, it 
was urged, to prevent the landing of the physically and mentally unfit, and to encourage 
the propagation of the race through the physically and mentally fit members of the 
community. Many illustrations were given of the methods of tabulating and com- 
paring the statistics obtained in the course of medical inspection of school children. 



C. HILL-TOUT. Report on the Ethnology of the Okanagan of British Columbia. 
\Journ. Roy. Anthr. Inst.~\ 

DR. G. B. GORDON. Ethnological Researches in Alaska. In 1907 the author 
made an expedition, on behalf of the University of Pennsylvania Museum, into the 
Koskokwim valley in Alaska to investigate the natives of that region, who, owing 
to the remoteness of their habitat from white man's influence, preserve in a marked 
degree their aboriginal characteristics. The route followed was from Dawson west- 
ward by way of the Tanana and Kantishna rivers to lake Minchunima to the 
headwaters of the Koskokwim, thence down the entire length of that river to the 
coast. In the upper valley of the Koskokwim were found Dene tribes preserving 
the characteristics of the widespread Dene stock. 

About 700 miles from the mouth of the river Eskimo culture began to be felt, 
and about 200 or 300 miles further down Eskimo customs had entirely replaced the 
native customs, even in those communities where there was little or no mixture of 
Eskimo blood. The tendency of the Dene in this region to adopt Eskimo culture 
which has intruded from the Bering Sea coast is strongly marked, and shows that the 
Eskimo culture is the more agressive and the more advanced. At the mouth of the 
Koskokwim the Eskimo communities have retained in full vigour their peculiar 
customs and mode of life because that part of the Alaskan coast has not been visited 
by trading vessels or by whalers. 

The general health and physical welfare of these communities as well as of those 
on the Koskokwim river was noticeably better than in those localities where the 
nations have been in continued contact with the white man's influence, as, for instance, 
on the Yukon and on Norton Sound. At the same time the mental and moral state 
of the former population is decidedly better than that of the latter. All observations 
tend to show that the inhabitants of Alaska, both Dene and Eskimo, undergo 
deterioration, physical and moral, under the influence of civilisation. 

WILLIAM MC!NTOSH. Note on the present Native Population and Traces of Early 
Civilisation in the Province of New Brunswick. The native and half-breed population 
numbers about 1,500 at the present time. These belong to two tribes : the Micmacs, 
occupying the eastern coast and part of the Bay of Fundy shores, and the Malecites, 
who occupy the St. John River Valley, or about the same country which was occupied 
by their ancestors in early times. They are able to speak English but use their own 
language among themselves. 

Evidence of the prehistoric occupation of this region by a people who were using 
stone implements are abundant. In sheltered coves along the coast are numerous 
kitchen middens ; along the principal rivers prehistoric camp-sites abound. With a 
few exceptions the stone implements are of the type common to the Algonquin areas. 

[ 175 ] 



Nos. 99-100.] MAN, [1909. 

The pottery, in material and shape, closely resembles the ware made by the Algonquin 
tribes elsewhere, but it shows some interesting variations in ornamentation, differing 
in this respect from the Algonquin pottery of the south. 

JOHN MACLEAN. The Black foot Medical Priesthood. The author defined 
medicine-men, or the medical priesthood, as shamans, conjurers, doctors, prophets, and 
priests, and gave the different grades in the priesthood. The subject of initiation 
was then dealt with and the course of instruction was outlined. Previous to this the 
would-be medicine man undergoes a period of voluntary seclusion during which he 
fasts and sees visions. The dress and facial decoration of the fraternity was next 
described and the sacred numbers were explained. The subject of disease was next 
treated, the Blackfeet being particularly prone to small-pox and consumption. The 
causes of the diseases were discussed, especially the influence which the belief in 
evil spirits has upon the minds and bodies of the natives. 

The author then treated of the medicine-man in connection with religion, such 
subjects as animism, sacred stones, sacrifice, spiritualism, hypnotism, prophecy, and 
incantation being discussed, as well as medicine songs, charms, and amulets. 

Lastly, the author considered native medicines and remedies, and discussed the 
value of the work of the medicine men among the natives and the influence exercised 
by them on the native religion. [Manitoba Free Press.^ 

(b~) NON-AMERICAN. 

DR. F. C. SHRUBSALL. The Geographical Factors bearing on the Distribution 
of Racial Types in Africa. 

E. SIDNEY HARTLAND. On a Cult of Executed Criminals in Sicily. [See Proc. 
Third Int. Congress of Religions. Oxford, 1908.] 

[A report of the other papers read will appear in a subsequent number of 

MAN.] 



ANTHROPOLOGICAL NOTES. 

PROFESSOR CESARE LOMBROSO died on October 19th. Born in 1835, he 
studied medicine at Padua and Vienna, graduating in 1856. After serving 
as a surgeon in the Austro-Italian war he became Professor of Psychiatry at the 
University of Pavia and subsequently held the same chair at Turin. He was 
chiefly notable for his researches in criminology and his results are published in his 
work L 1 Uomo Delinquente. He was an honorary fellow of the Royal Anthropological 
Institute, having been elected in 1892. 

DR. ROBERT CREWDSON BENINGTON died suddenly on August 26th. Of late years 
he had devoted his attention to anthropological work and at the time of his death 
was engaged on a study of the African skulls preserved in the museum of the Royal 
College of Surgeons and at the Natural History Museum. He joined the Royal 
Anthropological Institute in 1906. 

THE death is announced of Dr. Robert Needham Gust. Dr. Cust. who was born in 
1821, was for twenty-four years a member of the Indian Civil Service, and took part 
in the settlement of the Punjab after the Mutiny, being present at several actions. He 
was subsequently Home Secretary to the Government of India and retired in 1867. 
He was the author of a great number of works on linguistic subjects, amongst which 
may be mentioned those on the modern languages of the East Indies, of Africa, of 
Oceana, of the Caucasian group, and of the Turki branch of the Ural-Altaic family. 

Printed by EYRE AND SPOTTISWOODE, LTD., His Majestj^'s Printers, East Harding Street, E.C. 



PLATE M. 



MAN, 1909. 




FIG. 2. 





FIG. i. 



FIG. 3. 



SOME DOROBO BELIEFS. 



1909.] MAN. [Nos. 101-102. 

ORIGINAL ARTICLES. 

Africa, East. With Plate M. Hollis. 

Some Dorobo Beliefs. By A. C. Hollis. 4|M 

I recently went for a trip through the little known country lying between I U I 
Naivasha and the Anglo-German frontier, and was fortunate enough to obtain a 
snapshot of a Dorobo, who was a member of the caravan, spitting towards the rising 
sun before saying his morning prayer (PL M, Fig. 1). Whilst performing this 
ceremony he had to lay aside his sword. 

The rains were overdue at the time, and I took photographs of the same 
Dorobo making medicine to prevent the rain from falling. Fig. 2 shows him whistling 
at and defying the rain-god. In Fig. 3 he has laid aside his bow, and whilst holding 
his sword upright is rubbing the handle rapidly between his % two hands. This is 
done when the rain-god takes no notice of his defiant remarks, and insists on turning 
on the celestial water-tap. It is doubtless only a remarkable coincidence, but 
although the rain oftened threatened we had very little till we returned to the Uganda 
Railway, when it came down in torrents. All the natives of the caravan Kikuyu, 
Kavirondo, and other East African tribes believed that the Dorobo had kept off the 
rain, and I was told more than once that if it had not been for him we should have 
been washed away. 

It is worthy of note that I met some Masai-Dorobo in the Rift Valley who did 
not speak Nandi like most of the Dorobo in both British and German East Africa. 
Whether their ancestors had never known this language or had forgotten it owing to long 
intercourse with the Masai, or whether they had been simply poor Masai, who, owing 
to the loss of their cattle, had become outcasts and taken to hunting, I was unable to 
ascertain. A. C. HOLLIS. 



Persia. Sykes. 

Notes on Tattooing in Persia. By Major P. Molesworth Sykes, 4f|Q 
C.M.G. Illl. 

Until the last generation, tattooing was almost universal in Persia. Ladies of the 
best families had designs pricked on the forehead to connect the eyebrows : also on the 
chin, on one cheek, on the lip, on the throat, and on the breasts. Imitations of 
anklets and bracelets, too, were frequently tattooed. During pregnancy, tattooing, more 
especially on the sole of the foot, was practised, with the idea that the mark would 
be transferred to their offspring. Women generally had birds, flowers, or gazelles 
tattooed ; but occasionally verses from the Koran. Men, on the other hand, had lions 
and Ya All Madad, or " Help, O Ali," on their arms. 

Tattooing was apparently practised by women (a) to embellish their charms, 
(b) to avert the evil eye, (c) to hide a scar or blemish, and (d) to cure a malady. As 
regards this latter practice, Captain Franklin, I.M.S., tells me that he recently saw 
a patient who stated that she had tattooed herself above her eyebrows as a cure for 
granular lids, the chronic form of conjunctivitis. Compare with this the old English 
custom of curing myopia by piercing the ears. In the case of men, wrestlers and 
gymnasts especially affected the art, it being customary for the winner in a wrestling 
match to have a lion tattooed on his arm. To-day, tattooing is rare among the upper 
classes, but is still affected by the lower classes, more especially in Southern Persia. 
The nomads of Fars of both sexes tattoo. In Kerman, prostitutes are said to be 
tattooed with a tree guarded by two chained lions covering the front part of the body. 
The tattooing is generally done by a gypsy woman, and the gypsies also bleed all 
classes at certain seasons. The procedure is to rub over the place with two Chinese 
herbs known as jadwar* and tanzu, famous for healing properties, to paint the design, 

* Zedoary, a root of genus curcuma. 
[ 177 ] 



Nos. 102-103.] MAN. [1909. 

to prick it in with a needle and then to rub in antimony. Ink, indigo, and charcoal 
are also employed and, very rarely, a yellow dye, either turmeric or zalil, a local herb. 
Probably the devices originally possessed a meaning, the lion being obviously the 
symbol of bravery ; but, to-day, nothing of this is known, except that the devices on 
the forehead and cheeks are calculated to ward off the evil eye. 

The Persian expression is &~>y JU. " to strike in a mole," and the practice is 
considered to be against the teaching of Muhammad who, according to a tradition, 
cursed (a) the woman who added false hair or allowed it to be added ; (6) the woman 
who tattooed or was tattooed ; (c) the woman who sharpened teeth or whose teeth 
were sharpened ; and (rf) the woman who depilated or who allowed depilation. This 
tradition is quoted by mullas as an order against both vaccination and dentistry.* It 
also shows that tattooing was in vogue in Arabia ; indeed, there are many references to 
it in Arabic literature, and, to-day, it is still a flourishing art, whereas in Persia it is 
considered to be a relic of barbarism. P. MOLESWORTH SYKES. 



Archaeology. Abbott. 

The Pygmy Implements. By W. J. Lewis Abbott, F.G.S. IflQ 

In speaking of the pygmy implements, frequently referred to in these pages, lOU 
it is essential that we should have a set of definite objects in our mind, marking some 
particular phase of prehistoric culture. As a matter of fact flints of diminutive, or, in 
contrast with those generally found in collections, pygmy size, with minute workings, 
are found in deposits of many ages ; and in most of these the outlines are more or less 
fantastic. Upon e*v r ery flint pebble beach and in river gravels very remarkable small 
flints with minute chippings can be found, of which the form and chippings often so 
clos-ely resemble those which we claim to be the work of man, that none but those who 
have given the necessary amount of study to the question can correctly determine these 
interesting little objects. With many people a universal negation of everything of this 
class finds an easy solution of the difficulty. But, unfortunately for this attitude, many 
of these things occur in settlements, away from all the vicissitudes of gravel making,. 
in places where there is no native flint, so that the danger of this wholesale condemnation 
ought to become obvious. 

In dealing with the "pygmy " flints from the older formations, great care must be 
exercised in drawing a line between the work of man and the results of the multiple 
forces of Nature ; and the older the formation in which they occur the greater the 
difficulty becomes. There can be no doubt, I think, that Nature furnished man, or 
his immediate predecessors, with prototypes, and that vast quantities of flints which 
have served his purpose consist mainly of natural forms with but little additions 
from those who used them. It is as the ages roll on that we see the artificial pre- 
ponderating over, and finally supplanting, the natural element. As we watch this, 
not only do new types appear, but new methods of working, and both types and 
working have a chronological value, and increase in numbers as the ages follow 
one another. It is by no means sufficient for worked flints to be of pygmy size, 
and quaint outlines, to justify the assumption that they ought to be regarded as 
belonging exclusively to one particular age or people ; they were not the product of 
one exclusive race, at one particular " age." 

The .evolution of the flint industry in very many ways parallels the evolution of 
organic life upon the planet. Many types become fixed, some of which persist through 
several of our greatest divisions of time ; others had a shorter life, while others soon 
became extinct. Diminutive flints with more or less quaint outlines with very delicate 

* The Arabic is as follows : 



[ 178 J 



1909.] MAN. [No. 103. 

chippiugs occur in the Pliocene beds on the chalk plateaux, as at Wrotham Hill, ami 
were thrown out with Pliocene shells at the summit level a little north, also in tin- 
Pliocene Dewlish gravels and in the Cromer Forest Bed. Diminutive worked flints of 
contemporary age are fouud in many places upon the Continent, at various horizons iu 
our Pleistocene gravels, and in caves all over Europe ; in rock shelters, kitchen middens, 
settlements, stations, and encampments all over the country ; in sand dunes, peat bogs 
and fens, dew ponds, and numerous other places throughout the United Kingdom. It is 
when we study these things, and the deposits in which they occur, in chronological order, 
that we see the evolution of type and method of working, the latter being so highly 
important for our present purpose, while we watch the survival of older forms and the 
appearance of new as we ascend the series. 

When we come to " open air " stations the conditions present grave difficulties 
unless we have made a special study of the products of all the ages anteceding that to 
which the newest relic belongs. The passage from the older river through the older 
caves is easily seen, and from the older to the new cave deposits. It is, however, 
during the cave period, or rather during the period represented by the cave deposits, 
that we see the evolutions of what I wish to call the pygmy implements, la petite 
Industrie of Pierpont, the Tardenoisien of Rutot. 

For over twenty years some of us had been collecting these little things without 
being able to realise their importance; it was not. till the discovery of the Hastings 
kitchen middens that this was done ; here upon the old rock ledges, under the lee of the 
overhanging rocks and at the mouths of the fissures, were enacted all the dramas of the 
life of a given people at a given period. Hither they brought the trophy of the chase, 
gatherings from the foreshore and forest, the fish they could catch, and the birds they 
were dextrous enough to shoot. Hither, also, they brought the flints from the beach 
and sat and worked them into those delicate characteristic forms by a method essentially 
peculiar to them. Here they lit their fires and partook of the evening meal, and here 
were sealed down all the relics of the period, not only the flint and bone tools, 
amulets, &c., but the bones of the animals, birds, and fish of that period. The content* 
of these have been elsewhere described,* so that it is scarcely necessary to go into 
fuller details one picture may suffice, restored from materials as found. 

Extending over a great distance through the Midden material was a stratum of clear 
barren sand, marking a period of rest from habitation. On carefully removing this, 
there were laid bare probably the most fascinating collections of objects of a prehistoric 
period that have ever been seen together ; for here in its purity existed a complete 
picture of the life of these old hunter-fishermen sealed down from contamination and 
admixture with the relics of subsequent times, and thus this remarkable accumulation 
has the right to be regarded as absolutely typical, and to justify the claim of the term 
Hastings Kitchen Midden Men Period. 

In a corner formed by the cliff face and a projecting fissure wall squatted one of 
the old fellows chipping away at a flint, a heap of which lay by his side. In his hand 
was a hard-worn quartzite hammer-stone, one of the most cherished objects of his 
life. Near him crouched his wife, and possibly offspring, collecting the flakes he 
struck off, and sorting them into little heaps according to the purposes for which they 
were suitable. Near him was another old fellow, working away at one of those 
beautiful bi-concavo-convex ridged-back, finely-worked, round-based, spear tips ; he 
had finished the prize all but one blow, which would have removed the implement 
from the flint block in a finished condition, when he, too, stops of a sudden. Near to 
him are several others splitting bones either for their marrow or for material for 
implements, &c. One old fellow has broken a leg bone of one of the trophies just 
secured in the chase ; beside him are two pointed flint wedges. He has already 
* Journ, Anthr. Inst.. Nov. 1895. Plates x to xiii. 
[ 179 ] 



No. 103.] MAN. [1909. 

inserted one into the narrow cavity, and the bone* is splitting in several places, but 
the skeletal element is firm and healthy, and grips the wedge tightly, and splitting 
requires force applied several times. 

A little further there is a fire on the hearth which has baked the underlying loam 
into a red brick for several feet in extent. Over this is roasting a boar's head, till 
the jawbones are becoming so exposed that before the great episode of the evening 
is finished they will all be reduced to charcoal. Near at hand there are also several of 
the community engaged in taking off the damaged flint points broken in the chase, and 
replacing these truncated butt ends with new flint tops ; consigning these broken 
portions to the accumulating midden or refuse heap. The number of these flint butt 
ends that have accumulated tell us that these flint tools, whether on sticks or sinews 
as fish hooks, or bound to hafts or reeds, suffered greatly in use, and required periodical 
replacing. At this moment an esteemed implement has come into the hands of one 
of the old fellows. It is broken asunder across its centre, and out of some respect 
for it he is putting a new point to it, working off those delicate minute flakes in the 
manner characteristic of the race. He has run his bone flaker up one side, and left 
an edge such as no other system of flint working can produce. He has just begun 
the other, and apparently in a minute or two bi-symmetry will again be obtained, 
with a sharp piercing point as a result, but he stops just as suddenly ! Near him, 
upon the hot ashes of a fire, stands the coarse earthen pot, the prototype of our 
modern tar kettle the earliest saucepan we know ; its bottom and sides are incrusted 
with a thick layer of soot, telling of the withstanding of the ordeal of fire accompanying 
many an evening meal, while close by is a pile of calcined flints beneath burning 
wood, cooking a clay-invested rabbit. Near by are several flat-bottomed vessels, the 
prototypes of our first saucers or basins, although the soot upon their bottoms tells 
the tale of their having been put upon the blazing fire. Everyone is busy ; everyone 
appears intent upon what he is doing, when an alarm is raised, and everyone in the 
settlement has stopped what he is doing. It is the enemy ! Down goes the core 
upon which the first man is engaged ; even bis cherished quartzite hammer is dropped 
in the alarm. Down goes the marrowbone, with the flint wedge firmly gripped, and 
down is thrown the implement finished all but for one blow. The pot is left upon 
the hearth, and the heap of hot stones, and everyone flees for dear life, which, in all 
probability, is barely saved ! From the discovery of human bones it is probable that 
all did not escape, and those who did were afraid to come back again for a long period ; 
and between this time and renewed operations the Zephyrs and good old .^Eolus had 
spread a curtain of blown sand over it all, and thus preserved the picture of the times 
for thousands of years, to delight the soul of the pre-historic archaeologist at the close 
, of the nineteenth century A.D. 

During the last twenty years at least 50,000 relics of this period have been 
carefully studied by me. Many pygmy implements identical in' outline with some of 
those found in the Hastings kitchen middens have been found in caves with the 
mammoth fauna, and each particular type has its history, which it is impossible to 
trace here. Also in the French caves certain specialised forms, which, for want of 
better words, I have named "old edges" and "tanging pieces," and which, although 
not found in. this country associated with polished weapons, are exceedingly plentiful 
in settlements of the Hastings kitchen midden age. This method of production asso- 
ciates these little objects very closely with the survivors of the French troglodytes, and 
the fauna land and marine point in the same direction. There is one thing, 
however, in which these old fellows excelled their predecessors, and that was in the 
introduction of a method of right line minute flaking, which I believe to have been 
effected with a slot in a bone very like the wards in a key. With an instrument of 

* Now in the British Museum. 
[ 180 ] 



1909.] MAN. [Nos. 103-104. 

this description it is possible to reproduce the minute right-lined flaking which is the 
distinguishing feature of the Hastings kitchen midden men. No one can realise the 
accuracy and delicacy of this work. I have often counted sixty and eighty of these 
minute flakings to one inch, forcibly calling to mind the teeth of the machine-cut wheels 
in a chronograph ! It is neither minuteness of size, quaintness of outline, nor small 
work alone that entitles a flint to be regarded as of Hastings kitchen midden age, or 
belonging to la petite Industrie, but this method of working, which, whenever found, 
is accompanied by the other characteristics. 

With reference to the age of these interesting little objects there are many points 
to connect them with the Continental troglodytes, of whom they might well have been 
the work of the descendants who migrated northwards to Britain and southwards to the 
Mediterranean, Egypt, India, and nuineroiis other places. The geological evidence in 
Lancashire, according to Dr. Colley March's description, would refer these things to a 
time far more remote than any deposit in which polished stones have been found. If 
we take the specimens from the undisturbed Hastings kitchen middens as our types of 
purity, and allow no other forms as typical that do not occur here, or in some other place 
equally well preserved (as in, say, barrows), we shall sometimes be able to fix their age 
in relation to polished and other neolithic implements. In many open-air stations and 
settlements in commanding positions we find vantage sites that have been used by 
various peoples in succession. A magnificent example of such occurs on the summit of 
Blackdowu. But, unfortunately, the hunting here was done by workmen who turned 
over and sifted all the ground that yielded any kind of flint. Cornwall has recently 
yielded a rich harvest of the smaller pygmies. Occasionally we get cases where the relics 
of the different ages occur in superposition, and it is obvious that such sites ought to 
be preserved to be worked only by qualified men. It is in this point that we need 
amendments of the Ancient Monuments Preservation Act to which I hope to refer on 
another occasion. W. J. LEWIS ABBOTT. 



Ceylon : Archaeology. Andrews. 

Early Defensive Works, Ceylon. By J. B. Andrews. 

I wish to call attention to a fine Cyclopean wall I visited in Ceylon recently, 
at the suggestion of Mr. J. Hill, of the Land Settlement Office, and formerly assistant 
to Mr. Bell, the Government archaeologist. It surrounds Mapagala Hill close to the 
famous rock fortress of Sigiri. It is similar to others found in various countries in 
England and on the French Riviera, such as are described and illustrated in the 
valuable publications of Dr. A. Guebhard, member of the Societe prehistorique of 
France. This wall was evidently constructed for defensive purposes ; the enormous 
stones are piled unhewn on top of one another without the use of mortar. It 
dates probably from the Neolithic epoch, if not before. Similar fragments exist on 
Sigiri Hill itself, but most of the many walls thereon are quite different in style, the 
stones being much smaller, more regularly shaped, and put together with some order. 
These last are attributed to the parricide King Kasyapa, A.D. 500 circa. Doubtless 
other similar walls exist elsewhere in Ceylon and India, but, to my knowledge, they 
have not yet been noticed. 

I also visited this winter the kadangas, long lines of huge earthworks situated 
in the mountains of Coorg, some hours' journey from the town of Mysore. I may 
confirm what Dr. Richter in his Manual of Coorg says of their resemblance to the 
so-called British earthworks and dykes, such as the Wansdyke, even in the occasional 
presence of supporting forts or camps. They are of unknown antiquity, thousands of 
years old according to the imaginative native traditions. The Coorg Chronicle narrates 
their being repaired three or four hundred years ago, in some small sections with 
stone, it is said. Some of the kadatigas are of great length, traversing the province 



Nos. 104-106.] 



MAX. 



[1909. 



of Coorg from north to south. Their height is some 30 feet from the bottom of the 
fosse to the top of the vallum. 

The lofty mud Avails protecting some of the Mysore villages are noteworthy. 
They are strengthened by a fosse. In some respects they recall the kadangas. 

J. B. ANDREWS. 



Melanesia. Edg-e-Parting-ton. 

Banks Islands Pudding-Knives. By J. Edge-Partington. 1flK 

The varying forms of the handles of pudding-knives from the Banks group lUu 

are evidently all derived from the same source. Without doubt the design is anthro- 
pomorphic. Absolute proof of 
this, however, was wanting until, 
through the kindness of Dr. Cod- 
rington, I became possessed of 
a knife the handle of which was 
carved to represent a complete 
male human figure (No. 3). In 
comparing this specimen with 
others from the British Museum 
the anthropomorphic design is 
at once apparent. Dr. Cod- 
rington tells me that the native 
name of this implement is 
" igot." My specimen (No. 3) 
is made of reddish-brown wood 
and measures 16^ inches in 
length and is much more highly 
finished than is usually the case 
with this type of implement. 

Dr. Codrington says that 
the bread-fruit is abundant in 
the Banks Islands, where it 
Forms an important part of the 
food supply when dried over 
a fire, wound round with strips 
of leaves and preserved in 
chests. 

The figures in the illustra- 
tion are one quarter the size of 
the originals. 
2 J. EDGE-PARTINGTON. 




Africa, East : Archaeology. 



Seton-Karr. 



Prehistoric Implements from Somaliland. By H. If. Seton-Karr. IflG 
The place where I found the palaeolithic implements about twelve years I U U 

ago in Somaliland was the locality where they were produced, manufactured, or made. 

It was the work-place. The material was there. 

That is the reason they were found in such a perfect condition in such large, or 

comparatively large, numbers, and aggregated or collected, not scattered. They had not 

been used. They were not waterworn. They were probably for barter and exchange. 
What were the conditions under which they were found, under which they had 

lain for an immense period of time. 

182 



1909.] MAN. [Nos. 106-107. 

I consider that there are three essential conditions necessary to every locality 
where ancient stone implements are to be found in situ on or near the surface 
and in considerable numbers. 

I judge these conditions from my discoveries in India, in Egypt, and in East Africa, 
Central Africa, and South Africa, and from investigations in these and other countries 
and localities where I have discovered little or nothing. Firstly, the surface must be 
from ancient times undisturbed. Secondly, the material for the manufacture of 
implements must be present. Thirdly, there must be, or must have been, water. 

This wonderful spot in Somaliland lies geographically about ninety miles N.W. 
of the port of Berbera. It is a long, low hill rising about 100 metres above the bed 
of the Issutugan. There is no higher ground from which material can be washed on 
to it, and there is drainage on all sides, so that rain flows off immediately, carrying 
little or no material with it. The ground is formed of coarse, red quartzite sand, false- 
bedded, loosely cemented together, and not too easily dissolved, and in this the boulders 
and pebbles of quartzite and chert are buried. On the lower slopes of the hill they 
have been washed out and are lying loose. None of the Somali rivers reach the sea. 
There is seldom water flowing in their beds ; only under the surface and obtainable 
by digging. The climate ever since neocosmic times has probably been a comparatively 
dry one. The geographical and climatic conditions have not varied. The landscape, 
the stratigraphical features, the hills, and river valleys have remained the same since 
the beginning of the quaternary period, I imagine, and perhaps longer. 

The three conditions I hold essential are thus fulfilled in this case, just as they 
were in the case of the Indian implements from near Trivandrum and other places, 
and in the case of implements from the upper and lower levels of the Egyptian 
desert and the western Oases. 

A great many museums all over the world have been presented with Somaliland 
implements, but they are all from this one spot or its immediate vicinity. That is to 
say, that the neolithic lance-heads, arrow-heads, and scrapers are from the low land. 
a mile or two to the south, where flint occurs ; and the heavy Chelleen and Strepyien 
coups de poings of quartzite and chert from this hill-top where these materials occur. 

I have not, during thirteen separate visits to Somaliland, found any other spot like 
it, nor one presenting the three conditions I formulate. I have frequently told other 
travellers about these things, especially officers traversing the country on duty during 
our small wars against rebellious tribes, and officers and civilians making pleasure 
trips who have leisure to look about. But I have not heard of any other similar 
locality having yet been found in the whole of Eastern Africa. 

Similar implements, but of a rougher, more unworkmanlike, unfinished style and 
type have since been found at many places in South and West Africa widely separated 
from each other, from the Congo to the Zambesi and the Cape. But they were 
scattered and mostly washed out of alluvium and river deposits, and not so flawless 
and segregated within such a small area as these from Jalelo in Somaliland ; and, as 
Sir John Evans first observed in his communication to the Royal Society, they form 
the most important link in the evidence for the universality of palaeolithic times 
between east and west. H. W. SETON-KARR. 



Ireland: Archaeology. Lewis. 

Ancient Remains on the Rock of Cashel. />'// A. L. Lewis. 1(17 

Near the entrance to the enclosure round the rock is a much-battered cross lUf 
or figure of some sort, standing on a stone, which looks like a rather shapeless 
boulder from which the two ends have been roughly cut off" to make it somewhat square 
and suitable for a pedestal ; and on this stone I saw a group of concentric circular 
markings, such as are found at New Grange, at Long Meg in Cumberland, and at 

r iss ] 



Nos. 107-108.] MAN. [1909. 

the little circle near it, and in other places ; I was told that it was upon this stone 
that the early kings of Munster were crowned, and it appeared to me that there was 
here a link between the prehistoric and the historic which was at least of some 
interest from an anthropological point of view. Whether these concentric markings 
have been recorded before I do not know ; I myself have seen no mention of them 
not even in the Encyclopedia Britannica and, as they are very faint, and can 
probably only be seen when the sunlight falls upon them brightly at a particular 
angle, I think it not unlikely that they may hitherto have escaped the observation 
of those who would be most interested in them, and that it may be well to note the 
fact of their existence. A. L. LEWIS. 



Fiji. Hocart. 

Two Fijian Games. By A. M. Hocart. 108 

The following two games may have been described. If so it will do no harm IUU 
to repeat them in order to show how the manner in which a game is played deserves to 
be recorded no less than the bare rules. I give them as played in Lau with the 
Lauan terminology : 

Fitshi. A bundle of reeds (ngasau) is heaped on a log (ilango ni ngasau) ; the 
reeds, about one foot long, lie parallel and project at both ends. Players, two or more, 
sit on each side. One proceeds to flip (lisena) the end of each reed successively so as 
to drive it out at the other end. He may not make more than one fall at a time and it 
must fall clear of the ilango. If he succeeds, he goes on ; if he fails, he yields his turn 
to the next player ; if one end of the reed rests on the ilango it is replaced ; if two are 
knocked down the player keeps one and replaces the other. When all the reeds have 
been flipped off, each player counts his reeds ; each reed is a point (kai). 

The game recalls spilikins, in which ivory or wooden needles have to be removed 
from a heap with a small hook without causing any other pin to move. But it is 
instructive to note the different spirit in which they are played. In the European game 
strict rules are enforced with a view to increase the difficulties and hence the excite- 
ment ; the heap may not be re-arranged, and the more confused the heap the better the 
game ; in Jttshi a player can spread out the reeds, as room is made in the progress of the 
game. I have seen boys substitute for a short log, on which the reeds had to be piled 
up, a long one on which they could be laid side by side and not interfere with each 
other, which makes the game rather tame from our point of view. In this as in other 
games they seem to enjoy the actual exercise of skill rather than emulation ; boys I 
cannot say how it is with men keep no account of the score beyond each particular 
game. 

Veimbuka. This is the Lauan name ; in Tailevu it is known as veimbithi. A 
straight line is drawn on the beach some eighty metres long, it is called isoso. In the 
middle is a small mound (mata ni isoso), which divides the line between two teams (to). 
The teams line up on each side of the mata. A boy, called mbithi, runs out from one 
camp and seeks to reach the opponents' line ; of course it is no use making straight for 
it, so he has to run out with as much slant towards the adversaries' line as the latter 
allow, for they rush out in a mass to catch him ; the one who touches him first is 
chased by party No. 1, while he tries to run round them or dodge through them to 
their own line ; the one who catches him is chased in his turn. The player caught 
last and bis captor stand to each other as veilumbuna, i.e., grandmother and grandchild ; 
the captor is tumbuna, (grandmother), the boy he touches makumbuna (grandchild) ; 
the makumbuna may not catch the tumbuna until he has been caught by another. 
If the pursued can reach the enemy's line uncaught, he places one foot on it ; he 
is said to so, and scores one point (kai) for his side. The so is recorded by digging 
a finger into the mata ; the holes are made along two parallel lines, each beginning 

[ 184 ] 



1909.] MAN. [Nos. 108-109. 

Its record on the opposite side and extending to their own. After each so they 
begin again. 

The game is one in which it is indispensable to note the manner of its playing as 
well as its rules, if we wish to use it as evidence of the people's character. Judging 
by the rules, there is no reason why the game should not be as highly competitive as 
football, and, like football, it involves rivalry between parties. Yet in practice there is 
very little emulation, at least among boys of twelve to fourteen, an age at which the 
spirit of competition is fully developed among British boys ; each boy plays for himself, 
runs when he chooses and will simply look on while his side is being beaten if he is 
not inclined to run ; he will desert the game, go and bathe, or take to some other 
pastime that appeals to him at the moment. The whole game is merely a pretext to 
run and take exercise. Yet emulation and party spirit are not remote from their 
character ; in the course of three months I have seen a considerable change among 
boys divided into two factions and made to play each other week after week. In that 
short time they had become loyal to their sides, while desertion and negligence are 
almost suppressed. 

Such a change partakes of the nature of a rough psychological experiment ; in 
default of any real tests, it raises a presumption, if no more, that lack of emulation and 
esprit de corps are not racial among Fijians, but that these qualities lack opportunity in 
the casual life of small and primitive societies, and are capable of being developed. 

N.B. Ng as ng in singer. A. M. HOCART. 



REVIEWS. 
Anthropometry. Ernst. 

Das Schulkind in seiner korperlichen und geistigen Entwicklung. Dar- 400 
gestellt von Dr. phil. Lucy Hoesch-Ernst und Dr. phil. Ernst Neumann. lUU 
1 Teil von Dr. phil. Lucy Hoesch-Ernst. Leipzig : Otto Nemnich Verlag. 

This book is a very thorough anthropometric study of Swiss schoolchildren, and 
will be of special interest to medical officers and others who have to carry out measure- 
ments under the Education Administrative Provisions Act. The number of children 
measured by Dr. Hoesch-Ernst was not very large (175 boys and 175 girls), but on 
each of the subjects, about twenty anatomical characters and three physiological 
characters were measured. The ages of the children were from eight to fifteen years. 

Extensive tables of measurements of children by other observers are given for the 
purpose of comparison, but in few, if any, cases have so many dimensions been measured 
as by Dr. Hoesch-Ernst, so that in the case of some no comparison is possible. 

The necessity for an international agreement in the methods of measurement is 
illustrated by several cases in which comparisons are impossible, owing to differences 
in the methods of different observers. For example, Dr. Hoesch-Ernst's rule for 
measuring the girth of the chest is to pass the tape round so that it touches the lower 
edge of the shoulder blades at the back, and runs directly above the nipples at the 
front. This will give quite a different result from the rule of the Anthropometric 
Committee to measure the girth at the height of the fourth rib. Differences also exist 
in the methods of measuring the circumference of the thigh and of the head. 

The greater part of the book consists of a detailed discussion of the various 
dimensions measured, of which complete statistical data are given. In every case tables 
are given of the average dimensions at the various years of school life, and Dr. Hoesch- 
Ernst has apparently collected all published data relating to children of the same ages in 
Russia, Germany, America, and other countries for comparison with the Swiss children. 
In many cases the differences are very considerable, and these appear to be due 
partly to difference of race, but also, unfortunately, partly to difference in the methods 

[ 185 ] 



Nos. 109-110.] MAN. [1909. 

and precision of the measurements. It is, therefore, very difficult or impossible to tell 
in many cases whether a difference is significant or is merely due to inaccuracy or to 
variation of samples. 

Many interesting comparisons are made between boys and girls at different ages. 
As is well known, between the ages of twelve and thirteen girls are superior to boys 
in height and weight, but the author shows by measurements of grip that this 
superiority is gained at the expense of muscular strength. During school age the 
length of the trunk as a percentage of stature decreases in boys and increases in girls. 

The author finds feebleness of grip to be a very good test of malnutrition. 

The whole work shows how much valuable information is to be obtained from the 
anthropometric study of the growth of school children, and represents an enormous 
amount of painstaking work and research on the part of the author. J. GRAY. 



Africa, South. Theal. 

History and Ethnography of Africa South of the Zambesi. By George 4411 
McCall Theal, Litt.D., LL.D. Vol. II., Foundation of the Cape Colony by I III 
the Dutch. London : Sonnenschein, 1909. Pp. xix + 523. 22 x 14 cm. 

The second volume of Dr. Theal's History and Ethnography of South Africa, 
of which the first was noticed in MAN, 1908, 32, differs widely in interest from its 
predecessor. The first volume, it will be remembered, was devoted to a comprehensive 
survey of the Bushmen, Hottentot, and Bantu tribes south of the Zambesi ; the second 
gives the history of the first European colony settled at the Cape, and, incidentally, the 
effect of the advent of white men upon the natives. The constitution and history of 
the Dutch settlement, established in 1652 under the leadership of Jan van Riebeek, 
after a voyage of 104 days (a remarkably short passage for the period), is a most 
interesting sociological study, and the organisation and government of the colony bear 
witness to the businesslike commonsense and energy of the Dutch of that time. The 
main object of the colony was to be a depot and relief station for the vessels sailing 
between Holland and the East Indies, and when it is remembered that scurvy was a 
constant sequel to all long voyages, the value of the new settlement will be realised. 
At the same time it was the dream of Van Riebeek to make the settlement self- 
supporting, and he neglected no opportunity of developing the natural resources of the 
locality. In this connection it is particularly interesting to read how, when on one 
occasion he made a short excursion into the interior, " he was fairly enraptured with 
*' the beauty and fertility of the land there, and drew a bright mental picture of what 
" it might become if an industrious Chinese population were introduced and located 
" upon it." The same suggestion was emphasised by his successor, Wagenaar, in an 
official report. 

The " native question " was approached with great commonsense ; the greatest 
care was taken to conciliate the Hottentots and to encourage them to trade. To pre- 
vent collisions between the settlers and natives the former were forbidden to engage 
in private trade with the latter, and misdeeds of natives were very leniently treated. 
It was only when all other methods failed that recourse was had to reprisal. In 
the same way, at a later date, the marauding Bushmen were treated with the utmost 
forbearance, and not until they proved incorrigible and a standing menace to the 
prosperity of the settlers were sterner methods of repression put in practice. 

Of great interest is the history of the gradual exploration of the country, which 
proceeded mainly with the object of opening up communication with the fabulous and 
ever-receding kingdom of Monomatapa ; but the explorers seem to have taken little 
care with the notable exception of Hieronymus Cruse to gather information con- 
cerning the natives. Consequently there is little actual ethnographical information in 

[ 186 ] 



1909.] MAN. [Nos. 110-112. 

the volume ; what exists is entirely subordinated to the main theme, and consists 
mainly of sidelights upon the manners of the Hottentots, Bechuana, and Bushmen, and 
a few valuable items, such as the reference of the introduction of maize into South 
Africa from Guinea to the year 1658. All that need be said of the book, in conclusion, 
is that it is fully worthy of the knowledge and industry of Dr. Theal. T. A. J. 



United Kingdom : Archaeology. Smith. 

The Stone Ages in North Britain and Ireland. By the Rev. Frederick 414 
Smith. London: Blackie and Son, 1909. With 500 illustrations. Pp. xxiv III 
+ 377. 23 X 16 cm. 

This handsome volume is certainly the work of a thorough enthusiast, but opinions 
will be very much divided as to the conclusions which he advances. He holds that 
there was no hiatu?, even in these islands, between the Neolithic and the Palaeolithic 
Ages, and here many will agree with him. He also holds that he has discovered 
numbers of Palaeolithic implements in Scotland and some in Ireland, and that many 
of his specimens are inter- or even pre-glacial. It is perfectly obvious from a careful 
study of his book that the artificial character of at least some many would say the 
greater number of the objects figured comes very seriously into question. Dr. Keane, 
who appears to have seen them, hails their discoverer as " the Boucher des Perthes of 
" Scotland " in the preface which he contributes to the book. This, of course, he may 
yet turn out to be, but before the value of his work can be properly estimated the 
stones themselves ought to be submitted to the scrutiny of a committee of experts. 
Mr. Smith claims to have discovered Palaeolithic implements in the glacial deposits 
exposed on the sea-shore at Killiney, co. Dublin, a most revolutionary discovery if 
true. The present writer, after reading Mr. Smith's book, took the opportunity of 
examining these deposits, and had no difficulty in finding a stone very closely 
resembling many of those described by Mr. Smith (e.g., Fig. 444). It is impossible 
for him to say that it was identical with those found by Mr. Smith, or that Mr. 
Smith would have accepted it as an artefact. It, however, closely resembled the 
figures, and it was, in the present writer's judgment, a purely natural object. Such 
many of the other stones figured would appear to be, but it is admittedly difficult 
to come to a conclusion in such matters from figures, and until the specimens have 
themselves been examined by competent authorities no definite or certain conclusion 
is in any way possible. BERTRAM C. A. WINDLE. 



PROCEEDINGS OF SOCIETIES. 
Anthropology. British Association. 

Anthropology at the British Association, Winnipeg Meeting, August 25th to 44 O 
September 1st, 1909. (Continued from MAN, 1909, 99.) llfc 

ARCHAEOLOGY. 

(a) AMERICAN". 

PROFESSOR H. MONTGOMERY. The Archeology of Ontario and Manitoba. 
The paper gave an account of the author's excavations, illustrated by specimens of 
the objects found. The sites investigated consisted of tumuli, mounds, and communal 
houses, and it was mentioned that cromlechs had been discovered in Saskatchewan. 
Among the finds exhibited were flints, articles of bone and shell, pottery, and 
copper beads. 

[ 187 ] 



No. 112.] MAN. [1909. 

PROFESSOR E. GUTHRIE PERRY. Exhibit of a Recent Find of Copper Imple- 
ments. The find was made in Western Ontario, at Fort Frances, just below the Alberton 
Falls. The exhibit consisted of thirty-six objects, of which twenty-seven were fish- 
hooks, three arrow heads, and six spear points. All were made from cold-hammered 
copper from the Lake Michigan or Lake Superior district, as the presence of free silver 
in the copper made clear. The fish-hooks varied in size from one inch in length and a 
quarter of an inch in breadth to five inches in length to one and a half inches in breadth 
and some seemed to be copied from bone or shell models. The spear points varied in 
length from three to six and a half inches. The largest was very perfect in form, 
shaped like the typical European ones, while one with two holes in it for thongs 
was somewhat akin to those of the Eskimo. All the spear and arrow heads were 
so shaped that shafts of wood could be inserted in them, though in one case only 
was the hole a perfect circle. 

Miss A. C. BRETON. Arms and Accoutrements of the Ancient Warriors at 
Chicken Itza. Chichen Itza, in Yucatan, is as yet the principal place in the region of 
Mexico and Central America where representatives of armed warriors are found. There 
was a remarkable development in the later history of the buildings there of painted 
sculptures and wall-paintings, mostly of battle scenes and gatherings of armed chiefs. 

The stone walls of the ruined lower hall of the Temple of the Tigers are covered 
with sculptured rows of chiefs, who carry a variety of weapons. Of the sixty-four 
personages left, half-a-dozen have ground or polished stone implements ; others hold 
formidable harpoons (two of them double) or lances adorned with feathers ; whilst the 
majority have from three to five spears and an atlatl (i.e., spear-thrower). These 
are of different shapes. One figure has armlets with projecting rounded stones. Some 
have kilts, sporrans, leggings, and sandals. Eleven personages have tail appendages. 
There are protective sleeves in a series of puffs, breastplates, helmets, and feather 
headdresses, necklaces of stone beads, masks, ear and nose ornaments in variety. Small 
round back-shields, always painted green and fastened on by a broad red belt, may 
have been of bronze attached to leather, as a bronze disc has been found. Round 
or oblong shields were carried by two thongs, one held in the left hand, the other 
slipped over the arm. 

The two upper chambers of the same building have reliefs on the door jamba 
of sixteen warriors life size. They carry a sort of boomerang in addition to spears and 
atlatls. In the outer chamber was a great stone table or altar, supported by fifteen 
caryatid figures. Upon its surface was a relief of a standing chief, holding out his 
atlatl over a kneeling enemy, who offers a weapon. The walls of both chambers were 
covered with painted battle scenes, in which several hundred figures are still visible. 
They carry spears, atlatls, round or oblong shields, and a kind of boomerang which 
was intended for striking rather than throwing. On one wall the method of 
attacking high places by means of long-notched tree-trunks as ladders and scaffold 
towers is shown. 

The building at the north end of the great Ball Court is evidently very ancient,, 
and its sculptured walls have chiefs with spears and atlatls. The temple on the great 
pyramid, called the Castillo, also has warriors on its doorposts and pillars, with 
boomerangs, spears, and atlatls, and so has a building in the great Square of Columns.. 
In an upper chamber of the palace of the Monjes are paintings in which are men with 
spears and atlatls, and also spears with lighted grass attached thrown against high-roofed 
buildings. A survey of all that has so far been discovered at Chichen gives a vivid 
idea of primitive battle array. 

Miss A. C. BRETON. Race-types in the Ancient Sculptures arid Paintings of 
Mexico and Central America. The different race-types in the ancient sculptures and 

[ 188 ] 



1909,] MAN. [No. 112, 

paintings found in Mexico and Central America form an important anthropological 
study. An enormous mass of material, evidently of many periods, includes sculpture, 
archaic stone statuettes, the portrait statues and reliefs at Chichen Itza, the Palenque 
reliefs, and the series of magnificent stelaa and lintels at Piedras Negras, Yaxchilan, 
Naranjo, Copan, Quirigua, &c. 

In terra-cotta or clay there are the hundreds of thousands of small portrait heads 
and figurines found at Teotihuacan, Ofumba, the neighbourhood of Toluca, and other 
ancient sites. Larger clay figures have been found in quantities in tombs, as in the 
States of Jalisco and Oaxaca ; these were made as offerings, instead of the sacrifice at 
a chief's burial of his wives and servants. Small jadeite heads and figures, also found 
in tombs, show strongly marked types. If there are few specimens in gold, it is because 
throughout the country the Spaniards ransacked the tombs for gold. In painting 
there are the picture manuscripts, the frescoes at Chichen Itza, Chacmultun, and 
Teotihuacan, and a number of vases with figures from Guatemala, and British 
Honduras. 

Among distinctive types are : The chiefs in the reliefs at Xochicales, who sit 
cross-legged ; the little shaven clay heads at Teotihuacan ; the tall, well-built priests, 
with protruding lower lip, of the Palenque reliefs ; the fifteen caryatid statues in 
feather mantles, of the Upper Temple of the Tigers, at Chichen Itza ; and the sixteen 
stern warriors carved at its doors, these last similar in type to some of the modern 
Indians of the villages near Tlaxcala. 

There are portraits of the Mexican Kings on the border of a picture-map which 
represents the western quarter of Tenochtitlan, and of the householders in that part 
of the city. Of female types there are the painted clay figures of Jalises with com- 
pressed heads. Some of them have short, broad figures, others are slender. Both 
types still survive. The queenly woman in Codex Nuttall-Zouche,. and the women- 
chiefs of the Guatamalan stelse belonged to a different caste to the obviously inferior 
women on those stelae, fattened in preparation for sacrifice. 

Herr T. Maler's most recent explorations on the borders of Gniatamala have 
given magnificent results in the finding of thirty-seven stela? at Piedras Negras, and 
at Yaxchilan twenty stelae and forty-six sculptured lintels. The superb figures of 
warriors and priests indicate a race of men of tall, slender stature and oval face, with 
large aquiline nose, whilst the captives appear to be of a different race. 

(6) EUROPEAN. 

The Age of Stone Circles. Report of the Committee. In planning the arrange- 
ments for further excavations at Avebury Stone Circle, in continuance of the work 
done last year, the Committee were of opinion that the most satisfactory results were 
likely to be obtained from renewed examination of the silting in the fosse, particularly 
the lowest layers occupying the original bottom of the huge trench. It was also 
considered desirable, as a minor operation, to explore the ground at the base of one 
or more of the prostrate stones of the circle, with a view to examining the original 
sockets in which the stones stood when erect. Instructions were accordingly given to 
Mr. H. Gray, whose services were again secured, to concentrate attention upon these 
two main objects. 

The main result achieved from the deep cuttings in the fosse is a confirmation 
of the opinion arrived at last year as to the probable date of the monument. Additional 
positive evidence has been obtained from the objects discovered in the lowest layers 
of silting, and on the original bottom of the ditch. These in all cases are objects such 
as are characteristic of the Neolithic period, and although it would be hazardous to 
state definitely that they must be of Neolithic date and cannot belong to the Bronze 

[ 189 ] 



No. 112,] MAN. [1909, 

Age, the negative evidence, afforded by a total absence of copper or bronze, and of 
objects which are certainly of Bronze Age, affords powerful confirmation of the 
probability of the earlier date being the right one. A transverse section of the fosse 
close to the modern road was expected to reveal the sloping sides of the causeway 
presumed to exist, connecting Kennet Avenue with the interior of the monument, since 
at first sight it seemed likely that the road would have followed the line of the cause- 
way. No trace of the latter, however, appeared in this section, and as it was of 
considerable interest to ascertain whether or not such a causeway had existed, ex- 
ploring trenches were cut on the opposite side of the road, and the causeway was 
discovered to the east of the present roadway. This locating of the original line 
of approach to the interior of the huge circle is a most interesting result of this 
year's excavations. 

The Lake Villages in the Neighbourhood of Glastonbury. Report of the 
Committee. The Committee have to report that, owing to the amount of work thrown 
on the hands of Messrs. Bulleid and St. George Gray in compiling and arranging the- 
details of the monograph on Glastonbury Lake Village, it was found inexpedient to- 
resume excavations this summer on the new site at Meare. 

T. ASHBY, M.A., D.LiTT., AND T. E. FEET, M.A. Researches in the Maltese 
Islands in Recent Years. Excavations have been conducted by the Government of 
Malta on the Corradino Hill, in which the co-operation of the British School at Rome 
has been cordially welcomed, and its investigations assisted in every way. The great 
megalithic buildings of Gigantia, Mnaidra, and Hagar-Kim, which Dr. Arthur Evans 
considers to have been buildings of a sepulchral character in which a cult of departed 
heroes gradually grew up, and other smaller prehistoric monuments of the islands, 
have been carefully described by Dr. Albert Mayr, though others have since become 
known ; but excavation was needed in order that many essential facts might b& 
ascertained. The investigation of the rock-cut hypogeum of Halsaflieni, the archi- 
tectural features of which imitate in the most surprising way those of the sanctuaries 
above ground, has for the first time produced an adequate series, available for study,. 
of the prehistoric pottery of Malta ; for from the excavations of Hagar-Kim but little 
has been, unfortunately, preserved. Of the three groups of megalithic buildings on 
the Corradino Hill, two had been already in great part excavated in the nineties, and 
the complete clearing of the upper one, which apparently was of a domestic character,, 
was the first work undertaken in May. Its plan is extremely irregular, and much 
of it can hardly have been roofed unless in thatch or woodwork. A considerable 
quantity of pottery was found, very similar in character to that of Halsaflieni, and 
belonging, like it, to the late Neolithic period. It has some affinities with pottery 
recently found at Terranova, the ancient Gela, in Sicily, but in many respects is 
unique. Many flints were found, but no traces of metal. A stone pillar was found 
in one portion of the building, some 2 feet 8 inches long and about 10 inches in 
diameter, which may have been an object of worship. The excavation of a second 
and smaller group, nearer the harbour, had been already completed by Dr. Zammit 
and Professor Tagliaferro ; but a third further to the south, on the summit of the 
ridge, had never been examined, and it, too, was thoroughly investigated. An even 
larger quantity of pottery of the same character was found, with flints and fragments 
of stone basins, &c. It approximates more iu style to the larger megalithic buildings 
of the island, and has a facade with a more pronounced curve than at Hagar-Kim, 
constructed of very large blocks, but much ruined. The interior consists of several 
distinct groups of rooms (often apsidal) not intercommunicating. The construction is 
of rough masonry, with large slabs at the bottom, and smaller blocks higher up ; the 
walls begin to converge, even at the height (5 to 6 feet) to which they are preserved, 

[ 190 1 



1909.] MAN. [No. 112. 

as though to form a roof. Into one of the rooms a very curious trough has at a 
later period been inserted : it is cut in a block of the local hard stone, 8 feet 
9 inches long, 3 feet 8 inches wide, and is divided by six transverse divisions into 
seven small compartments, which show much trace of wear. The object of it is 
not as yet apparent. Another more carefully constructed room, perhaps contemporary 
with the trough, has its walls partly of large slabs, partly of narrow pillar-like stones. 
The floors of these rooms are sometimes of cement, sometimes of slabs. Many bones 
of animals were found, but only one human skeleton, and that in disorder and at 
a comparatively high level. The use of standing slabs at the base of walls, with 
coursed masonry above, visible in these buildings, finds its parallel in the Giants' 
tombs at Sardinia, the prehistoric huts of Lampedusa, and in many other places. 

Archceological and Ethnological Investigations in Sardinia. Report of the 
Committee. Dr. Duncan Mackenzie returned to Sardinia at the end of September 
1908, and stayed there till the middle of November. He was accompanied for part 
of the time by Dr. Thomas Ashby. 

Their new observations have materially increased our knowledge of the two 
main groups of Sardinian megalithic monuments, the Nuraghi and the "Tombs of 
the Giants." The previous year's work made it clear that the former were fortified 
habitations. Dr. Mackenzie has now visited other examples and recorded variations 
of type and peculiarities of construction. The most remarkable is the Nuraghe of 
Voes in the Bitti district towards the north of Central Sardinia. Triangular in plan, 
it contains on the ground floor circular chambers with bee-hive roofs ; the usual 
central chamber and one in each of the three angles. The entrance is on the south 
and leads into a small open court with a doorway at each side leading to the chamber 
at the base of the triangle, and another doorway straight in front by which the 
central chamber is entered. There was an upper story, now destroyed, reached by a 
stairway of the usual type. Exceptional features are two long curving corridors in 
the thickness of the wall on two sides of the triangle, intended probably as places of 
concealment. Above them were others of similar plan, but both series are so low 
that the roof of the upper one is level with that of the bee-hive chamber on the 
ground floor. This skilfully planned stronghold must have been built all at one time ; 
other large Nuraghi were originally of simpler design, and have grown by the addition 
of bastions and towers. 

A new type of Nuraghe was discovered at Nossia near the modern village of 
Paulilatino, in Central Sardinia. It is a massive quadrangular citadel of irregular 
rhomboidal plan with a round tower at each corner. These towers resemble the stone 
huts of the villages attached to some of the Nuraghi ; they are entered from a central 
courtyard, which here takes the place of the normal bee-hive chamber. It was partly 
filled with circular huts, so that this Nuraghe must be regarded as a fortified village 
rather than as the castle of a chieftain. 

The dwellers in these Nuraghi buried their dead in family sepulchres, popularly 
known as Tombs of the Giants. Several writers had suggested that these tombs with 
their elongated chamber and crescent-shaped front were derived from the more ancient 
dolmen type, but hitherto there was little evidence to support this conjecture, only one 
dolmen being known in Sardinia. Dr. Mackenzie has now made this derivation certain ; 
he has studied ten important groups of dolmen tombs, most of them entirely unknown, 
which furnish a series of transitional types. In one case the chamber of an original 
dolmen tomb had at a later period been elongated so as to resemble that of a Giant's 
Tomb. In another example the large covering slab was supported by upright slabs at 
the sides and back ; and behind it there are traces of an apse-like enclosing wall, such 
as is characteristic both of the Giants' Tombs and also of dolmens in certain localities 
where Giants' Tombs do not exist : for example, in Northern Corsica and in Ireland. 



Nos. 112-113.] MAN. [1909. 

Dr. Mackenzie also discovered a new type of Giant's Tomb in which the mound was 
entirely faced with stone, upright slabs being used below and polygonal work above. 
Another feature, hitherto unique, is a hidden entrance into the chamber at one side, 
in addition to the usual small hole in the centre of the front through which libations 
and offerings were probably introduced. 

Dr. Mackenzie and Mr. Newton intend to go to Sardinia in September for six 
weeks in order to continue the exploration of the island. The importance of anthropo- 
metrical work in connection with the problems presented by the early civilisation of 
Sardinia was pointed out in a previous report of this Committee. Mr. W. H. L. 
Duckworth, a member of the Committee, went to Rome last April and studied the 
collection of one hundred Sardinian crania in the Collegio Romano. He made about 
1,200 measurements and is preparing a report which will serve as a basis of comparison 
with any collection of ancient crania that may be obtained. In addition to these 
specimens which had not been described previously, Mr. Duckworth has examined 
about thirty Sardinian crania in the museums of Rome and Paris. He has recently 
spent ten days in Corsica, where he obtained valuable illustrative material. 

R. M. DAWKINS. The Excavations at Sparta of the British School at Athens. 
[Ann. Brit. School.^ 

Report of the Committee to Excavate Neolithic Sites in Northern Greece. 
Further excavations have been carried out which corroborate the opinion already 
formed, that in this isolated part of Greece a people existed in a Stone Age form of 
culture,, uninfluenced, until a late period, by the Bronze culture around them. It is of 
importance to note that an analogous state of affairs has been discovered in similar 
latitudes in southern Italy. 

(c) ASIA AND AFRICA. 

D. G. HOGARTH. Recent Hittite Research. This paper summarised the results 
of recent work on the Hittite problem, and pointed out' that, chiefly owing to the dis- 
coveries at Boghaz Koi, it was now demonstrated that the Hittite power was 
domiciled in north-west Cappadocia long before the Assyrian records mention these 
people as being at Carchemish, in Syria. \_Journ. Roy. Anthr. Inst.~\ 

D. RANDALL-MAC!VER. A Nubian Cemetery at Anibeh. The cemetery, which 
may be dated within the first five centuries A.D., exhibits what appears to be a negro 
culture strongly influenced by Egyptian, Greek, and Roman art. An important 
discovery was a script, which has not been deciphered up to the present. 



ANTHROPOLOGICAL NOTE. 

As the year 1910 is the centenary of the independence of the Argentine and 410 
Mexican Republics, sessions of the International Congress of Americanists will I IU 
be held in Buenos Aires from May 16th to 21st, and in Mexico in September. It is 
proposed to organise a trip for members by land from the north-west frontier of 
Argentina to Bolivia and Peru, taking ship for Mexico at the Port of Callao. In 
Bolivia and Peru various places of archaeological interest will be visited. From Lake 
Titicaca the excursion will visit Potosi, La Paz, and Tiahuanaco, and proceed to 
Puno and Cuzeo. Going by train to the Port of Mollendo, by steamer thence to 
Callao, Lima, and various cemeteries and ruins of importance will be seen, such as 
Ancon, Pachacamac, &c. Subscriptions of 1 for each member for the Buenos Ayres 
session, should be sent to the Treasurer, Don Alizandro Rosa, Director del Museo 
Mitra, Buenos Aires. 

Printed by EYEB A.ND SPOTTISWOODE, t/ro., His Majesty's Printers, East Harding Street, K.C. 




A MONTHLY RECORD OF ANTHROPOLOGICAL SCIENCE. 



PUBLISHED UNDER THE DIRECTION OF THE 



ROYAL ANTHROPOLOGICAL INSTITUTE 



OF 



GREAT BRITAIN AND IRELAND 



1910. 



Nos. 11 O 7. 
WITH PLATES A M. 



PUBLISHED BY THfo 

ROYAL ANTHROPOLOGICAL INSTITUTE, 

50, GREAT RUSSELL STREET, LONDON, W.C. 



OOISTTEISTTS. 



ORIGINAL ARTICLES. 

No. 
Africa : Algeria. A Sacred Spring ami Tree at Hammam R'Irha, Algeria. Rev. H. J. 

DUKINPIELD ASTLEY, D.Litt 71 

Africa and Portugal. Bull-Fighting in Nigeria and Portugal ; a Humane Sport, (lllus- 

t rated.') CAPTAIN A. J. N. TREMEARNE, F.R.G.S 87 

Africa : Benin. Note ou Certain Ivory Carvings from Benin. ( With Plate, D. and Illustra- 
tion*.) C. H. READ, LL.D., P.S.A 29 

Africa, Central. Alphabet Boards from Central Africa. (Illustrated.) HUGH S. STANNUS, 

M.B 18 

Africa : Congo. Note on the Pigment -Blocks of the Bushongo, Kasai District, Belgian Congo. 

( With Plate F. and Illustration.) ,T. A. JOYCE, M.A 46 

Africa: Congo. Pigment-Blocks of the Bushongo. A correction. T. A. JOYCE, M.A. ... 61 

Africa: Congo. The Babinza. G. C. ISHMAEL 68 

Africa: Congo State. On a Wooden Portrait-Statue from the BuShongo People of the 

Kasai District, Congo State. (With Plate A.) T. A. JOYCE, M.A ,, ... 1 

Africa: Nigeria. Dubbo-Dubbo: or Notes on Punch and Judy as seen in Bornu. (With 

Plate A'.) D. ALEXANDER 85 

Africa : Nigeria. Pottery in Northern Nigeria. (IlluMrated.) CAPTAIN A. J. N. TRE- 
MEARNE, F.R.G.S 57 

Africa : Nigeria. Pottery-making of the Edo-Speaking Peoples, Southern Nigeria. (With 

Plate G.) N. W. THOMAS, M.A 53 

Africa: Sudan. Some Hadendoa words hitherto unpublished. Part I. R. CAMPBELL 

THOMPSON, M.A. 95 

Africa : Sudan. Some Hadendoa words hitherto unpublished. Part II. R. CAMPBELL 

THOMPSON, M.A. 100 

Africa: Sudan. Some Sudanese Superstitions. E. LLOYD, M.D. 89 

Africa: Sudan. Three Bisharin Folk-Tales. R. CAMPBELL THOMPSON, M.A. 55 

Africa : Uganda. Circumcision among the Bageshu, a Tribe on the N.W. limits of Mount 

Elgon, Uganda Protectorate. (Illustrated.) COLONEL W. H. BROUN 60 

Africa : Uganda. Old Customs of the Baganda. Translated from Sir Apolo Kagwa's Book. 

G. C. ISHMAEL 19 

Africa, West. Decorative Art among the Edo-speaking Peoples of Nigeria. I. Decoration of 

Buildings. ( With Plate E. and, Illustrations.) N. W. THOMAS, M.A. 37 

Africa, West. Hausa Houses. (With Plate M. and Illustrations.) CAPTAIN A. J. N. 

TREMEARNE, F.R.G.S. 99 

Africa, West. Notes on Traces of Totemism and some other Customs in Hausaland. 

H. R. PALMER, M.A., LL.B 40 

Africa, West. Some " Nsibidi " Signs. (With Plate H.) E. DAYRELL 67 

Africa, West. The Incest Tabu. N. W. THOMAS, M.A 72 

Africa, West. Trade Signs in Christiansborg, Gold Coast. (With Plate C.) MADGE 

HART-DAVIS 16 

Africa: White Nile. African Rain-making Chiefs, the Gondokoro District. White Nile, 

Uganda. W. E. REYMES COLE 49 

Africa. See also EGYPT. 

America, South. The Bows and Arrows of the Arawak in 1803. (Illustrated.) DAVID I. 

BUSHNELL, Jun. 10 

America, South. The Indians of the Putumayo, Upper Amazon. W. E. HARDENBURG ... 81 
Andamans. Nochmals : Puluga, das hochste Wesen der Andamanesen. P. W. SCHMIDT, 

s.V.D 38 

Andamans. Xochmals : Puluga, das hochste Wesen der Andamanesen. (Fortsetzung von 

MAN, 1910, 38.) P. W. SCHMIDT, S.V.D 47 

Andamans. Puluga. A. LANG 30 

Andamans. Puluga : A reply to Father Schmidt. A. R. BROWN, M.A. 17 

Andamans. Puluga, the Supreme Being of the Andatnanese. FATHER W. SCHMIDT ... 2 

Anthropology. See INDIA. 

Archaeology. See ASIA MINOR ; ENGLAND ; JERSEY. 

Asia Minor : Archaeology. On some Prehistoric Stone Implements from Asia Minor. 

' (Illustrated.') R. CAMPBELL THOMPSON, M.A., F.R.G.S. 39 

Asia. See also ANDAMANS ; BORNEO ; CEYLON ; CHINA ; INDIA. 

Australia. Marriage and Descent in North Australia. A. R. BROWN, M.A 32 

Australia. The " Historicity " of Arunta Traditions. A.LANG 69 



IV 

No. 

Australia. The Puzzle of Kaiabara Sub-class Names. A.LANG 80 

Borneo. .Some Customs of the Sagai of Borneo. MEEVYN W. H. BEECH 86 

Ceylon. Swastika and Udakiya in Ceylon. (Illustrated.) A. WILLEY. D.Sc., F.R.S. ... 101 

China. The Incest Tabu. G. DUNCAN WHYTE, M.B 54 

Egypt. Some Egyptian and Nubian Notes. (Illustrated.') A. M. BLACKMAN, B.A 11 

Egypt. The Earliest Stone Tombs. (With Plate I-J.) I'rof. W. M. FLINDERS PETRIE, 

U.C.L.. F.R.S 79 

England : Archaeology. A Mediaeval Earthwork in Wiltshire. (Illustrated.') Mrs. M. E. 

CUNNINGTON 3 

England : Archaeology. Holed Stone at Kerrow, St. Just-in-Penwith, Cornwall. H. KING 

and late B. G. POLKINGHORNE, B.Sc 12 

England: Archaeology. Lynchets. t W. A. DUTT 59 

England : Archaeology. Pits on Morgan's Hill, near Devizes. Mrs. M. E. CUNNINGTON 88 
England: Archaeology. Small Kist and Urn at Tregiffian Vean, St. Just-in-Penrith, Corn- 
wall. H. KING 21 

England : Archaeology. The Existence of an Early Palaeolithic Bed beneath the Glacial 

Boulder Clays in S.W. Suffolk. (Illustrated.) J. SlNCLAlR-HOLDEN, M.D. 20 

England : Archaeology. The Pit Dwellings at Holderness.. (Illustrated.) CANON 

GREENWELL, F.R.S., and REV. R. A. GATTY, LL.B 48 

England : Physical Anthropology. On a Skeleton found in a Gravel Pit at Overbury, 

Worcestershire, (lllusc rated.) NORMAN DEVEREUX 96 

Europe. See AFRICA and PORTUGAL ; ENGLAND ; ICELAND ; JERSEY ; SWITZERLAND. 

Fiji. A Point of Fijian Orthography. A. M. HOCART 41 

Fiji. Note on a Point of Fijian Orthography. S. H. RAY, M.A 58 

Folklore. See AFRICA. 

Iceland. A Note on Four Icelandic Cairns. N. P. FENWICK, Jun 9 

India. Fictitious Kinship in the Punjab. H. A. ROSE 8 

India. India and Anthropology. Extract from a Speech delivered at Winchester College. SIR 

H. H. RISLEY, K.C.I.E., C.S.I 

India : Assam. Note on the Manipuri " Yek." Lieut.-Col. J. SHAKESPEAR, C.I.E., D.S.O. 

India. See also ANDAMANS ; CEYLON. 

Jersey : Archaeology. Report on the Exploration of the Palaeolithic Cave Dwellings known 

as La Cotte, St. Brelade, Jersey. E. T. NICOLLB and J. SINEL 102 

Linguistics. See AFRICA ; FIJI. 

Method. On a Slide Rule and Tables to calculate P = '000365 x L x B x H. (Illustrated.) 

W. H. BLYTHE, M.A 73 

New Zealand. Maori Forgeries. J. EDGE-PARTINGTON ... 31 

Obituary. Enrico Hillyer Giglioli. (With Plate It.) C. H. READ, LL.D., P.S.A. ... ... 7 

Obituary. See also 15, 52. 

Pacific. See FIJI ; NEW ZEALAND ; POLYNESIA ; SOLOMON ISLANDS ; TONGA. 

Physical Anthropology. See ENGLAND ; METHOD. 

Polynesia. Note on a Stone-headed Mace from Rennell Island. (Illustrated.) C. M. 

WOODFORD 70 

Polynesia. Polynesian Forgeries. (Illustrated.) W. 0. OLDMAN ... ... ... ... 1Q3 

Portugal. See AFRICA and PORTUGAL. 

Religion. See AFRICA ; ANDAMANS ; CEYLON. 

Solomon Islands. The Solomon Island Basket. (With Plate L) W. H. R. RIVERS, M.D., 

and MRS. H. QUIGGIN, M.A 93 

Sociology. See AFRICA, WKST; AUSTRALIA; BORNEO; CHINA; INDIA. 

Switzerland: Pygmy Implement. Note on the Occurrence of a so-called Pygmy or 
Midget Implement made from a Quartz Crystal in a Neolithic Lake-Dwelling on the 
Greifensee, near Zurich. (Illustrated.) C. T. TRECHMANN, B.Sc 4 

Tabu. See AFRICA, WEST ; CHINA. 

Tonga. A Tongan Cure and Fijian Etiquette. A. M. HOCART 56 

Totemism. See AFRICA, WEST. 



REVIEWS. 

Africa. Johnston. A History and Description of the British Empire in Africa. E. A. P.... 91 

Africa, East. Rehse. Kiziba: Land und Leute. N. W. T 66 

Africa, East. Routledge. With a Prehistoric People. REV. J. ROSCOE, M.A 63 

Africa : Sudan. Tangye. In the Torrid Sudan. C. G. S. 76 

Africa. See also EGYPT. 

America, North. Speck. Ethnology of the Yuchi Indians. H. S. H ... 65 



No. 

Anthropology. Dieserud. The Scope and Content of the Science of Anthropology. E. N. F. 36 
ArchSBOlOgy. Lockyer. Stuneln'mji' and the British Stoiti' Momum-iitx Astronomically 

nuixldered. A.L.LEWIS 34 

Asia. See BURMA ; CEYLON ; INDIA. 

Australia. Matthew. Two Representative Tribes of Queensland. B. M. .".. ... ... 82 

Australia. Strehlow. Die Aranda vnd Loritja Sttimme, III. A. LANG 64 

Burma: Languages. Brown. Half 'tlte Battle In Burmese. S. H. RAY, M.A. ... ... 42 

Ceylon. Parker. Ancient, Ceylon. M. LONGWORTH DAMES 23 

Crete. Hasves. Crete the. Forerunner of Greece. H. R. HALL, M.A 50 

Darwinism. Darwin. TJie Fonixltitioiix of the ' Oriyin of Species.'" A. E. C. 77 

Darwinism. Seward. Dunrin and Modern Science. A. E. C 83 

Egypt. Moller. Hieratische Paldographle. A. H. G 90 

Ethnology. Haddon. The Races of Man and their Distribution. E. N. F 74 

Ethnology. See also AMERICA. 

Eugenics. Whetham. Eugenics and Unemployment. J. G. ... ... ... 28 

Europe. See CRETE ; GREECE ; IRELAND ; PREHISTORIC GREECE ; SPAIN. 
Folklore. See INDIA and XEW GUINEA. 

Greece: Religion. Farnell. 'Hie Cults of the Greek State*. JANE E. HARRISON 13 

Greece. See aho PREHISTORIC GREECE. 

India. Bompas. Folklore of the Santal Parganas. M. LONGWORTH DAMES 14 

India: Assam. Playfair. Th e Garox. T. C. HODSON 43 

India: Cochin. Iyer. The Cochin Tribes and Castes. W. CROOKE 105 

India: MagiC. Henry. La Magie dans V Inde Antique. B. F.-M. ... ... ... ... 45 

India : Mysore, Coorg. Rice. Mysore and Cooryfromthe Inscriptions. W. CEOOKE, B.A. ... 22 

India, Southern. Thurston. Castes and Tribes of Southern India. M. LONGWORTH DAMES 104 
India : The Bhawalpur State. Din. The Bhawalpur State Gazetteer. W. CROOKE, B.A. 26 
Ireland : ArehSBOlOgy. Macalister. The Memorial Slabs of Clonmacnois. E. C. R. ABM- 

STBONG, F.S.A. 5 

Linguistics. See BURMA. 
Magic. See INDIA. 

Melanesia. O'Ferrall. Santa, Cruz and the Reef Islands. J. EDGE-PARTINGTON 25 

New Britain. Pullen-Burry. In a German Colony. J. E.-P. ... ... ... 27 

New Guinea. Ker. Papuan Fairy Tales. E. S. H. ... 35 

Oceania. Walker. Wanderings among South Sea Sarages and in Borneo and the Philippines. 

J. E.-P ... 6 

Pacific. See MELANESIA : XEW BRITAIN ; NEW GUINEA ; OCEANIA. 

Prehistoric Greece. LPS drill zations Prchellenlques dam labassin de la mer Eyee : Etudes 

de protohistoire orlentale. H. R. HALL ... ... ... ... ... ... ... ... 

Pygmies. Schmidt. Die Stellung der Pygmdenrdllter. A. KEITH. M.D. 

Religions. Foucart. La Methode Comparative dans VHistoire des Religions. E. S. H. ... 
Religion. See also GREECE ; INDIA. 

Sociology. Hartland. Primitire Paternity. A. E. C 62 

Spain. Meakin. Gfalicia, the Switzerland of Spain. T. H. J. ... ... ... 24 

Voyages. Nicoll. Three Voyages of a Naturalist. J. E.-P. ... 44 



PROCEEDINGS. 

Anthropology at the British Association 92, 97 

Seventeenth International Congress of Americanists, Buenos Aires. ADELA 

BRETON 84 



ANTHROPOLOGICAL NOTES. 

See Nos. 15, 52, 78, 98, 107. 



ERRATA. 



No. 37. P. 6*J, line 12, for hiHobiiiefu\ iimobo. 
No. 51. P. 95, line 9, for -'have" read "has." 
See also page 112. 



VI 



DESCRIPTION OF THE PLATES. 

A. Shamba Bolongongo ... ... ... ... ... With No. 1 

B. Enrico Hillyer Giglioli 7 

c. Trade Signs in Christiansborg, Gold Coast 16 

D. Ivory Carvings from Benin ... 29 

E. Decorations of Buildings, Nigeria ,, 37 

F. Pigment-Blocks of the Bushongo ... ... ... ... ... ... 46 

G. The Making of a Pot Edo-Speaking Peoples, S. Nigeria ... ... ... ... 53 

H. Some "Nsibidi" Signs 67 

i-j. Earliest Stone Tomb, Meydum ... ... ... ... 79 

K. Dubbo-Dubbo 85 

L. The Solomon Island Basket ... ... ... 93 

M. Hausa Houses 99 



ILLUSTRATIONS IN THE TEXT. 

N.B. All are Photographs, unless otherwise stated. 

Fig. 1. Plan of Enclosures showing approximate position of openings in the outer bank 

of a Mediasval Earthwork in Wiltshire. (Drawing.} ... ... ... ... ... With No. 3 

Fig. 2. Section across Bank and Ditch on East side of the outer Enclosure of a Mediaeval 

Earthwork in Wiltshire. (Drawing?) ... ... ... ... ... 3 

Fig. 3. Section across Bank and Ditch on South side of outer Enclosure of a Mediasval 

Earthwork in Wiltshire. (Drawing.') ... ... ... ... ... ... ... 3 

Fig. 4. Section across double Banks and Ditch on South side of inner Enclosure of a 

Mediaeval Earthwork in Wiltshire. (Drawing.') ... ... ... 3 

Pygmy or Midget Implement of Quartz Crystal in a Neolithic Lake-Dwelling on the 

Greifensee, near Zurich. (Drawing?) ... ... ... ... ... ... ... 4 

Arawak Arrows. (Drawing.) ... ... ... ... ... ... ... ... ... 10 

Fig. 1. Oven H 

Fig. 2. Circle of Stones H 

Fig. 3. Tombs of Sheykhs \\ 

Fig. 4. Pot ., H 

Fig. 5. Circle of Stones 11 

Fig. 6. Sheykh'sTomb H 

Fig. 7. Plate over House Door ... ... ... ... ... ... ... H 

Alphabet Boards from Central Africa ... ... ... ... ... ... 18 

Section of Geological Formations of an early Palaeolithic Bed beneath the Glacial 

Boulder Clays in South- West Suffolk. (Drawing.) ... ... ... ... ... ,, 20 

Figs. 1, 2. Ivory Carvings from Benin... ... ... ... ... ... ., 29 

Figs. 5, 6. Decorations of Buildings, Nigeria ... ... ... ... ... 37 

Figs. 1, 2. Implements of Andesite from neighbourhood of Angora. (Drawings.') ... ,, 39 

Fig. 3. Axehead f rom Soghanli Dere ,. 39 

Fig. 4. Axehead from Euyuk. (Drawing.) ... ... ... ... ... 39 

Fig. 1. Pigment-Blocks of the Bushongo ... ... ... 46 

Fig. 1. Section of Pit-Dwelling. (Drawing.) ... ... 48 

Fig. 2. Pottery from Pit-Dwelling 48 

Circumcision among the Bageshu, Uganda Protectorate ... ... ... ... ... 60 

Figs. 1-5. Pottery in Northern Nigeria. (Drawings.) ... ... ... 57 

Slide Rule to calculate? =-000 365xLxBxH. (Drawing.) 73 

Stone-headed Mace from Rennell Island. (Drawing?) ... ... ... 70 

Bull Fighting in Nigeria and Portugal ... ... ... ... 87 

Fig. 1. Site where Skeleton was found in Gravel Pit at Overbury, Worcestershire. 

(Drawing.) 96 

Fig. 2. Skeleton found in Gravel Pit at Overbury, Worcestershire ... 96 

Figs. 5 & 6. Hausa Houses ... ... ... ... ... ... ... 99 

Fig. 1. Udakiya in Ceylon. (Drawing.) ... ... ... 101 

Fig. 2. Thibetan Drums and Skull Cup 101 

Figs. 1 & 2. Polynesian Forgeries 103 



VII 



LIST OF AUTHORS. 



X.B. The Numbers to which an asterisk in added are those of Reviews of Books. 



A., H. G., 90*. 
ALEXANDER, D., 85. 
ARMSTRONG, E. C. R., 5*. 
ASTLEY, H. J. D., 71. 

BEECH, M. W. H., 86. 
BLYTHE, W. H., 73. 
BLACKMAN, A. M., 11. 
BRETON, ADELA, 84. 
BROUN, W. H., 60. 
BROWN, A. R., 17, 32. 
BUSHNELL, D. I., 10. 

C., A. E. r 62*, 77*, 83*. 
COLE, W. E. R., 49. 
CROOKE, W., 22*, 26*, 105*. 
CUNNINGTON, M. E., 3, 88. 

DAMES, M. L., 14*, 23*, 104*. 
DAYRELL, E., 67. 
DEVEREUX, N., 96. 
DUTT, W. A., 59. 

EDGE-PARTINGTON, J., 6*, 25*, 27*, 31, 
44*. 

F., E. N., 36*, 74*. 
FEN WICK, N. P., 9. 

G., J., 28*. 
GATTY, R. A., 48. 
GREENWELL, CANON, 48. 

H., E. S., 35*, 51*. 
H., S. H., 65*. 
HALE, H. R., 50*, 106*. 
HARDENBURGH, W. E., 81. 
HARRISON, J. E., 13*. 
HART-DAVIS, M., 16. 
HOCART, A. M., 41, 56. 
HODSON, T. C., 43*. 

ISHMAEL, G. C., 19, 68. 



J., T. H., 24*. 

JOYCE, T. A., 1, 46, 61. 

KEITH, A., 75*. 
KING, H., 12, 21. 

LANG, A., 30, 64*, 69, 80. 
LEWIS, A. L., 34*. 
LLOYD, E., 89. 

M., B., 82*. 
M., B. F., 45*. 

XICOLLE, E. T., 102. 
OLDMAN, W. O., 103. 

P., E. A., 91*. 
PALMER, H. R., 40. 
PETRIE, W. M. F., 79. 

POLKINGHORNE, B. C., 12. 

QUIGGIN, H., 93. 

RAY, 8. H., 42*, 58. 
READ, C. H., 7, 29. 
RISLEY, SIR H. H., 94. 
RIVERS, W. H. R., 93. 
ROSCOE, J., 63*. 
ROSE, H. A., 8. 

S., C. G., 76*. 

SCHMIDT, P. W., 2, 38, 47. 

SHAKESPEAR, J., 33. 

SlNCLAIR-HOLDEN J., 20. 
SlNEL, J., 102. 

STANNUS, H. S., 18. 

THOMAS, N. W., 37, 53, 66*, 72. 
THOMPSON, R. C., 39, 55, 95, 100. 
TRECHMANN, C. T., 4. 
TREMEARNE, A. J. N., 57, 87, 99. 

WHYTE, G. D., 54. 
WILLEY, A., 101. 
WOODFORD, C. M., 70. 



PLATE A. 



MAN, igio. 





SHAMBA BOLONGONGO. 

(ONE-THIRD NATURAL SIZK.) 



MAN 



A MONTHLY RECORD OF ANTHROPOLOGICAL SCIENCE, 

PUBLISHED UNDER THE DIRECTION OF THE 
ROYAL ANTHROPOLOGICAL INSTITUTE OF GREAT BRITAIN AND IRELAND. 

N.B. All communications printed in MAN are signed or initialled by their 
authors, and the Council of the Institute desires it to be understood that in giving 
publicity to them it accepts no responsibility for the opinions or statements expressed. 

N.B. MAN, 1910, consists of twelve monthly -published sheets, of sixteen pages 
each, printed in single column ; containing " Original Articles " and substantial 
" Reviews " of recent publications ; all numbered consecutively 1, 2, 3, onwards. 

N.B. Articles published in MAN should be quoted by the year and the 
reference-number of the article, not by the page-reference ; e.g., the article which 
begins on p. 7 below should be quoted as MAN, 1910, 3. 



ORIGINAL ARTICLES. 

Africa: Congo State. With Plate A. Joyce. 

On a Wooden Portrait-Statue from the BuShongo People of the I 
Kasai District, Congo State. By T. A. Joyce, M.A. 

The art of portraiture in the round, as far as Africa is concerned, has usually been 
supposed to be confined to Ancient Egypt. Among the large material brought back 
from the Kasai district by Mr. E. Torday material which makes it necessary for 
ethnographers to reconsider their former opinions on the subject of native African 
Art are four portrait-figures in wood, the likenesses of four former paramount chiefs 
of the BuShongo nation. The most interesting and important of these is figured on 
Plate A. It is said to have been the first carved, and tradition, supplemented by certain 
astronomical evidence, into which it is unnecessary to enter here, relates it to the first 
decade of the seventeenth century. The other figures are later, dating from the end of 
the eighteenth century, but in workmanship they are little inferior to the specimen 
figured. As indicated above, the material is wood, extremely hard, with a short grain 
somewhat like that of mahogany, and capable of taking a very high polish. The 
chief is represented sitting with his legs crossed a la turque holding in his left hand 
the pattern of knife known locally as Ikula, which is a ceremonial weapon carried by 
adult men, his right hand resting on his knee. On his head is the flat pattern of cap 
which was fashionable at that period (the present fashion prescribes a high crown), 
on the shoulders, passing under the armpits, are armlets, a band of cowries encircles 
each arm above the elbow, and a number of metal bangles ornament each wrist. 
The head is shaved with the exception of a lock on the crown, which is coiled under 
the cap, and a small lock at the back of the head. Round the waist is a broad belt 
of cowries, and, below this, a second belt, the insigne of a chief, made of plaited 
fibre ; the latter serves to suspend a small apron which hangs down behind. In front 
of the figure, projecting from the curved plinth, is a model board for playing the game 
known generically as mancala, and locally as lela. The height of the statue is 54'5 cm. 
The treatment of the figure is extraordinarily lifelike, in spite of the incorrectness of 

[ 1 "] 



Nos. 1-2.] MAN. [1910. 

the proportions, and the face in particular is that of a living man, the effect heing 
in no way spoilt by the conventional treatment of the eyebrows. The treatment of 
the collar bones, and the swelling curves of the trunk display an attempt at realism 
usually entirely foreign to the African artist, and it is only the legs which appear 
ostensibly inadequate ; the ears are unusually correct for the work of a primitive 
carver. The surface of the wood has been brought to a high polish, the result of 
constant rubbing with the crimson tukula-wood. paste ; this paste has enhanced the 
reddish tint of the wood, and has picked out the portions carved intaglio in rich 
crimson. 

The subject of the statue is the chief named Shamba Bolongongo, ninety-third in 
the list of kings (starting from the creation ; the present ruler is the 121st), the great 
national hero of the nation. Strangely enough his reputation does not rest upon 
military prowess, or any of the forceful qualities which seem to appeal most strongly 
to primitive peoples ; it is as a man of peace, a patron of the arts and crafts and a 
political organiser, that he is revered to-day. Tradition states that before he came to 
power he went off on a long journey among the Bapende and Babunda peoples to the 
west, and when he returned he introduced tobacco, the art of weaving cloth, and the 
game lela, and that he reorganised the hierarchy of officials through whom the empire 
was governed, providing for the representation at court of the various trades. Further 
he abolished the use in war of bows, arrows, spears, and throwing-knives, in order to 
minimise the destruction of human life, and his soldiers had instructions only to wound 
and not to kill. Many legends are told of him, and a great many wise sayings attributed 
to him have survived ; and Mr. Torday was fortunate enough to be able to collect a 
large number, which it is hoped will shortly be published. 

Shamba, it is said, caused his portrait to be carved, so that later generations of his 
people might remember him after his death, and might receive comfort in hours of 
trial when they gazed upon his statue. Other chiefs followed his example, but not 
every chief, since it was not in every reign that an artist could be found capable of the 
task. Four statues alone had survived the ravages of time and the attacks of white 
ants, and of these the specimen figured is the most perfect, owing to the care with 
which it has been guarded. Of the others, one chief is represented as seated in front 
of an anvil, which bears witness to his reputation as a worker of iron, while the other 
two have each a drum. It is difficult to overestimate the importance of the discovery 
of works of art such as these in a locality where they were quite unexpected, especially 
as they are associated with a history and an elaborate form of government far 
above the general run of Bantu peoples, at least as far as our present knowledge 
goes. 

As may be supposed, the task of persuading a highly conservative people to part 
with national treasures such as these, required great perseverance and the utmost tact, 
and it was a fortunate thing that the task devolved upon Mr. Torday. A still greater 
debt of gratitude is owed him for his generosity in presenting the statue, which forms 
the subject of this note, perhaps the most important work of art which primitive Africa 
has yet produced, to our national collection. T. A. JOYCE. 



Andamans. Schmidt. 

Puluga, the Supreme Being of the Andamanese. /,'// Father If. A 
Schmidt, S.V.D. L 

Mr. A. R. Brown, who undertook, under the auspices of the Board of Anthro- 
pological Studies of Cambridge, the meritorious task of carrying out, during the 
years 1906 to 1908, an expedition to the Andamanese Islands, in order to examine, 
..correct, and complete Mr. E. H. Man's well-known researches, read a paper on " The 

[ 2 ] 



1910.] MAN. [No. 2. 

" Religion of the Andaman Islanders," at the meeting of March 17th, 1909, of the 
Folklore Society, which now appears in Folklore, September 1909 (pp. 257-271). 

Mr. Brown begins by praising the high value of Mr. Man's work : " Mr. Man's 
" researches were in many ways excellent. I have tested as far as possible every 
" statement in his book, and can speak with ungrudging praise of it " (loc. cit., p. 257). 
There will be many who will find it not a little strange, that it was just those 
statements which this exact observer made about the religion of the Andamanese, 
which have been found incorrect by his critic. Mr. Brown ascribes his more correct 
results to his " strictness of method " : " Our differences are almost entirely differences 
" of interpretation, and as between two different interpretations of one phenomenon 
k ' there is only one test by which we can choose, and that test is strictness of method " 
(p. 271). Everyone might thus have expected that Mr. Brown would have said 
something about this " strict " method which produced such important results ; but 
we read on p. 258 : "I cannot here enter into the question of these methods." We 
must thus rely on Mr. Brown's affirmation that his methods are strict, and Mr. Man's 
methods not. For Mr. Man also assures us that he has followed " strict " methods 
(vide his book, p. 89). 

But to speak more seriously, the situation is quite different. Mr. Brown has 
explored also the more northern groups of Great Andaman, and has gathered different 
forms of the religions beliefs, which afforded him the means of comparing the results 
obtained by Mr. Man which were essentially from the southern parts with others, 
which differ considerably from those of Mr. Man. But then there arises a very 
important question. Mr. Brown suggests that Mr. Man has, " perhaps unwittingly," 
asked " leading questions " of the natives, and that this is the cause of some of his 
incorrect statements (pp. 270-271). Now, I wish to ask Mr. Brown : Did he make 
his first new discoveries about the nature, and especially the sex, of Puluga-Biliku in 
the northern or in the southern parts of Great Andaman ? If the first is the case, 
I venture to say that Mr. Brown's questions, put afterwards to natives of the southern 
parts, were probably strongly influenced, " perhaps unwittingly," by the tendency to 
state also in the south what he had found in the north. Because, even after the 
statements of Mr. Brown, it appears evident that the results obtained by Mr. Man 
in the southern parts are, in essentials, correct not only with regard to observation 
but also to interpretation : (1) Puluga-Bilik in the southern parts is almost always 
masculine ; (2) Teria-Daria is either his wife, or his brother, or his child, in every 
case subordinated to Puluga-Bilik (Brown, loc. cit., pp. 259, 260) ; (3) " In the south 
;t he [Terz'a] is generally ignored, all storms being attributed to Puluga whether they 
" come from the N.E. or the S.W. " (loc. cit., p. 267). The obscurity and fluctuation 
which seems to exist with regard to (1) is perhaps nothing else than the result of 
Mr. Brown's " leading questions." 

But to come to Mr. Brown's new results, the most interesting and important is, 
that in the northern parts (Chari, Kora, Bo, Jeru, Kede) Biliku (= Puluga) is a female, 
and it was often * said that Tarai was Biliku's husband ; in Juwoi, Kol, Puchikwar, 
there seems to have been some difference of opinion as to the sex of Bilik ; in the 
most southern parts, Bale and Bea, Bilik is male ; in the Little Andaman, female 
(pp. 259, 260). Mr. Brown believes that there is " a good deal of evidence " for his view 
that " Biliku was originally everywhere female, and those groups which represent 
" Puluga as male have changed their belief." He gives three reasons for this view : 
(1) at the two extremities of the islands, Biliku and Oluga are female ; (2) in the 
Puchikwar, Kol, and Juwoi groups we seem to get an intermediate stage. An 
argument on the subject was given me by a native : " If Biliku were a man he would 
" take up his bow and arrows, and not throw firebrands or pearl shells at people. 

* It would be necessary to state exactly how often in the majority or in the minority of cases. 

' [ 3 ] 



No. 2.] MAN. [1910. 

Those are women's things " ; (3) Biliku and Tarai are associated with the two mon- 
soons which are the producers of rain, storms, thunder, and lightning ; the latter is 
explained as being firebrands or pearl shells thrown by Biliku. 
Let us consider these three instances. 

It is manifest that the first does not prove anything in favour of Mr. Brown's 
theory. The fact here mentioned fits in well even with the theory that the beginning 
of the development was in the southern parts of Great Andaman, and that it proceeded 
radially to north and to south. 

Nor is the second reason of a better quality. We may, indeed, say that the 
Puchikwar, Kol, and Juwoi groups present an intermediate stage. But the question 
remains whether the development is from the southern parts of Great Andaman, viz., 
Bea and Bale through Puchikwar, Kol, and Juwoi to the northern parts, or in the 
reverse direction. And with regard to the argument given to Mr. Brown by a native, 
Mr. Brown neglects here openly the " strict methods " of comparison. For of the 
Puchikwar, Kol, and Juwoi we do not know anything in their fire-legends about 
pearl shells but only of firebrands.* The pearl shells appear only in the fire-legends 
of northern groups, Kede (p. 263), Jeru (p. 265), Chari (p. 265) ; there is only one 
case where in a northern group the firebrand is used (p. 264), but (1) it is not in 
the original fire-legend ; (2) it is in the Kede group, the most southern of the northern 
groups ; and (3) see its peculiar explanation infra. The difference which manifests 
itself here is of the greatest importance, as I now will proceed to show. 

Firstly, I take the liberty to answer the argument given to Mr. Brown by a native,, 
by suggesting that it is hardly correct to say that torches are ouly " women's things " ; 
there can be no doubt that torches are used also by men, and by men in anger. It is 
otherwise with the pearl shell. Mr. Brown himself tells us that " the Ba shell which 
" Biliku threw ... is the mother-of-pearl shell which the Andamanese women use 
" for slicing yams and seeds their kitchen knife, in a word." Thus we have to state 
the fact that in the northern groups, just those islands in which Biliku is female, the 
lightning is represented by a " female " symbol, whilst in the southern group it is 
represented by a symbol at least " of common gender ", the lighted torch. Now, every- 
one will see which symbol of the lightning is the original, the lighted torch or the 
pearl shell. Evidently it is the former. Thus it seems to me that already by this one 
argument the theory of Mr. Brown is rendered nugatory. 

But there are still other arguments. Mr. Brown has not told us why in the 
northern " female " group Biliku is identified with the spider and in the Little 
Andaman with the monitor lizard. What has the spider to do with the lightning ? 
It seems evident that the inherent signification of Puluga-Biliku is not that of 
" spider " (or " monitor lizard "). Mr. Portman, in his Notes on the Languages of 
the South Andaman Group (p. 270), writes : " Pulu-ke means ' to pour with rain,' 
" and there may be some connection between this root and Piiluga." A parallel case 
is noted by Sir Richard Temple (in his " Grammar of the Andamanese Language", 
being Chapter IV of Part I of the Census Report of the Andaman and Nicobar Islands, 
1902 (for private circulation only), pp. 26, 44). In explaining the Onge-Jarawa form 
of Puluga = Uluga (Mr. Brown has Oluga) that author refers to the Onge-Jarawa 
word bluga, thunder. Thus, if the inherent signification of Puluga-Biliku-Oluga is 
probably in connection with " thunder," " thunderstorm," the question is still more 
urgent, why in the northern parts of Great Andaman Biliku is identified with the 
spider. 

I venture to propose a theory in solution of this problem. In my researches into 

* Vide p. 262. The same is to be found in the fire-legends of the Bea, Bale, Puchikwar, Kol, 
and Juwoi, given by Mr. M. V. Portman in his Notes on the Languages of the South Andaman 
Groups of Tribes (Calcutta, 1898, p. 97, et seqq.*). 

[ 4 ] 



1910.] MAN. [No. 2. 

the mythology and religion of the Austronesian peoples* I have detected an intimate 
connection between the spider, the plaiting and spinning women, and the waning 
moon. The reason of this connection it would be too long to explain here, but it is 
sufficient to state the fact. Now there are here two things in strange connection 
with each other ; it is only in the northern groups of Great Andaman that Biliku 
is female, and that she is identified with the spider. Moreover, it is only in these 
groups that the pearl shell, which Mr. Brown calls the "kitchen-knife," of the 
Andamanese woman plays a role. Now I find in Mr. E. H. Man's description of the 
Andamaneset tna * in his southern group it is the Cyrena shell which is used in the 
same manner, but especially in string-making, which is, in the most cases, the work 
of the u'omen.^. Thus we have here also the connection with plaiting and twisting. 

But how has the spider and the female plaiter become identified with Puluga- 
Biliku ? We must now turn to the third reason adduced above by Mr. Brown for 
his view, viz., the association of Puluga-Biliku with the north-east ' monsoon and of 
Daria- Tarai with the south-west monsoon. In the naming of the two monsoons we 
must note an important difference; the north-east monsoon is 1 always named "Wind 
" of Puluga (Biliku)" but the south-west monsoon is only in the northern group 
called " Wind of Tarai," in the southern group it is styled simply Teria (Z>arza). 
Also in the south Tarai is " generally ignored, all storms being attributed to Puluga 
" whether they come from the north-east or the south-west "|| monsoon ; where Tarai 
is known in the south, it is subordinated to Puluga. Amongst the Juwoi, Kol, and 
Puchikwar, except the one case where Teria is the husband of the female Bilik, 
(see above, p. 3), Teria is one of the children of Bilik. Amongst the Bale there 
are two versions. According to one, Puluga and Daria were at one time great friends 
and they quarrelled as to which was " the bigger man." According to the other, Big 
Puluga has two brothers, East Puluga and West Puluga. The name of the two, 
Jila Puluga and Kuacho Puluga, are identical with those of two of the children of 
Bilik amongst the Puchikwar, &c., viz., Jila Bilik^ and Koicho-Bilik. Who, then, 
is this Proteus of Teria- Daria ? 

I venture to complete my theory exposed above by identifiyiug Teria-Daria 
with the waxing moon, which begins with the new moon. This latter is named in 
the different southern dialects : Bea, Ogar (=Moon) dereka-da, Bale, Ogdr-Vi-ddreka ; 
Puchikwar, Puki (=Moon) tire-da; Juwoi, Pukui fre lekile ; Kol, Puki ter Cre-che.** 
The little sickle of the crescent moon appears first at the west-south-western part 
of the horizon, that is the reason why the south-west monsoon is associated with 
Teria-Daria. The reason why the opposed monsoon, that of north-east, is associated 
with Puluga is quite different ; Mr. Man has already given it : " because it proceeds 
" from that part of heaven where the connecting-bridge (=rainbow, as Mr. Portman 
" has shown) between this world and the next is supposed to be situated."ft 

Now, in the Austronesian mythology, the waxing moon is always male, the 
waning sometimes male and sometimes female. In the latter case we would have 
the relation of the male waxing moon to the waning female moon ; just that 
which we encounter in the northern groups of Great Andaman : the female spider 

* Under the title " Grundlinien einer Vergleichung der Religioneu and Mythologien der austro- 
nesischen Volker " ; it will appear in the next issue of the Denkschriften der Kais. Altad. der Wissen- 
xchaften zu IVien phil.-higt. A7., 53 Btl., III. Abh. An abstract of this greater work has jusc appeared 
under the title ' Die Mythologie der austronesischen Volker" in the Mitteilungen der Anthropolog. 
Gesellschaft in Wien., Bd. XXXIX, pp. 240-259. 

f E. H. Man, On the Aboriginal Inhabitants of the Andaman Islands (London, 1883), pp. 156, 
183. 

I Loc. tit., pp. 163, 180. Brown, loc. tit., p. 260. || Loc. tit., p. 267. 

^f Mr. Man (loc. tit., p. 118) has " chola-ta, south-east wind." 

** Portman, Notes, pp. 104, 105. tt E - H - Man > loc - cif -> P- ]1 8. 



No. 2,] MAN. [1910. 

( = waning moon) and the male Tarai ( = waxing moon). And the same reason which 
has caused Tarai to be associated Avith the south-west monsoon viz., the fact that 
the waxing moon begins to show himself in the south-west explains also the association 
of the female spider ( = waning moon) with the north-east monsoon : the waning moon 
appears first in the north-east. Because thus the female spider is associated with the 
north-east monsoon and opposed to Tarai, who is associated with the south-west 
monsoon, she usurps to herself the name and the position of Paluga-Biliku, who was 
once the counterpart of Teria-Tarai. 

I am quite aware that the theory developed here is based on the presupposition 
that the Andamanese had a lunar mythology similar to that of the Austronesian peoples, 
and I know very well that the Andamanese, ethnologically and anthropologically, have 
nothing to do with the Austronesians. But I do not know why a lunar mythology, 
like that of the Austronesians, should be limited exclusively to the latter. Whether 
or no this is the case is only a matter of fact, and I believe I have shown sufficient 
evidence to prove that the Andamanese once possessed (for their actual lunar mythology 
is of another kind vide E. H. Man, loc. ei/., p. 92 seyq.}* a lunar mythology similar in 
many important points to that of the Austronesians. I now adduce other arguments. 
Not only in Austronesian, but also in other mythologies, the waning moon is 
associated with lizards (and alligators) : in Little Andaman the female Oluga is 
identified with the Monitor lizard. In many mythologies the male (waxing) and the 
female (waning) moon are the first parents : hence the variation, amongst some Anda- 
manese groups, as to whether the female Biliku and her husband are the first parents 
or not ; but in one of the southern groups, Puchikwar, it is Patia, the Monitor lizard 
(=the female Oluga of Little Andaman, the waning moon !), who is the first parent.f 
Here we have the male parent associated with the waning moon, who, also in 
Austronesian mythology, appears in two forms male and female. 

In Austronesian mythology the Supreme Being, a Sky God, is, in the first stage 
of development, quite independent of all lunar mythology ; but in the latter stages 
he enters that mythology and always coalesces with the waxing moon. The male form 
of the waning moon then becomes his counterpart-brother, the female form his sister 
or wife. In the Andamanese lunar mythology the Supreme Being was in the beginning 
equally independent of all mythology ; but it appears now that in the subsequent phases 
of development there were forms quite similar to the latter Austrouesiau. Thus, when 
amongst the Bale it was said that Puluga and Daria (both males) were at one time 
great friends, and elsewhere that Big Puluga had two brothers called East Puluga. and 
West Puluga. In the latter form we have in the " Big Puluga " still a survival of the 
older supremacy of the ancient Supreme Being. But already in the Puchikwar, Kol, 
and Juwoi Groups, the predominant importance of the two monsoons begins, quite 
naturally in these islands, to exercise its influence and develops on lines different from 
those of the Austronesians by associating the ancient Supreme Being with the female 
representative of the waning moon, a form of development which never took place 
amongst the Austronesians. 

That, indeed, Puluga was in the beginning independent of all lunar mythology is 
not very difficult to prove. Even now in the southern parts Puluga has the character 
of a pronounced Sky-God, just as with the Austronesians and so many of the Supreme 
Beings of primitive peoples, and especially with those of pygmy peoples. He causes 

* But it appears that even the modern lunar mythology of the Andamanese has already begun to 
exert its influence on the Biliku-mjths. According to modern mythological \dews the moon is 
male and husband of the sun, which is female. In one myth of the Kede Silika throws a large 
fire-brand into the sky, which becomes the sun (Brown, p. 264). Moreover, we must remember that 
the sun, like the full moon, begins its course in the (north-)east. 

f Brown, loc. cit., p. 261. 

[ 6 ] 



1910.] MAN. [Nos. 2-3. 

storm and rain, the thunder is his voice, the lightning his torch.* Now it is quite clear 
that none of these characteristics can be developed out of a lunar god, and especially 
with regard to the lightning torch we have expressly proved that it is anterior to the 
pearl shell of the lunar-influenced northern groups. 

To conclude, I believe I have made it evident that Mr. Brown's attack on Puluga, 
the Supreme Being of the Andamanese, has failed, and that his defeat is the more 
manifest as his attack was vehement. No doubt his attack was directed mainly 
against the idea of a Supreme Being to be found amongst the Andamanese. All other 
things related by Mr. Man about the Andamanese religion the wife and children 
of Puluga, the spirits of the sea, the woods, &c., the myths about sun and moon, the 
first parents, &c. do not seem to provoke the criticism of Mr. Brown. The idea of a 
Supreme Being alone has attracted his attention. There will be many who will not 
understand that. I regret very much that the debut of such a hopeful scholar as 
Mr. Brown was devoted to such partial aims, and that the results of his valuable and 
extremely interesting researches were not applied in a more independent and broad- 
minded spirit. It is to be hoped that in the book about his expedition Mr. Brown 
will free himself from all such aspirations and go straight along the path which his 
materials alone shall show him. 

In the meantime Mr. Brown, if his principal attack has failed, has succeeded in 
showing us that amongst the Andamanese tribes also the mythological corruption of 
the Supreme Being has made its appearance, and that is, indeed, a valuable result 
for which we are much indebted to him. But even this result has a positive conse- 
quence, which, I fear, will not be welcomed by Mr. Brown and many of his friends. 
With the data furnished by Mr. Brown it is now possible to show positively that the 
wife of the Supreme Being, Puluga, of whom Mr. Man writes, has accrued to him 
only out of the lunar mythology. f Then as I have proved that Puluga originally has 
nothing to do with the lunar mythology, I have now shown that originally he was 
without wife and children, and was thus all the more a true Supreme Being. 

Mr. Brown adduces some other points in order to discredit the character of 
Puluga as a Supreme Being, which are of less importance. Partly they find their 
solution in what we have said above ; the rest will be dealt with in the respective 
chapters of my above cited work, Die Stellung der Pygmaenvolker in der Entwicke- 
lungsgeschichte des Menschen. The solutions which Mr. Brown puts forward with regard 
to the prohibitions against burning wax and eating various roots and fruits at the 
end of the rainy season are incorrect. Mr. Brown has by no means succeeded in 
grasping the true nature of these prohibitions. W. SCHMIDT. 



England : Archaeology. Cunning:ton. 

A Mediaeval Earthwork in Wiltshire.! By Mrs. M. E. Cunnington. O 

Slight earthworks, more or less rectangular in plan, seem to occur with U 

varying frequency in most parts of the country. Some of these have rightfully been 

ascribed to the Bronze Age, others more doubtfully so, but it is scarcely likely that 

* It is quite unjustifiable to associate, as Mr. Brown does, Puluga (Biiiltu) exclusively with the 
north-east monsoon. Mr. Brown himself has felt this, for he writes : " What is particularly puzzling 
*' is that the south-west monsoon is the rainy monsoon, and during the north-east monsoon the 
" weather is generally fine. I have not been able to find an explanation, and can only record the 
li fact " (p. 267). Well, the only possible explanation is that Puluga was originally everywhere, 
as still now in the south, the god of all storms, i.e., the Sky-God. 

f I shall develop this thesis in a still more detailed way in my work, Die Stellung der Pygmiien- 
rolker in der Entwickelungsgeschlchte des Jfenscken, which will appear in the course of the next yea)-. 
This will afford an opportunity of stating some very interesting details. 

J The earthwork is on Crown property, and permission to undertake certain excavations in il 
was granted to Mr. B. H. Cunnington by the proper authorities, with the approval of the tenant, 
Mr. A. J. Coombs of Bishop's Cannings. The work was carried oat during the summer of 1909. 

[ 7 ] 



No. 3.] 



MAN. 



[1910. 



this large and rather indefinite class of earthworks all belong to the same period, or 
were made for the same purpose.* 

The evidence for each site must be considered independently after excavation, 
and a superficial resemblance in situation and plan cannot be relied on as a criterion 
of identity of origin. 

A rather large example of these simple enclosures, which not inappropriately 
have been distinguished under the term of " valley entrenchments " is to be found 



/a a 



I Iw 

,-ii 
1 



9.9 



">' 






to 8 



47 



It 1 ,', 



-92 






r-- : 



FlG. 1. PLAN OF ENCLOSURES SHOWING APPROXIMATE POSITION OF OPENINGS IN THE 

OUTER BANK. 

The figures indicate the distance in feet between the openings, measured from centre to centre of the gaps. The size 
of the gaps is somewhat exaggerated. 

"I LV-l".lZ'.-"-rz~H = ditch of outer enclosure. = ditch of inner enclosure. 

in one of the chalk combes under the Wansdyke, north of Old Shepherd's Shore, 
and about four miles north-east of Devizes.f The Wansdyke at this point takes a 
sharp turn as if to avoid descending into the combe, and is carried along the southern 
and steeper side of the combe. The dyke is here seen in its finest proportions, and 

* See General Pitt-Rivers' Hafcavatumt, Vol. IV, Martin Down, South Lodge, Angle Ditch, and 
Handley Hill Camps ; Mr. H. S. Toms in Antiquary, Nov. 1907, and Feb. 1909, p. 47 ; Earthwork of 
England, by Hadrian Allcroft, pp. 143-152. 

t See Wilts Arch. Mag., Vol. XI, p. 246 ; An. Wilts, North, p. 97 ; Dr. Stukeley's Abury Described, 
pp. 27-48 ; Rev. A. C. Smith's Antiquities of N. Wilts, Section IV, C, VII<f, p. 65 ; and 6-inch 
Ordnance Map, Wiltshire Sheet, XXVII, S.E. 

[ 8 1 



1910.] MAN. [No. 3, 

a little to the west towards Morgan's Hill is the spot where General Pitt-Rivers cut 
his Section 1 in 1889.* 

The earthwork consists of a single bank and ditch ; on the north the bank is 
slightly higher than on either of the other sides, and on the south it appears lower 
than elsewhere, but excavation showed that this latter is largely due to the slope on 
which it is built. As is often the case in more or less rectangular earthworks, the 
banks are heightened at the corners.! Its area is said to be seven acres one rood ; 
along the crest of the bank it measures 607 feet on the north side, 645 feet on the 
south, 628 feet on the east, and 620 feet on the west. The enclosure lies on the 
northern slope of the combe and has a southern aspect ; its lower and southern 
boundary is in, and parallel with, the bottom of the combe. Its position is therefore a 
fairly sheltered one, but could never have been chosen for defensive purposes. 

There are an unusually large number of very noticeable gaps or openings through 
the rampart. Even Dr. Stukeley noticed them, and they are shown in his woodcut 
dated 1720.J It will be seen on the accompanying plan (Fig. 1) that these openings 
occur at irregular distances on all four sides, but are scarcer on the south. On the 
south and east sides there are well-defined openings only 23 feet and 26 feet apart 
respectively. All these openings are well marked and cannot be mistaken for a mere 
wearing away of the earthen rampart. In every case the ends of the rampart are 
clean cut, and their appearance suggests that the rampart was at first continuous and 
that the openings were cut through it subsequently. The gaps are fairly uniform in 
width, namely, about nine feet across at the top of the bank, narrowing from two feet 
to four feet on the level. The slope of the ends of the rampart appear too regular 
to be the result of spreading, and they seem to have been cut intentionally at this 
angle to prevent spreading. One of the openings on the eastern side is 16 feet wide 
and noticeably larger than any of the rest. It was hoped that excavation would prove 
which of these openings were original, for it was natural to suppose that where there 
had been an entrance the ditch would be discontinued, and that a solid roadway into 
the enclosure would have been left. 

For this purpose a section was made on the outside of each of the twenty-two 
gaps, with the remarkable result that the ditch was found to have been continued in 
front of every one of them, including the big 16-foot opening. 

The enclosure is therefore entirely surrounded by a continuous ditch, which must 
necessarily have been bridged across in some way wherever there was an entrance. It 
will be understood that the rampart, though not high, is generally well preserved, and 
that as .the ditch is not quite filled up it is for the most part self-evident. It is 
only opposite the openings in the rampart that there can be any doubt, even without 
excavation, as to whether the ditch is there or not. So although the entire length 
of the ditch was not opened there can be no doubt as to its continuance. 

It is noteworthy that before excavation a distinct heightening, or ridge, was 
noticeable on the surface of the ditch outside the openings ; at the time this was 
looked upon as evidence that no ditch would be found at these points. As, however, 
this conclusion was wrong, the fact that the ditch was fuller at these spots suggests 
that entrances were made by intentionally filling in the ditch at some at least of the 
openings. Unless this was the case, it is difficult to see why the ditch should have 
become fuller outside the openings than elsewhere, especially as traffic to and fro would 
tend to wear away the soil rather than to increase its depth. 

* Excavations, Vol. Ill, p. 246. 

f As there is necessarily a greater length of ditch in proportion to that of the bank at the 
angles, the extra material thus obtained may account for the increase in the size of the banks at 
these spots ; they need not have been increased intentionally for extra strength. 

\ Abury Described, p. 48, plate XL 

[ 9 ] 



No, 3,] 



MAN. 



[1910. 



Putting the length of the various sections together, 176 feet of this ditch was 
entirely cleared out ; it was found to be practically of a uniform depth and width 
throughout. Sections six feet wide were also cut through the rampart, one on the 
eastern and one on the southern side (Figs. 2 and 3). All these cuttings were remark- 




FlG. 2. SECTION ACROSS BANK AND DITCH ON EAST SIDE OF OUTER ENCLOSURE. 
a turf ; b = chalk building of bank ; c old turf line under banks ; d = undisturbed chalk ; e = silting in ditch. 




FlG. 3. SECTION ACROSS BANK AND DITCH ON SOUTH SIDE OF OUTER ENCLOSURE. 
a = turf ; 6 = chalk building of bank ; c = old turf line under banks ; d = undisturbed chalk ; e = silting in ditch. 

ably unproductive of relics. One large headed iron nail, one fragment of pottery, two 
hammerstones, and a few scattered fragments of bone were actually the only finds. 
THE INNER ENCLOSURE. Within the main enclosure is a smaller work (Stukeley's 
Prcetorium),* the position of which may be seen on the sketch plan. It is roughly 
oblong in shape, the two longer sides being 164 feet in length by 121 feet on the 
western, and 92 feet on the eastern side. This inner earthwork consists of a ditch 
with double banks one on either side of the ditch. The ditch, although rather larger 
than that of the outer enclosure, is more silted up, and the banks are much worn down, 
especially on the north side ; this, however, may be due to cultivation. 

There is an opening through the inner bank on the north-west side, and one 
through both the inner and outer banks on the north-east side ; it appears, therefore, 
that there must have been an entrance at one or both of these places in spite of the 
fact that the ditch was found to be continuous at both of them. To prove this, sections 
of the ditch were cleared out in front of these openings ; a section of the ditch 30 feet 
in length was also cleared out on the south side, and a section, five feet wide, was cut 
across the enclosure from north to south (Fig. 4). 

In all 60 feet of this ditch were cleared out, and twenty-two fragments of medieval 
pottery, some with green and yellow glaze, were found at varying depths. This, though 
a small quantity in proportion to the work done, was a very considerable amount as 
compared with the single fragment found in the ditch of the main enclosure. 

In this inner ditch several more or less complete skeletons of sheep were found ; 
there were also a considerable number of scattered sheep's bones and teeth, a few 
ox bones, and those of at least three dogs. 

* " There is another very pretty place of this sort Druid's House for aught I know between 
' the Wansdyke and Via Badonica ; 'tis a charming pleasant concavity. An oblong square, with 
" another lesser as a praetorium within. In the vallum are many gaps at equal intervals" (Abury 
Described, p. 48). Actual measurements have shown that the gaps are not really equi-distant from 
each other. 

[ 10 ] 



1910.] MAN. [No. 3. 

About 50 yards to the east of the inner enclosure there is a very slight semi- 
circular bank. A section was cut through this bank and a few fragments of mediaeval 
pottery were found but the purpose of the bank could not be explained. 

Surface sections were also cut in the north-west and south-east corners of the 
main enclosure, but no relics or signs of habitation were found. 

OuUiie So~t6 



JYorlft T~ s ae 

a _. 



^^s^s. 



g^y^ c , ( , ,. 

V'-VrT < ' [. ' 



; -^:- .:/', ','<',. ' "' ' 

: /.>/( < [ 

* ' , X ^-7^ r * 

' < 1 t" ' ' o. 5 *j> ft 

FlG. 4. SECTION ACBOSS DOUBLE BANKS AND DITCH ON SOUTH SIDE OF INNER ENCLOSURE. 
a = turf ; 6 = chalk building of banks ; c = old turf line under banks ; d = undisturbed chalk ; e = silting in ditob. 

CONCLUSIONS. As a result of the excavations is it possible to draw any con- 
clusions as to whether the two enclosures have a common origin, or are two distinct 
works, designed for different purposes and of different dates and in any case as to 
what purpose they were made, and when ? 

In the absence of relics from the ditch of the outer enclosure it is not possible 
to say definitely that the two works are of the same date, but the evidence, such as 
it is, is in favour of their being so. 

One distinctive feature the two enclosures certainly have in common, and that is 
that they are both completely surrounded by their respective ditches, no entrance 
causeways having been left in either case. This feature is so remarkable that it 
certainly may be taken as affording good presumptive evidence that both works were 
made by the same people. The two ditches although not quite of the same size are 
alike in general outline and appearance,* and nothing of a contradictory nature having 
been found, it may be said, therefore, that, on the whole, evidence is in favour of the 
common origin of the two enclosures. 

As to date the pottery found at different depths in the inner ditch to within a 
few inches of the bottom is sufficient to show that this ditch at any rate is neither 
prehistoric nor Roman, but mediaeval. f In 1720, when Dr. Stukeley wrote, all memory 
of the use of the enclosures had faded. Their date, therefore, is probably somewhere 
between the twelfth and sixteenth centuries. 

Lastly, for what purpose were the enclosures made ? Had they been the site of 
regular habitation there must, it would seem, have been more evidence of it than 
there is. Not only in the excavations was pottery very scarce, but in repeated and 
diligent search among the earth thrown out by the moles not a single scrap of 
pottery was found, and this was certainly not due to a want of activity on the part 
of the moles.J The entire absence from the ditch of any pigs' bones, the presence 
of dogs' bones, and the fact that some of the sheep's bones Avere found as more or 

* The ditches of the enclosures, proved by General Pitt-Rivers to be of the Bronze Age, were much 
more formidable than these. They were not so regularly cut, and of a quite different shape in section ; 
they sloped to a bottom narrow in proportion to their breadth and depth they were, indeed, funnel- 
shaped whereas the ditches here had wide and shallow bottoms. 

t It is remarkable that all the pottery, with the exception of one piece of Roman manufacture 
found in the turf mould, seems to be of the same period, and that there is not a fragment of the 
hand-made Bronze Age type. In addition to the finding of mediaeval pottery, this is of importance 
as evidence of date, because had there been a Romano-British or earlier settlement on the site 
pottery characteristic of these periods must have been found. 

J Sir R. Colt Hoare dug into several parts of the enclosure, but " could find none of the usual 
marks of residence." (An. Wilt*, p. 97.) 



No. 3.] MAN. [1910. 

less complete skeletons, is suggestive that the remains were not those of animals that 
had been used for food, but rather that they were those of animals that had died in 
the ditch, or whose bodies had been thrown there. 

It is suggested therefore, that the enclosure was used as a fold or penning for 
flocks, chiefly perhaps for sheep, the inner enclosure affording additional protection 
for the weak and sickly ones, and perhaps shelters for the shepherds. 

The banks and ditches are after all not much larger than the ditches and 
hedgerow banks to some of our own fields, but being situated on the open uncultivated 
Downs they appear perhaps more remarkable than they really are. Isolated, and now 
generally abandoned sheepfolds, quite as large, and, if their use had been forgotten, 
quite as mysterious seeming, as this earthwork, are not uncommon on the Welsh hills. 
But Wales being a stony land the enclosures there are of dry built stone walling ; 
these folds are sometimes angular and sometimes roughly circular, and often have a 
part divided off in the manner of the " praetoriiim." 

Why in this instance the outer enclosure should have had so many breaches in 
its rampart is indeed puzzling. One thing only seems fairly clear, and that is that 
if the openings were not made by the original owners for some good reason of their 
own, it is still more difficult to understand why anyone at a later date should have 
taken the trouble to make them. 

It may be said that if the original idea had been to have many entrances, 
provision would have been made for them by leaving the ditch undug at intervals 
wherever an entrance was intended. But as the original idea must have included 
at least one entrance, and as even this one was not provided for by a discontinuance 
of the ditch, the fact that the ditch is continuous in front of all the openings is not 
therefore in itself evidence that they are not all coeval with the original entrance. 

It is perhaps possible that the work as a whole was made on the communal system, 
and that each member of the community hurdled off a part of the interior according 
to his wants, making an entrance by throwing down the bank to fill up the ditch at 
the spot most convenient to him. The bank and ditch are so slight that this could 
have been done at a very little cost of labour. The irregularity in the length of the 
sides of the enclosure shows that it could not have been planned out with much 
precision or skill, and if a good many entrances were required it might have proved 
practically simpler to make them at the spots that experience showed to be most 
suitable than to formally plan them out beforehand. 
RELICS. From Ditch of Outer Enclosure : 

In turf mould on north-west side : Chalk rubber, cut and shaped, smooth on 
one side. 3^ inches by 3 inches. 

In turf mould in 16-foot opening : Rough flint that has been used for hammering ; 
and iron spike, square in section, length, five inches ; possibly quite modern. 

Fourth opening from the south on the east side, one foot above bottom of the 
ditch : Broken pebble used as a hammer. 

Third opening from south, east side ; on floor of ditch : Fragment of good quality 
red pottery ; possibly mediaeval. 

South-eastern corner, 18 inches from bottom of ditch : Small fragment of thin 
bronze, and heavy iron nail with large head. 

Inner Enclosure : 

Section across inner enclosure : Sarsen muller or hammer,* fragment of mediaeval 
pottery, fragments of sheep's bones and teeth. 

Small bank east of inner' enclosure : Part of base of jug or pitcher, with finger- 
pressed base, resembling that of fourteenth-century pitchers, with traces of yellow 

* These stone implements need not, of. course, be of the same date as the earthwork itself. 

[ 12 ] 



1910.] MAN. [Nos, 3-4. 

glaze ; four other fragments, one with brown glaze. Pointed iron ferrule, with two 
rivet holes, possibly an ox goad ; length, 3| inches. 
Ditch of the Inner Enclosure : 

In turf mould : Base of a small vase of fine grey ware, painted black. Roman. 

First foot below turf (turf six to eight inches thick) : Sixteen pieces of pottery ; 
all quite small. Some of these have green, others yellow, glaze, and some are 
unglazed, of a rather coarse ware mixed with pounded flint, but have also the same 
sand that is mixed in the paste of the glazed ware. Certainly most of this pottery, 
and probably all of it, is mediaeval. Three small iron nails. Bones of animals. 

Second foot below turf : Five pieces of pottery of the same description as above. 

Third foot below turf : Rounded handle of jug or pitcher, of red ware with traces 
of green glaze ; five inches in length. This was found actually three feet deep from 
the top of the turf and within eight inches of the bottom of the ditch, and is so 
unmistakably mediaeval that it affords good evidence of the period at which the 
ditch must have been open. Fragments of the rim of a cup or basin with greenish- 
yellow glaze ; found with the handle. 

A small number of flint flakes were found in the various sections, but these can 
have no particular significance, for whatever the date of the enclosure, these flints 
may have been lying on the surface at the time of its construction. 

A chemical analysis has been made of three pieces of pottery : (a) The fragment 
found on the bottom of the ditch of the outer enclosure, (b) A piece not glazed, but 
probably mediaeval, from the first foot below turf in ditch of the inner enclosure, 
(c) A piece with traces of glaze, undoubtedly mediaeval, found with the handle near 
the bottom of ditch of inner enclosure. 

The results of (a) and (c) are so nearly identical that the ware must almost 
certainly have come from the same source and have been made of the same clay. This 
affords additional evidence to show that the two ditches were open at the same period, 
and that, therefore, the two enclosures are of the same date. 

The analysis is as follows : 

(a) (b) (c) 

Silica (Si0 2 ) - - 58 '2 55 2 57 45 per cent. 

Alumina (A1 2 O 3 ) - 26 25 38 2 24-4 

Ferric oxide (Fe 2 3 ) - - 11 '2 6- 8 11 '6 

Traces of calcium and magnesium compounds are also found in (a) and (c). 

M. E. CUNNINGTON. 



Switzerland : Pygmy Implement. Trechmann. 

Note on the Occurrence of a so-called Pygmy or Midget Imple- 
ment made from a Quartz Crystal in a Neolithic Lake-Dwell ing on 
the Greifensee, near Zurich. By C. T. Trechmann, B.Sc. 

While a student at Zurich I paid a visit, at the suggestion of Dr. Heierli, professor 
at the Polytechnikum, during November, 1906, to the Greifensee, and, the water being 
then very low, I had an opportunity of studying several of the pile-dwellings, of which 
eight exist on the edges of this small lake. 

While examining a pile-dwelling at the northern end of the lake called Rietspitz, 
near Fallanden, I was fortunate in finding in the lake mud surrounding the piles a 
characteristic specimen of the implement known in this country as pygmy or midget 
implement. It is formed from a chip of a perfectly transparent quartz crystal and 
measures 11 millimetres in length by 6^ millimetres in greatest breadth. It has been 
delicately chipped to the form of a small spoon-shaped scraper, the under side showing 
the smooth surface of the flake, the bulb of which occurs at the upper or scraping 
edge of the implement. 

[ 13 ] 



Nos. 4-5.] MAN. [1910. 

I understand from Dr. Heierli that this is the first occurrence of this type of 
implement in Switzerland, and as the Griefensee lake-dwellings are amongst the 
earliest in Switzerland I desire to put it on record. 

The Griefensee is a small lake lying about 7 kilometres east of Zurich, and 
occupies a shallow depression in the Miocene Molasse formation. Eight dwellings, 
all of the Stone Age, have been recognised, corresponding to the names Uster (one 
dwelling), Maur (two dwellings), Greifensee (four dwellings), Fallanden (one dwelling)- 

This last site is situated at the extreme northern 
end of the lake on the west side of the stream, 
which drains the lake and joins the Rhine below 
Schaffhausen. In addition to the pygmy im- 
plement I found here several flint flakes of the 
ordinary Neolithic type and a fragment of a bored 
greenstone axe and a large hammer-stone of 
Triassic Alpine quartzite. 

Perhaps the pygmy implements occur in some 
quantity in the lake-dwellings, but have hitherto been overlooked owing to the 
difficulty of detecting them in the lake mud, where all the relics are covered with 
a deposit of lake lime when found. C. T. TRECHMANK 





REVIEWS. 
Ireland : Archaeology. Macalister. 

The Memorial Slabs of Clonmacnois, King's County : with an Appendix on the C 
Materials for a History of the Monastery, being the extra volume of the Royal U 
Society of Antiquaries of Ireland for 1907-8. By R. A. Stewart Macalister, M.A., 
F.S.A. Dublin, University Press, 1909. Pp. xxxii +159. 27 x 17 cm. Price 10*. 

The Royal Society of Antiquaries of Ireland have published as their extra 
volume for 1907-8 The Memorial Slabs of Clonmacnois by Professor R. A. S. 
Macalister, M.A., F.S.A. St. Ciaran's great foundation at Clonmacnois dating from 
547 A.D. is justly celebrated as containing one of the most interesting collections of 
early Christian Celtic inscriptions and ecclesiastical remains in Western Europe. 

The Christian inscriptions in the Irish language by Dr. Petrie, edited by Miss 
Stokes, dealt fully with Clonmacnois ; but this work, though a fine monument of 
learning, was executed many years ago and under various difficulties, and students of 
Irish archaeology and philology have long felt that a new work embodying the results 
of later researches was necessary. Professor Macalister's knowledge of Irish palaeo- 
graphy and philology peculiarly fitted him to write the present volume, and he deserves 
the thanks of all students of Celtic Christian archasology for the scholarly and scientific 
manner in which he has treated the subject. 

Two hundred and eight slabs and fragments of slabs, including some that 
formerly existed but have since disappeared, are illustrated in the volume before us, 
and the ornamented slabs with their different forms of crosses and intricate key, 
spiral and knot patterns are examined and analysed in detail. The inscriptions 
themselves, their contents, classification, palaeography, philology and the possibility of 
identifying them with persons mentioned in the Irish annals are fully dealt with, and 
a complete vocabulary of the words used in the inscriptions is appended. The book 
concludes with an appendix containing materials for the history of Clonmacnois giving 
the annals of the monastery, illustrations and descriptions of the existing buildings, 
and an illustrated list of the antiquities that have been discovered at Clonmacnois. 

There is one feature brought out by the present work which, unfortunately, calls 
for note. Professor Macalister in his preface says, " When Dr. Petrie visited 

[ 14 ] 



1910.] MAN. [Nos. 5-6. 

" Clonmacnois in 1822, he must have found nearly twice as many slabs as I was able 
" to discover." And again, " Dr. Petrie records 166 inscribed slabs ... 59 of 
" these are missing." Clonmacnois is now vested in the Irish Board of Works, which 
body is fully alive to the importance of preserving the slabs from further destruction, 
but the losses that have taken place since 1822 are too serious to be passed over in 
silence by any reviewer of the present work. E. C. R. ARMSTRONG. 



Oceania. Walker. 

Wanderings among South Sea Savages and in Borneo and the Philippines. 
By H. Wilfred Walker, F.R.G.S. London : Witherby, 1909. Pp. xvi + 254, 
with forty -eight photographic reproductions. 23 X 14 cm. Price 7*. 6d. 

The above work is the outcome of the demands by friends to publish in book 
form the author's letters written " in as concise a manner as possible, so that they 
*' could be easily read, and in consequence I have left out much that might have 
" been interesting." Had the author had any idea of publishing, he says, " I might 
*' have mentioned more about the customs, ornaments, and weapons of the natives." 
It is a pity that he did not reconsider his decision, and rather than include so 
much in one volume, divide the South Pacific portion from his travels in Borneo 
and the Philippines, and add the more interesting ethnographical data so carefully 
excluded from his home letters. 

The full title shows the author's varied experiences. The work opens with a 
visit paid to Ratu Lala, the son of a very notorious personage in the history of Fiji 
the Roku Tui Cakoudrove and his description of this half-educated " savage " shows 
the fallacy of sending such men to Sydney. I happened to meet him there in 1880, 
and saw something of his so-called education. 

The dances (jneke-meke) both of men and women are fully described, although 
when in Fiji I was never fortunate enough to see the women take part in these ; I 
fancy this must be a later introduction from Tonga and Samoa. The Kava drinking 
parties are most graphically described, but the material of which the decoction is 
made is called in the native tongue yaqona (yangona), not " angona." During his 
expedition among the ex-cannibals of the Viti Levu Mountains the author describes 
the modes of preparing the cannibal feasts. I am afraid, however, he rather over- 
steps the mark when he says, u Sometimes they would boil a man alive in a huge 
" cauldron." I wonder how, and what was the size of the cauldron, and of what 
was it made ? The old story of the missionary's feet having been served up to the 
chief as a dainty morsel with the boots on ! reappears. 

On page 54 there is a printer's error, in speaking of the curved boar's tusks as 
u carved." It is a pity that, while in out-of-the-way places in Fiji and elsewhere, he 
did not make greater use of the camera. It would have been interesting to have seen 
a photograph of the " horrible looking carved figure with staring eyes about 5 feet 
high." What was this ? Carved figures in Fiji are of very rare occurrence, and those 
mostly small ones, used to frighten children into quietness. At Oxford and in Copen- 
hagen there are figures made of fern-tree trunks labelled as coming from Fiji, but 
these must be of very recent importation, probably from the New Hebrides. " The 
" curious fighting ornament worn on the forehead, made of upper bills of the hornbill," 
cannot be Fijian, as the hornbill is not found there. This specimen probably comes 
from New Guinea. 

It is on reaching the chapters relating to New Guinea that one realises the waul 
of a map. In a book of travels this is a very serious omission. It is difficult to follow 
the author in his journeyings with a punitive expedition against a cannibal tribe, 
occupying a region " in the unknown interior, no white man having hitherto penetrated 
" into their country." The number of skulls met with with uniform holes knocked 

[ 15 ] 



No. 6.] MAN. [1910. 

in them shows their predilection for brains, eaten warm, after slowly torturing their 
captives to death ; and the advice given by the leader of the expedition to keep their 
last shot for themselves, in case of being overwhelmed, so as to escape these horrible 
tortures, was rather disquieting to a novice in bush warfare. 

On page 157 the author describes a curious peace-offering ceremony. This con- 
sisted in the presentation of arms, pottery, nets, ornaments, followed by pigs, sago, &c., 
with cooking vessels ; emblematical of giving their all and becoming the people of 
the Government. 

While on this expedition the author heard of the existence of a web-footed 
people. "I had been inclined to sneer," he says, "at these reports. I had in my 
" mind the case of the Doriri tribe, who were reported as having many tails, which on 
" investigation were found to protrude from the back of the head, being fashioned 
" by rolling layers of bark round long strands of hair." The members of the tribe 
of which the author was in search are known as the Agai Ambu. They occupy the 
lakes and swamps at the head of the Barigi river : their principal village is on the 
side of a lake. The houses are built on long poles a good height above the water. 
Their canoes are dug-outs without outriggers, and they use broad-bladed paddles. 
After a considerable amount of trouble the party succeeded in persuading one of these 
peculiar people to step out of his canoe. " We at once saw there was some truth 
" in the reports about the physical formation of these people. There was between 
" their toes an epidermal growth more distinct than in the case of other people, 
" though not so conspicuous as to permit of the epithet ' half webbed,' much less 
" ' webbed ' being applied to them." The most noticeable difference was in the 
shortness of their legs below the knee, and that the feet were broader and shorter and 
very flat. A fuller account of these people is given in the Acting Governor's report 
(unfortunately the reference is not given), who, in addition to what Mr. Walker has 
related, gives an account of their mode of burial on platforms among the reeds. It is a 
pity that no photograph of these people was obtained. It is evident that the author 
had a camera with him, as he gives one of a distant view of their village. 

Chapters V and VI are devoted to a description of a visit to the Philippines 
where the author visited the Florida Blanca Mountains of North Luzon. The inhabi- 
tants of this district live in solitary huts in small clearings in the forest, and are, by far, 
the smallest race that the author had ever seen they might quite properly be termed 
pygmies. " I certainly," he says, " never came across a Negrito man over 4 feet 6 inches, 
" if as tall, and the women, as a rule, only up to the men's shoulders." Cicatrisation 
was common to both sexes, as well as a curious mode of shaving the head. They 
use the bow and arrow for warfare and a harpoon arrow for hunting, as well as the blow- 
pipe with clay pellets. Owing to hostilities breaking out, the author was prevented 
from visiting a tribe of aboriginals known as the Buquils, inhabiting the higher 
mountain ranges, where the women were said to be " bearded." 

In Chapters XII-XIV the author gives his experience in Borneo and of his seven 
months' residence in a Dayak's home on the Sarekei river. 

The book ends with an account of a visit paid to the caves where the edible 
bird's-nests are obtained. These are made by swallows of two distinct species, the 
one making a white, the other a black nest, owing to mixing the saliva, of which 
they make them, with feathers. 

The book is interesting to read, is well illustrated, and full enough of hairbreadth 
escapes, and blood-curdling descriptions of savage home life to please the average reader 
of books of travel. I am afraid the title on the back of the book, Wanderings Among 
South Sea Savages, is rather misleading, and will cause it to be placed amongst books 
relating to the South Pacific, thus condemning to oblivion the Philippine and Borneo 
portions of it. J. E.-P. 

Printed by EYBE AND SPOTTISWOODE, LTD.. His Majesty's Printers, East Harding Street, E.C. 



PLATE B. 



MAN, 1910. 




ENRICO HILLYER GIGLIOLI. 



(O 



1910.] MAN. [Nos. 7-8. 

ORIGINAL ARTICLES. 

Obituary. With Plate B. Read. 

Enrico Hillyer Gigiioli: Born June 13, 1845; died December 16, "7 

1909. By C. H. Read, LL.D., P.S.A. I 

By the early and unexpected death of Professor Gigiioli Italy has lost an accom- 
plished and versatile man of science, and one of the most genial of her sons. Born in 
London in 1845, where his father, a political exile, had married an Englishwoman, he 
never saw Italy until 1848, when conditions became favourable for his father's return, 
and the young Gigiioli was sent to school at Genoa and Pavia until 1861. He then 
went back to England with a Government grant, and was entered at the School of 
Mines, where he remained for three years, publishing meanwhile memoirs in English 
and Italian, the former in the Lancet and Ibis. In 1865 he received what can only 
have been to him a most fascinating commission, viz., to accompany the voyage of the 
Magenta on her scientific and political voyage to China and Japan. On his return in 
1868 he was attached to the University of Turin to deal with the collections made 
during the voyage, and later he had to extend the scientific account of it. From this 
time onward his life was one of untiring industry, memoirs on every kind of pelagic 
and biological subject being produced, while physical anthropology was by no means 
neglected. 

In 1874 he found his real work as ordinary professor of zoology and the comparative 
anatomy of the Vertebrates at Florence, a subject he had dealt with for three years as 
extraordinary professor. Excursions on scientific quests, both in the Mediterranean and 
further afield, now became of frequent occurrence, varied by missions as Italian delegate 
to scientific conferences or exhibitions in all parts of the Continent. The result of 
these frequent journeys, combined with a command of languages, made Professor 
Gigiioli a well-known character in scientific circles, and hi? popularity ensured the kind 
of recognition that competence begets in the honorary membership of nearly every 
learned society of Europe and America. Nor were his merits entirely overlooked at 
home, he became commendatore of the orders of SS. Maurice and Lazarus and of the 
Crown of Italy, while Austria, France, and Brazil all conferred decorations upon him. 

Representatives of all countries had united to do him honour on the completion of 
his fortieth year of professional work, when death intervened and took him from among 
us a few days before the date. Great intellectual ability, combined with industry as 
great, and a kindly genial nature will make his loss deeply felt and widely deplored. 

C. H. READ. 



India. Rose. 

Fictitious Kinship in the Punjab. By H. A. Rose. Q 

The ideas underlying the formation of the ties of fictitious kinship, and 
the effects of those ties when formed, are not only of importance from a practical 
point of view, as illustrating such practices as adoption, rules of succession, and the 
like, but they are also of considerable interest as illustrating the possibilities of 
castes, or even tribes, having been formed by processes of accretion. Among the 
most primitive races on the North- West Frontier of India the ties of fosterage are 
very strong, more stringent even than those of blood kinship ;* and throughout India, 
at least among the non-Muhammadans, adoption plays a very important role in the 
law of inheritance.! The following notes on these ideas and customs have been 
collected in an attempt to ascertain how far fictitious kinship is now formed in the 
Punjab. 

* Kg., among the so-called Dards; see Biddulph's Tribes of the Hindoo Koosh, pp. 82-3. 

f E.g., among the Nambudri Brahmans of Keraha, on the Malabar coast (see Calcutta Review, 
1901, pp. 121 et seqq.\ we find two kinds of religious and one of secular adoption. All three forms 
have remarkable effects on the laws of succession. 

[ 17 ] 



No. 8,] MAN. [1910. 

Ganga-bahais. A fraternal relationship, entailing the consequences of natural 
kinship and thus operating as a bar to marriage between the parties, who become 
Gangabhais each to the other, is established by making a pilgrimage to the Ganges 
together and there drinking the waters of the sacred river from each other's hands.* 
This relationship is also established between two women (or even between a man and 
a woman), f irrespective of caste, and the parties should drink thrice,! or seven times, 
while lasting friendship and sisterhood are vowed. In Gurgaon women who exchange 
dopatfas (shawls) at a sacred place, or on a pilgrimage, become Ganga-bahin, Jamna- 
bahin (if that river is the place of pilgrimage), or, generally, tirath-bahin. Such women 
each treat the other's husband as a jija, i.e., as a sister's husband, and it is said that the 
custom of making these alliances is more prevalent among women than among men, 
and more binding also. With the extension of facilities for making pilgrimages this 
custom ia becoming rarer, but when a pilgrimage involved journeying and living 
together the tie was often contracted, and it is still not rare in cases where some 
service or aid was rendered. A Sanskrit adage declares that no wrong should be done 
to a person with whom one has walked seven paces, an idea to which the seven steps 
at a wedding owe their significance. 

The pahul. Among Sikhs the taking of the pahul together creates a similar tie, 
and those bound by it are called gurbhais. Here again caste is disregarded and the 
relationship created operates as an absolute bar to marriage. 

Adoption. Adoption, as a religious rite, is not very common in the Punjab, even 
among Hindus. It is solemnized with few rites, and is usually called god lena, or 
" taking in the lap." An adopted son is termed putrela by Hindus. But besides the 
custom of formal adoption a kind of informal adoption of a man or woman as father 
or mother is not unusual. The adoptive parent is thenceforth treated as a natural 
parent, but apparently no legal results ensue. 

Exchanging ganans. An analogous tie can be created between two youths by 
exchanging ganans\ or wedding wristlets, and eating rice and milk together. The 
youth who is to be married puts on a ganan, and his would-be friend unties it, while 
a Brahman repeats the following mantra : 

TRANSLITERATION. 

Manglang^ B hag wan- Vishnu** 
Manglang Garar-dhwijd ! f f 
Manglang Punri-kdkhiyoQ 
Mangld yatno Hari.\\\\ 



* It is said that the exchange of pagrfe at Hardwar merely cements a long and intimate friendship 
without creating any bond of artificial kinship. 

t It is, however, said that this tie is only contracted between women. It is apparently rare 
between a man and a woman, but not unknown. In Multan the tie is called bhirappi and does exist 
between men and women. 

J This is called in Panjabi chulian lena [literally "to take handfuls" (of water)]. Women thus 
become dkarm-bahin, if Hindus. 

The subject of adoption is fully treated in the present writer's Compendium of tlie Punjab 
Customary Law. 

|| Ganan, M., a string of coloured cords or of goat's hair. -The man or youth who unfastens the 
ffdnd of a bridegroom at his wedding is also bound to him by special ties of friendship. 

^f Happiness, fortune, bliss, felicity. 

** The second deity of the sacred triad, entrusted with the preservation of the world. 

ft An epithet of Vishnu. Oarar is represented as the vehicle of Vishnu and as having a white 
face, an aquiline nose, red wings and a golden body. Dhwij means a banner, flag. It generally bears 
a picture of the deity's vehicle. 

JJ An epithet of Vishnu. Lit., having eyes^like a white lotus flower (punrik = white lotus, 
JtaJthiyd = eyes). 

Lit., house, residence. |||| An epithet of Vishnu. 

[ 18 ] 



1910.] MAN. [No. 8, 

TRANSLATION. 
Bhagwan Vishnu"} 

Garar-dhwij >is the embodiment of bliss. 

Punri-kakhiya J 
Hari is the abode of happiness. 

God is the centre of all bliss, happiness emanates from him. 

This is a benediction (ashir wad) which a Brahman gives to other men. The 
idea being " May God, the embodiment of all bliss, give you happiness." 
Another mantra : 

Yen badhdho Bali-raja ddn-vandro, Mahd-bald !! 
Te-natwdng prit-badhndmi rakshe md-chal md-chal ! ! 

"In the name of Him who killed Raja Bali, the mighty leader of the Daits, I fasten 
this rakhri thread round your wrist and protect you, may you persevere, cleave to it, 
and never deviate from it." 

Generally this mantra is recited when a rakhri (amulet) is tied by a Brahman at 
the Rakhri-festival (on the full-moon day in the month of Sawan). 

Various other means are adopted to create or cement enduring friendships, hardly 
amounting to fictitious relationship. Thus the mundan ceremony affords an opportunity 
to swear lasting friendships, batdshas being distributed among those present, or a child 
of the same age being made to catch the boy's hair as it falls, and thus form a tie 
of kinship with him. Simultaneous circumcision forms a similar bond. 

Among the Sansis friendship is sworn by one man's placing a sword between 
himself and his friend. The latter removes it, and the tie is complete. 

Pagwat. But far commoner than the solemn religious bond created by the fore- 
going fictions is the looser social bond created by the exchange of pagris, or pagwat, 
as it is called in Gujrat. As a rule this exchange creates a bond like that of kin- 
ship,* though it is said that only among Hindus is its existence a bar to intermarriage, 
and that among Muhammadans this is not the case. The pagri or turban f is typical 
of a man's honour, so that the exchange means that the honour of the one party 
becomes that of the other. 

Such " brothers " are ordinarily termed pag-bhai or dharm-bhai, the latter term 
being ordinarily used to denote a brother artificially created as opposed to a natural 
brother. 

Chadar- or orhna-badal. Women in the same way exchange chadars or orhnas, 
and among Muhammadans become dharm-bahin or iman-bahin to each other. But 
these customs are more prevalent among Hindus than among Muhammadans. 

A custom prevalent among children is noted in Ambala ; friendship is made or 
broken off by placing the finger on the chin and moving it backwards and forwards, 
saying meri teri yari hodi, " There is friendship twixt thee and me," or meri teri 
yari kut, " Our friendship is broken." In Multan children hold their thumbs in their 
mouths and lock their little fingers together, one saying, " Is thy friendship like a 
" sieve, or a river ? " If the other reply, " Like a river," the friendship is cemented. 
Occasionally instead of a sieve and a river, a brass vessel and a ,grinding-stone are 
the simile. But the friendship may be broken off by taking a little dust in the palm 
and blowing it away, or, in Jhang, by breaking a straw. 

* But in Ambala, for instance, it is said that no such tie is created, because pagwat sometimes 
takes place between persons of different religions (and between them no such tie could be created). 
In Jhang and Multan it creates no such tie. 

f Cf. the adage, Wair Bararar^ Bhattian. Kl hvnda imggan-watiari ? When Barafs and Bhattis 
are at enmity, of what avail is it to exchange pagrit ? " 

' 



No. 8.] MAN. [1910. 

These modes of creating fictitious relationship, or the ideas which underlie them, 
appear to be the basis of certain practices which exist in various parts of the Punjab. 
These practices on the one hand find analogies in the custom of seeking asylum, 
while on the other they merge in certain forms of oaths. 

The pagwat finds a curious application among cattle-lifters and other criminals. 
Finding himself suspected, the thief offers to restore the stolen property, on condition 
that the owner exchanges pagris with him as a pledge that he will not lodge a 
complaint. 

An apparent extension of this practice is the custom of talli pana,* talla 
pana, tikri pana, or tigra satna, as it is variously called. This custom may be 
thus described. The supplicant casts a piece of clothing over the head of his 
enemy's daughter or sister, whether he be the person whom he has actually wronged, 
or a witness against him, or his would-be captor. If he cannot get access to the 
girl herself he employs a Mirasan or a Machhiani to go to her father's house and 
throw the cloth over her head in his name. It suffices to give the girl a small 
ornament instead of casting a cloth over her. By this means a complainant or a 
hostile witness may be compelled to assist a thief or any wrong-doer instead of 
pressing the charge against him ; or a loan may be extorted from a money-lender.f 

Among Muhammadans in the western Punjab the relatives of a man in trouble 
with the police approach the complainant with a Quran, which they place in his hands 
and thus constrain him to abandon the prosecution. In former times, it is said, if a 
man who had a feud died, and his kinsman could not, or would not, continue the feud 
they took his corpse to his enemy and thus compelled him to friendship. This is 
called pallo pana,% or niyat khair. Refusal involves divine displeasure. In the 
Mianwali district it is customary for one side to send Sayyids, Brahmans, or daughters]] 
as envoys to the rival faction in order to induce it to give up its claims. If this 
request is refused and the rival party meets with misfortune, it is attributed to 
its rejection of the terms proposed by the Sayyids, or the other envoys. In the 
same district it is customary for a thief to send a widow (called kali siri)^ to beg 
for mercy from the complainant. Such an envoy refuses to sit until her request 
is granted. 

The custom of casting one's garment over an enemy's daughter is found as 
far west as Kohat, but in that district another method is also in vogue. The thief, or 
one of his relatives, goes to the complainant's house, places his hands on his chulha 
(hearth or oven) and says : ta angh-arc ma ivaniwale da, " I ha.ve grasped your 
oven ; " thus claiming his hospitality. 

* Talli, a small piece of cloth, a patch ; tikri and tigra are not given in Maya Singh's Punjabi 
Dictionary, but both are said to have the same meaning as talli. In the Jhang district at a 
wedding the bridegroom's friend casts a piece of cloth over the bride's head in precisely the same way. 

f In Gujrat the suppliant party assembles all the respectable men of the locality, and they go 
in a body to the house of him whose favour is sought. This is called meta (? surely meld) pana. 
In Dera Ghazi Khan the deputation is formed in a very similar way, and is called merk (? mekar, 
P., a crowd). Both Hindus and Muhammadans have this custom, but only the latter take a Quran 
with them. 

J Pallo, the border of a shawl ; pawan, to spread out the end of one's shawl, to invoke a 
blessing ; so called because Hindus spread out the end of their shawls on the ground before them 
when invoking a blessing. 

If the complainant violate his solemn promise on the Quran to take no action he is said to 
be niyat khair khatd, and is cut off from all social intercourse with his fellows, being only received 
again into fellowship after he has given them presents and feasted the whole brotherhood. The 
surrender of the corpse reminds one of the attachment of the dead for debt. See The Grateful Dead. 

|| Among some of the low castes daughters act as priests, rice Brahmans. 

1[ Kali siri, lit. "black-head" apparently. A widow would seem to be sent because she is the 
most deserving or pitiable of all suppliants. 

[ 20 ] 



1910.] MAN. [No. 8. 

Compurgation is also not unknown. Thus in Gujrat if A is suspected of stealing 
B's cattle, but denies his guilt, the parties nominate C and agree to abide by his word. 
This is called sunk laina, or taking an oath, but it is termed rah dena in Jhang, 
Multan, &c. 

Nanwati. Very similar in idea is the Patham custom of nanwati, or nahaura. If 
a man seeks mercy, or the protection of a powerful patron, he or his relative goes to 
his house with a posse of leading men of the village and there kills a goat or a sheep 
by way of peace-offering. 

Sayyid Ahmad Dehlari furnishes some curious information on the customs 
among women in Delhi. He informs me that the princesses of the old Mughal 
dynasty, when resident in the palace, used to effect a tie of sisterhood, called zanakhi. 
Zianakh* is the breast-bone of a fowl or pigeon, and two ladies used to break it, as 
we break a wishing-bone. They then became zanakhi, each to the other, and the 
tie thus created was a very strong one. The custom is said to have been brought 
with them from Turkestan. Similar ties were formed by women of the palace who 
were known as diljan, " heart's life," jan-i-man,^ dilmila, dushman, (lit. " enemy ") 
dugana, chhagana, &c., but these ties were less binding. Dilmila may be taken to 
mean " confidante." Dugana is applied to two ladies of equal age whose friendship 
is strengthened by eating philippine almonds, " as if they were sisters, born of one 
mother." Chhagana would appear to be derived from chhe, 6, and to mean one who 
is six times dearer than a sister. Dushman is used, curiously enough, to imply that 
the enemy of either is also the enemy of the other.J 

Among the women of Delhi generally, the terms applied to such adoptive sisters 
are suheli (companion), bahneli,\\ and sakhi^ or sakheli. but the latter term is seldom 
used except in poetry. Another term for adopted sister is munh-holi, or " adopted 
" by word of mouth." Other terms remind one of the pagri-badal or fopi-badal 
brotherhoods formed among men and include the chhalla-badal-bahin, or sister by 
exchange of rings, and dopatja-badal-bahin, or sister by exchange of scarves. The 
latter tie is formed ceremoniously, each " sister " sending the other an embroidered 
scarf (dopatta) in a tray and putting on the one received from her, after which a 
number of invited guests are feasted. Religious sisterhood is formed by following the 
same faith and becoming chinibahin ; by affecting the same spiritual teacher (pir) and 
becoming pir-bahin ; or by drinking the water from the Jumna or Ganges from 
each other's hands while bathing in one of those rivers, and thus becoming Jamna- 
or Gaiiga-bahin. The latter is the stronger tie. Foster sisters are styled 
dudh-sharik-bahin** H. A. ROSE. 

* Zandkh, Pers., means " chin " ; Plaits' Hindustani Dictionary, p. 618, but it does not give 
zandkh. 

j- Jan-i-man, " life of mine," or possibly " life of my heart." I can trace none of these Palace 
terms in Platts. 

J These Palace terms have been somewhat disregarded, or have at least lost much of their original 
force, in rekhti, the doggerel verses written in women's language and expressing their sentiments (Platts, 
p. 611). Chttagdna, however, occurs in the verse : Mui ne gais s'ashiq ko tirike chunwae, Qurban ki 
thi chhagana woh kahmui Laita in the Taskira-i-6fuhistan-i-Sakhun of Mirza Fakhr-ud-Muhk. With 
the exception of dugana and chhagana they are also said to occur in three books, the Chata-bhanchi, 
Sugliarsiibehi, and Buz-i-akhir, written by a gentleman who had been brought up in the Delhi 
Palace, and describing the colloquial language used therein. 

Platts, pp. 707-8. 

|| An adopted visitor, or female friend, Platts, p. 194. 

f A female friend, etc., see Platts, p. 666. 

** In Northern India, from Agra as far south as Bihar, the term guiyan is much in use among 
women and in poetry. In Marwar and Upper India the corresponding term is sajni, which Platts 
(p. 643) gives as a synonym of sahell. See p. 928 for guizan, " a partner," or "female companion." 

[ 21 ] 



Nos. 9-10.] MAN. [1910. 

Iceland. Fenwick. 

A Note on Four Icelandic Cairns. By N. P. Fenwick, Junr. Q 

Of the many cairns which mark the track in Iceland, there are four which U 
are worthy of special note on account of a curious custom attaching to them. 

Anyone riding by dismounts and writes a stanza on a scrap of paper. This is 
rolled up and placed in a hollow pony's bone, several of which are scattered about, 
and the bone is then pushed among the stones of the cairn, to be found by the next 
passer-by. 

The name for these cairns is " Beinakerling," which signifies "crone of bones." 
The stanzas always refer to an old woman of doubtful character, and if the composer 
happens to know by name any man travelling behind he endeavours to insert the latter's 
name and implicate him in some intrigue with the Beinakerling. 

The following is the translation of a quatrain which I found in the Beinakerling 
a Kaldadal, a cairn situated in the Kaldidalur (cold valley) on the road between 
Kalmanstunga and Arnavatn : 

" I am sitting here late and early ; 

Hungry and cold I linger. 
Sincere friend will you not 
Warm the old one ? " 

The majority of the stanzas written is of a much coarser type. 

The second of these cairns is situated in the desert about ten miles north-east 
of Arnavatn. 

The third and fourth are fairly close together, near Krisavik, rather more than 
thirty miles from Reykjavik. They are named Kris and Herdis after two witches who 
are said to have fought and killed one another there. 

I also hear that there are a few places besides these in which people leave stanzas 
of a similar nature, but these are not true " crones of bones." 

The aforementioned custom is one of some antiquity, and as to its origin I am 
totally ignorant. 

Perhaps it was in this manner that the outlaws, of whom there was at one time 
a large number in the island, were wont to communicate with their friends and that 
thus it found its beginning. 

Again it may have originated through friends and admirers having placed votive 
offerings of this kind in the cairns raised over the bones of the illustrious dead. 

N. P. FENWICK, JUNR. 



America, South. Busltnell. 

The Bows and Arrows of the Arawak in 18O3. />'// David I. ill 

Bushnell, Junr. Ill 

The writer has recently had access to a large quantity of manuscript material 

which formerly belonged to the Hon. J. Henry H. Holmes, who, during the early years 

of the last century, was " Barrister and Attorney, otherwise Advocate and Procureur 

" of the Honourable Court of Criminal and Civil Justice of Demerara and Essequebo ; 

" Proctor of the Court of Vice- Admiralty ; and, provisionally, Waiter and Searcher in 

" His Majesty's Customs." 

The papers were brought from England some forty years ago, and are now in the 
possession of descendants living in Virginia. Among the manuscripts there are several 
that were not written by Holmes, but had been given to him by another person, who 
evidently had an intimate knowledge of the country and its native inhabitants. Of 
these the most interesting bears the date " Demerara, 9 May 1803," and is headed 
" Some Miscellany and Desultory Observations on some of the Objects of Nature as 
" they are found here." Unfortunately it is not signed. 

[ 22 1 



1910,] 



MAN. 



[No, 10. 



mr * f 
I I 2 
S S 6 




1 



J 



* 



7*9 

f j 



ARAWAK ABROWS. FROM A DRAWING MADE IN 1803. LENGTH OP ARROWS FROM 5J TO 6 FEET. 

[ 23 ] 



No. 10.] MAN. [1910. 

The greater part of the paper is devoted to a description of the trees and plants 
of Guiana ; but a section on the bows and arrows of the Arawak tribe is of special 
interest. At one place our unknown author wrote : " All the names of trees, arrows, &c. 
" are Arowaak names, and the letters u and i when they are marked thus u, i, have the 
" long and soft sound of oo and ee in the English way of spelling, or oe and ie in the 
" Battavians' way of spelling. This way of writing Arowaak names I have always 
" used as being the easiest and shortest, and where a or o is marked a, 5, it has a long 
" sound as the omega of the Greek." 

One page of the manuscript shows drawings of twelve arrows and two bows. The 
former are reproduced on the preceding page ; their length being given as from 5^ to 
6 feet. The specimens are described as follows : 

" NAMES OF THE ARROWS. 

1. Mania - for small birds. 

2. Katimeru - - for wild hogs. 

3. Siparari - for all quadrupeds. 

4. Serappa - for fish. 

5. Asirta - to walk with. 

6. Katuruter - - for large birds. 

7. Sudi - - for war. 

8. Wurari - for war. 

9. Kabuhiteru - - for war. 

" The shapes of the points of the arrows do vary according to fancy more or less, 
but still the distinctions are most accurately attended to. 

" Some of these have no feathers, because they are used against a near object ; 
but the Karabiess-Bocks give the Serappa, or fish arrow, a feather, which the Arawaaks 
never do. Some of the arrows are pointed with soft wood, some with hard wood, 
some with iron, according to the intended uses. The war-arrows are pointed with 
hard, sharp fish bones, or with sharp splinters of human thigh bones, or splinters of 
the kukuriet palm tree, or iron, and sometimes are poisoned. It may appear strange 
that all the Bock nations are so very particular in distinguishing the shapes and uses 
of their arrows ; but let it be observed that a bow and arrows to these nations is 
essential to their life, they being in that state of society which is supported by hunting, 
both of fish, of birds, and of beasts ; their forefathers in past ages have lived 
principally by their bow and arrows, and they are from infancy accustomed to see, to 
love, to use, and to delight in the use of the arrow and of the bow, therefore all 
their art and skill and ingenuity is displayed on and in these valuable instruments 
in fact they constitute their principal Lares and Lemures, their sacred and beloved 
household gods : companions and friends, in fine. What a horse and plough is to a 
farmer, what a loom is to a weaver, what an axe and adze is to a carpenter, what 
negroes are to West India planters, and what a day-book and ledger is to a merchant, 
that is a bow and arrows to all the aborigine nations of America, especially those 
who live within the warm latitudes, and can, of course, use them every day of the 
year." 

Elsewhere the bows and arrows are said to be " from 5^ to 6 feet long." 

In Among the Indians of Guiana (London : 1883) im Thurn describes many 
arrows used by the various tribes, and on p. 245 presents a list of the different forms 
together with their names as given by the scattered tribes. However, only five 
Arawak names are tabulated, and of these four are queried. Consequently the present 
list, prepared more than a century ago, is of more than ordinary interest. 

D. I. BUSHNELL, JUNR. 

[ 24 ] 



1910.] MAN. [No. 11. 

Egypt. Blackmail. 

Some Egyptian and Nubian Notes. By Aylward M. Blackman, B.A. 44 

On the day of the great 'id in January 1907 I witnessed the appearance of II 
the Sheykh Dakruri in his tomb at Behnasa. The cemetery at Behnasa is famous all 
over Egypt, and is notable for containing the tombs of several of the so-called Sahaba 
such as Fattah-el-Bab. On entering this well-known tomb of Dakruri with several 
of our workmen, I found it crowded with enthusiastic men and women, the latter 
uttering their shrill cries of joy (zagharit) and all clapping their hands. Among them 
there were also one or two dervishes, with long tangled hair and beards, clothed in rags 
and waving green flags. In the midst of all this clamour one of my companions nudged 
my arm and said, " Look up there," and upon the whitewashed dome where he pointed 
I saw the shadow of a man standing by a horse. On this being observed the cries and 
clapping grew louder and the crowd became almost frenzied with excitement. Presently 
the man mounted the horse and disappeared. It is supposed to be very lucky to see 
this miracle. I inquired if this was the Sheykh himself who appeared, and the reply 
was, " Not the Sheykh himself but his good spirit " (mush esh-Sheykh nafsuh lakin 
barakatuh). 

On mentioning this to the Omda's son, a youth who had been educated in a 
European school in Cairo, he told me that he and a friend had made an experiment in 
connection with this supposed miracle. Not far from the tomb is a mound, and if a 
man and horse stand on this when the sun is in a certain position they are reflected 
as in a camera obscura through a small window on to the dome. 

During the 'id there are many Bedawy horsemen about, in the neighbourhood 
of this and other tombs. So the miracle is explained, and is probably produced by 
unconscious agents. 

Another famous tomb at Behnasa is that of the seven maidens (es-saba'a banat). 
Visitors to this shrine of both sexes roll over and over in the sand close by. This 
preserves one's good health and is a cure for sickness of any kind. Strings hung 
from the walls and from these were fastened hundreds of rags, buttons, or ornaments, 
which were left by pilgrims who had been cured. It was customary for a pilgrim 
to erect a small pile of stones or bricks outside the tomb as a memento of his 
visit. Similar small piles I found in Nubia around the rough circles of stones, said 
by the local inhabitants to mark the graves of Sahaba. 

Another well-known Sheykh at Behnasa is Abu Samraq. So famous is he 
that people come to him from Alexandria. Sick folk pass the night in his tomb, 
often several nights, and if recovered offer him a victim. 

Another Sheykh whose name I cannot recall had a somewhat sinister reputation. 
No one could ever pass the night in his tomb ; whoever attempted to do so was 
ejected by some invisible agency. 

Passing through a cemetery late one night at Marwaw in Nubia I asked if the 
people of the village were afraid of being in a cemetery in the dark. The answer 
was, " Why should one fear the dead who are resting in the security of God " (elli 
yekunu hi aman Allah)." My Nubian guard who was with me said one need only 
fear a place where there had been a murder. The spilled blood produced an afrit 
who disappeared if one said, " Bismillah er-rahman er-rahim." This afrit was not the 
spirit of the murdered man, which was in the " bir el-arwah " but only an emanation 
from the blood, ' nafs min ed-dam." I am indebted to Dr. Seligmann for the following 
information in connection with this same idea. An Egyptian told him that if a man 
were attacked and did not die on the spot, but after he had been removed, there 
was no ghost, even if blood were shed. Also if he died there and then, blood must 
be spilled and soaked up by the earth. Murder by a bloodless blow on the head 
did not produce an afrit. 

[ 25 ] 



No, 11,] 



MAN. 



[1910. 




FlG. 1. OVEN. 



An idea about twins, common to Lower Nubia and Egypt, is that they have the 
power of becoming cats at night. They can enter houses, steal milk and food, and eat 
chickens. A man from Quft in Egypt told me that he was in a friend's house one 
evening, and while they were conversing a cat entered and tried to drink from a bowl of 
milk. The owner of the house picked up a knife to throw at the cat, while the other 
tried to prevent him, saying, " That is the son of so 
and so, the butcher." But in spite of this the knife 
was thrown, and the cat wounded in one of its 
hind legs. In the morning the boy was found to 
be wounded in the same leg as the cat. Grown 
men who are twins will tell one that they can 
remember as children becoming cats, though as 
they grow up they lose this power. To break 
the spell, and prevent the children from becoming 
cats, immediately after birth the father must place 
the twins in an oven (cold, of course), and then 
after a short time remove them (Fig. 1). Appa- 
rently they are just put in and quickly removed. 
This latter idea is Nubian ; the Egyptians that 
I have questioned do not know it. 

In Nubia hair from the back of the neck of 
a hyena is worn for an amulet as a cure for barrenness in women. For the same 
reason the head of the horned cerastes is worn. A childless Nubian woman on hearing 
that a woman in the neighbourhood is in labour will put on a gold nose ring and gash 
her ankle with a razor. She then enters the room where the child is being born. 
The evil magic in her system passes out through the spilled blood and the gold nose 
ring into the fertile woman. This makes the woman and her child ill, the latter is said 
nearly always to die. The barren woman next year will bear a child. This was told 
me by my boatman from Shellal. 

The people of Tafeh, a village near Bab-el-Kalabsheh, in Lower Nubia, eat the 
fox, and I was informed by my boatman that the people of the village hold the fox in 
high esteem. They say that he who eats of him imbibes his cunning. For other ideas 
about the fox in that village see my article in MAN, January 1909, on the fox as a 

birth amulet. Perhaps it is the last 
lingering trace of a fox divinity in that 
region (??). 

A man from Qus in the Muderiyeh 
of Qena, Upper Egypt, told me that a 
man who desires to be a clever scribe 
should catch a hoopoe bird, and tear the 
heart from it while yet alive and eat it 
raw. This he said was commonly believed 
in his part of the country, and his own 
uncle had done so with success. 

A man from Quft in Upper Egypt 
told me that while the bridegroom is on 
his way to and from the mosque in his 
wedding procession, a man, holding a bar 
with lighted lamps suspended from it, walks before him and behind. A near 
relation or close friend walks on either side of him ; this is done to prevent anyone 
touching him, for should he be touched ill-luck results and the marriage produces 
no children. 

[ 26 ] 




FIG. 2. CIRCLE OF STONES. 



1910.] 



MAN. 



[No, 11. 




FlG. 3. TOMBS OF SHEYKHS. 



A Coptic wedding custom is to slaughter a sheep on the threshold of the house 
door before the bride enters. The threshold is smeared with blood, and the bride must 
cross it without getting any blood on her 
feet or clothing. Should she do so, the 
marriage is unlucky. 

On the high desert above Dabod 
Temple in Nubia is a circle composed 
of rough stones (Fig. 2). In the midst 
of this is set up a large stone with a 
hole in it, from which is suspended a 
large ring made of iron wire. To the 
ring are fastened rags, buttons, and 
small personal ornaments. Close to the 
upright stone are placed offerings of 
pots. Sick people sleep inside this 
circle, and if the Sheykh, who is sup- 
posed to be buried there, heals them 

they fasten to the iron ring a rag torn from their clothes or something similar. 

Dr. Seligmann found that at Qurna, near Luxor, circumcision rags are hung up in 

a Sheykh's tomb there. They were evidently early dressings, as they were considerably 

stained with blood. Perhaps they were 
hung there to ensure a speedy healing ? 
Dr. Seligmann also found, at the same 
place, that hard by the Sheykh's tomb 
grows a tree. A sick man plucks leaves 
from it and sleeps with them under his 
head. In a dream the Sheykh appears and 
prescribes a treatment. With respect to 
circumcision rags, I find a somewhat 
similar custom prevailed among the 
Fijians. " The blood was caught on a 
" strip of bark cloth called kulo (red), 
" which in some cases was suspended 
" from the roof of the temple or the 
" house of the chief."* 
At Gerf Hussein in Nubia is the domed tomb of the Sheykh Abd er-Rahim, 
among a group of Sheykhs (Fig. 3), he, however, being the most popular. People 
who desire some temporal blessing, such as recovery from illness, a child, or success 
in a dispute, make a vow that if their 
wish is gratified they will offer the 
Sheykh a victim (dabiha). Outside the 
tomb is a block of stone, coated thick 
with dried blood of countless sacrifices, 
on which the victim is offered. To enter 
the domed tomb one must pass through 
a rectangular ante-chamber roofed with 
" bus " (dura-straw) laid on rafters of 
palm trees. In this ante-chamber is a 
small hearth, the usual kiud consisting of 
two or three stones to stand the cooking FIG. 5. CIRCLE OF STONES. 

* See Tlte Fijiaw, by Basil Thomson. In a Sheykh's tomb on the opposite side of the river to 
Qurna Dr. Seligmann also saw pieces of the dress of a bridegroom, worn on his wedding-day, hung up. 

[ 27 ] 




FIG. 4. POT. 




No. 11.] 



MAN. 



[1910. 




FIG. 6. SHEYKH'S TOMB. 



pot on. Near this primitive hearth stood two large pots (Fig. 4) for cooking the 
flesh of the sacrificed animal. The victim after being slain and duly prepared is, 
I understood, and as 1 have seen in Sheykhs' tombs in Egypt, hung up just inside the 
tomb for a while. It is then taken down and cooked, and half belongs to the servant 
of the Sheykh and halt forms a feast for the poor. The feast, which is shared together 

hy the offerer and the poor, is an 

essential part of the sacrifice. 

At Gerf Hussein also was a circle of 
stones (Fig. 5) supposed to mark the 
burial place of a Sheykh. To this an 
old woman would often bring an offering 
of dough in a red pottery dish. First she 
would smooth the sand within the circle, 
speaking all the while in Nubian in- 
terspersed with Arabic interjections such 
as "ya sheykh, ya rabbi." Then she 
scattered part of tbe dough on the grave, 
and the rest she offered to those who 
stood by, myself included. She told me 
it was good to eat because it belonged 
to the Sheykh. 

On the island of Bigeh, close to 
Shellal, there is a domed Sheykh's tomb 
(Fig. 6), with a small offertory chamber 

attached, containing pots. Around it are the graves of the community. Noticeable 
is the flag on the door. Such flags are the regular emblems of Sheykhs and tokens 
of sanctity. Wherever they are put they denote some sort of religious prohibition. 
Such a flag stuck in a heap of vegetables lying by the roadside will prevent any 
being taken. The thief would be invariably stricken with sickness. Date palms 
are also thus protected from robbery. A newly-built house often has a similar flag 
at each corner. I was informed that afrits were jealous of a new house and desired 
possession, but that the flapping of these 
flags frightened them off. Practically 
every Sheykh's tomb has one or more of 
these flags inside or outside it. Is it 
possible that the flag is the same as the 

Egyptian hieroglyph |, the sign of a 

god ? Griffith (A Collection of Hiero- 
glyphs, p. 46) suggests that the sign 
represents a roll of cloth, the lower part 
bound or laced over the upper end 
appearing as a flap at the top, probably 
for unwinding. From the early examples 
of the sign depicted in Petrie's Medum 
the sign j might well represent a flag. ' ^^^^^^W'": 

FIG. 7. PLATES OVEE HOUSE DOOR. 

The example shown m Hieroglyphs, 

Plate III, is possibly a flag whose stick is covered with different coloured bands of 
cloth. Similar are the sticks of the flag-shaped fly-flaps made at Esneh in Upper 
Egypt. The central pole, from which radiate to smaller poles strings of flags and 
lamps, set up in every Muslim village to celebrate the prophet's birthday, is also 
decorated with alternating bands of coloured cloth, usually blue and red. 

[ 28 ] 




1910.] MAN. [Nos. 11-12. 

Charms and amulets are in common use among both Egyptians and Nubians. In a 
village not far from Fant, in Middle Egypt, the leading people were four wealthy 
brothers. One of them was widely known for his writing of potent amulets ; he gave 
one to a servant of mine, a piece of written paper folded. On my wanting to open 
the paper and see what was written on it, my servant, greatly alarmed, prevented me. 
He told me that should I open the paper I should die, for so he had been told by the 
Sheykh. At Gerf Hussim, Lower Nubia, there is a Sheykh who can make amulets 
for a religions war. If a Muslim wearing one of these is struck by a bullet, it will 
either glance aside or pass through him without doing harm. 

In 1906, at Behnasa, our head reis fell ill with some sort of fever. He was 
dissatisfied with European medicine, and went to the Sheykh (a living man in this 
case). The Sheykh wrote " excellent writing " on paper, and threw it into the fire. 
As the paper was consumed the fever left the sick man's body. The rite was several 
times repeated, apparently at one sitting. 

An interesting case of how a new custom springing up is, after a time, given some 
magical signification comes from Lower Nubia. Over nearly every house door china 
plates are fastened up (Fig. 7). In some places the people said they were merely an 
ornament, in others a village called Meris and at Dehmit the people said they were 
put over the door to ensure there always being plenty of bread in the house. The 
Omda of Dehmit said that it was only in the last ten to fifteen years that Nubian 
servants in hotels and European houses had brought such plates home with them. 
Till then plates had never been used for bread, if anything had been used for bread 
it was, and indeed still is, the flat basket (tabaqa). I never saw a single instance 
of a tabaqa fastened over a door. 

The people of Quft believe that brothers never meet after death in Paradise. 
This makes the grief of surviving brothers all the more poignant, and the outward 
display of mourning at such a funeral is even more noteworthy than at other funerals. 
While one brother is holding intercourse with his other relations in Paradise, should 
another brother come up, the first (they say) immediately disappears. This is not 
only believed of twins, but of all brothers, and the Quftis say it is taught them by 
the 'Ulema. 

The people of the same place and neighbourhood never speak to or of their wife 
by her name. A husband addresses her always as ya bint, or ya marati, O girl, 
O my wife, respectively. Their reason for this is that such an appellation would be 
too familiar, and would make the wife conceited. A man said to me, " Iza kunt 
ukallim-ha keda nafs-ha yetla' kebir." (If I speak to her so, her mind will become 
big.) A man will call his sister-in-law by her name, and she him by his name. 

AYLWARD M. BLACKMAN. 



England : Archaeology. King: : Polkinghorne. 

Holed Stone at Kerrow, St. Just-in-Penwith, Cornwall. By H. 4O 

King and the late B. C. Polkinghorne, B.Sc., F.C.S. l 

While making enquiries at Kerrow Farm on other matters, we were informed by 
Mr. Humphrey Hoskins, the farmer, of a large stone with a .hole in the centre which 
his son had laid bare some months previously in cutting furze in a croft at the western 
foot of Chapel Cam Brea. 

On August 14, 1907, we had the ground cleared around it and found it to be a 
circular slab of granite 48 inches in diameter and 12 to 14 inches in thickness. In the 
centre was a cylindrical hole, of diameter 8 inches, and depth 8 inches ; very truly 
worked, not ground, but apparently formed by use of iron tools. The interior surface 
was,however, quite smooth and no tool marks could be detected. Our helpers raised 

[ 29 ] 



Nos, 12-13.] MAN. [1910. 

the stone the weight would be about 1 ton and we found that it had been maintained 
in a horizontal position by pieces of granite inserted below. Underneath we found 
much wood charcoal but no bone. The hole contained plant debris. 

It occurred to us that the hollow was a receptacle for cremated bones, if not for a 
small urn, and since the excavation the former of us has seen in the house of the 
landowner a small circular slab which had been found some years ago in the same 
croft, and we suggest that this stone was the cover. 

We are not aware of any similar relic and would invite contributory evidence. 
The stone had parted along a natural plane just clear of the central cavity. 

H. KING. 
B. C. POLKINGHORNE. 



REVIEWS. 
Greece : Religion. Farnell. 

The Cults of the Greek States. Vol. V. By Lewis Richard Farnell, D.Litt., 
M.A. With illustrations. Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1909. Pp. xii + 495. 
23 X 15 cm. Price 16*. 

Dr. Farnell here brings to conclusion the work of some twenty years. In his fifth 
and last volume he discusses the cults of Hermes, Dionysos, Hestia, Hephaistos, and 
Ares, and in a final chapter some minor cults, such as of Pan and Helios, Nymphs and 
Charites. The principle that governs the selection of the minor cults is not easy to 
grasp. Everyone will regret that he has not seen his way to fulfil the promise of the 
fourth volume by giving us a chapter on hero-worship and the cults of the dead. 
Without such an account a work dealing with state-cults is singularly incomplete. 
We are, however, promised a discussion of these and kindred matters in a separate 
publication. 

This fifth volume, like its predecessors, is singularly difficult to review in the pages 
of MAN. The anthropologist will find in it a tolerably complete Corpus of facts, of 
the sources literary and monumental. He will find also a full perhaps too full 
discussion of modern theories, English and foreign ; but when it comes to what he 
chiefly seeks, the question of origines, he will find this question tabued. In his first 
volume Dr. Farnell writes, " The question of origins may be set aside." Those 
words were written in 1896, and may then have been felt by some to constitute a 
wise limitation. Now, with full flood of the comparative method upon us, they 
can only be felt as a perilous entrenchment. Happily in 1910 Dr. Farnell finds him- 
self able again and again to break through his self-imposed limitations. His chapter 
on Dionysos in Vol. V, compared, e.g., with his chapter in Vol. I on Zeus, marks 
the advance. 

This chapter contains at least one original contribution to the vexed question of 
the origin and gist of the cult of Dionysos, and deserves careful study. This theory 
may briefly be noted. The fact that the Thracian festivals of Dionysos were celebrated 
in alternated years, were as the Greeks called " trieteric," is well known. The most 
usual, and we still believe in the main the true, explanation is that these trieteric 
festivals depend on the adjustment of the moon-year and the sun-year. Dr. Farnell 
makes a different and an interesting suggestion. They are due, he thinks, to the 
shifting, year by year, of land cultivation, a shifting often found necessary in early 
societies owing to the backwardness of agricultural processes. The tribes of Assam, 
he notes (p. 180), shift their cultivation year by year, and hold a ceremony intended 
to determine by magical rites the proper site for the new cultivation. It is very 
probable that this may have been at least one factor in the practice of the 
trieterica. 

We should like in this connection to make a further suggestion. Dr. Farnell 

[ 30 ] 



1910,] MAN. [Nos. 13-14. 

and other writers make frequent mention of the orgies. We think of orgies as 
licentious rites. Is it not at least possible that primitive orgies are of blameless, 
and even virtuous origin ? They are magical rites of tvorking, of the promotion of 
fertility. The savage promotes the fertility of flocks, and specially of fields, by rites 
of dancing ; for him to dance is to work. Later, man prays to his gods to do his 
work for him, but at first he tries by' rites impulsive and mimetic to do the work 
himself. Such rites are opyia. Strenuous at the outset, they later, when their 
meaning is lost, lapse into mere orgies. For Hesiod, Ergo, are the tilled fields, the 
tilth, Orgia (Fepy work) are the magical rites that make tillage effectual. With 
this interpretation philology can have no quarrel. 

We congratulate Dr. Farnell on the conclusion of a heavy piece of work, and 
we are glad to learn from his preface that he regards his five volumes as only a 
foundation laid, and very securely laid. Released from his self-imposed bondage to 
the twelve Olympians and their State-Cults, he will pursue the work for which he 
is so well fitted in wider and more fruitful fields of comparative religion. 

JANE E. HARRISON. 



India. Bompas. 

Folklore of the Santal Parganas. Translated by Cecil Henry Bompas, of the 41 
Indian Civil Service. London : Nutt, 1909. Pp. 483. 23 x 14 cm. Price I*T 
10*. 6d. 

This collection of the folklore of the Santals is due to the collaboration of 
Mr. C. H. Bompas, of the Indian Civil Service, with the Rev. Dr. Bodding, of the 
Scandinavian Mission to the Santals, Dr. Bodding being responsible for the collection 
of the tales, and Mr. Bompas for the translation. Sagram Murmu, a Christian Santal, 
who transcribed the stories in Santali, is also entitled to a share in the credit due to 
this collection. Mr. Bompas points ont that many of the stories are identical with 
some of those collected by the Rev. Dr. Campbell in Maubhum, published in 1891. 
Mr. Bompas has added in an appendix a translation of twenty-two stories which he has 
himself collected among the Hos of Singhbhum, a race kindred to the Santals. There 
are 185 tales and legends in the strictly Santali collection, so that we have altogether 
207 stories belonging to these nearly-related Kolarian tribes. 

It will be found on examination that a considerable proportion of the stories 
belongs to what may be called the common Indian element, but these are none the less 
interesting on that account, for they have been transformed to suit local conditions and 
have assumed a Santali dress. Most of these will be found in Part I, which contains 
stories of a general character. 

The animal stories contained in Part II are thoroughly racy and original ; never- 
theless, some correspondences with similar lore among similarly circumstanced races are 
certain to be found. Mr. Bompas points out that No. 119, "The Hyaena Outwitted," 
is identical with a South African Kafir story, and there are other resemblances to 
African folklore. No. 112, for instance, " The Jackal and the Chickens," contains an 
incident almost identical with the amusing adventure of " Brer Rabbit and the Tar- 
baby," as found in Mr. Cable's collection of Negro stories known to us by the name of 
Uncle Remus. 

Part III contains a number of anecdotes and apologues, some amusing, some 
without much point, but all illustrating Santal manners and folklore in a very interest- 
ing way. A comic version of the widely-spread theme of " The Three Fools " will 
be found in No. 131. 

No. 134 illustrates the mutual " taboo " of the use of the true names of husband 
and wife. In this and in some of the other anecdotes the joke turns on a pun or 
play on words. 

[ 31 ] 



Nos. 14-15.] MAN. [1910. 

Part IV contains several tales dealing with the relations between human beings 
and " Bongas," or Nature-spirits, which seem generally to relapse into their original 
snake-form in unguarded moments, but can assume the human shape at will. Marriages 
with " Bonga " women seem to be common. 

Part V, perhaps the most interesting of the collection, contains a number of 
genuine Santal legends illustrating their religious beliefs regarding creation and the 
origins of things. These are not free from Hindu influence, but would appear to be in 
the main Santali, and this remark applies even more fully to the stories regarding 
witchcraft contained in Part VI. 

The whole collection is an extremely valuable addition to the existing stock of 
Indian Folk-tales available to European readers. The translations are good and 
idiomatic. M. LONGWORTH DAMES. 



ANTHROPOLOGICAL NOTES. 

BY the assassination, on December 22nd, 1909, of Mr. Arthur Mason Tippets 1C 
Jackson, Collector of Nasik, the Indian Civil Service has lost one of its most lU 
learned members. Educated at Winchester and Brasenose College, Oxford, where he 
gained the Boden Scholarship in Sanskrit, Mr. Jackson entered the Indian Civil Service 
in 1885, and commenced his work in the Bombay Presidency in 1888. Besides his 
extensive knowledge of Sanskrit and Mahratti, Mr. Jackson made valuable contri- 
butions to the history and ethnology of Western India ; in papers contributed to the 
Indian Antiquary and the Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society. He collaborated with 
the late Sir James Campbell in the valuable series -of volumes constituting the Bombay 
Gazetteer. It was largely owing to his researches that the origin of the Rajputs has 
been traced to the invading Scythian and Hun tribes from Central Asia. He supplied 
the best type of the cultured Indian civilian. An indefatigable student of native 
religion, sociology, and literature, he displayed an ardent sympathy with, and wide 
knowledge of, the people to whose service his life was devoted. His untimely 
death closes the career of a scholar from whom much valuable work might have 
been expected, and to whose labours the study of Indian history and ethnology is 
deeply indebted. 

THE second session of the Congress of Americanists will be held at Mexico City 
from September 8th to 14th, 1910. The secretary of the Congress is Lie. D. Genario 
Garcia, Museo Nacional, and the treasurer Lie. D. Joaquin D. Casasus, Banco Central, 
Mexico. 

THE death is announced of Dr. Sebastian Evans, a brother of the late Sir John Evans. 
Dr. Evans was well known as a journalist, poet, and politician. He was elected a 
Fellow of the Royal Anthropological Institute in 1887. 

MR. J. B. ANDREWS died in December. By his will he left 5,000/. to the Cambridge 
Anthropological Museum. 

COLONEL GEORGE EARL CHURCH, who died at the beginning of January at the age 
of seventy-four, was well known as an authority on the history and geography of 
South America. He was a prominent member of the Royal Geographical Society, 
for which he had served as a vice-president, and also been a member of the Council. 
He was President of the Geographical Section of the British Association in 1898. 
He became a Fellow of the Royal Anthropological Institute in 1906. 

Printed by EYRE AND SPOTTISWOODE, LTD.. His Majesty's Printers, East Harding Street, E.C. 



PLATE C. 



MAN, 1910. 




I 1 








7 



i i 



8 




10 




n. 




TRADE SIGNS IN CHRISTIANSBORG, GOLD COAST. 



1910.] MAN. [Nos, 16-17. 

ORIGINAL ARTICLES. 
Africa, West. With Plate G. Hart-Davis. 

Trade Signs in Christiansborg, Gold Coast. By Madge Hart-Davis. JO 
A marked feature of Christiansborg is the trade signs with which many 10 
of the houses are ornamented. The village is a suburb of Accra, the capital of the 
Gold Coast, but boasts its own king, its own fetish hut, and a fetish grove of somewhat 
sinister fame. Its irregular streets straggle from the old Danish castle, now used as 
Government House, for some distance along the road to Aburi, the houses varying 
from the meanest huts to fairly substantial buildings. 

The trade signs are cut out of thin sheet tin, and appear as a rule at both ends 
of the roof. They appear to be of recent origin and represent the trade of the owner, 
the saw of the carpenter, the hammer and anvil of the smith, &c., but the hand which, 
either as in 9 or in 12, occurs oftener than any other, has probably a talismanic 
significance, and occurs also with great frequency on staves of office, state umbrellas, 
and the like. MADGE HART-DAVIS. 



Andamans. Brown. 

Puluga: a Reply to Father Schmidt. By A. R. Brown, M.A. IT 

In the January number of MAN (1910, 2) Father Schmidt has criticised a I* 
paper of mine on certain features of Andamanese religion. I would have preferred not 
to reply, if Father Schmidt had not raised the question of method, and complained that 
I did not explain in my paper what I meant by strict methods in ethnology. I will 
therefore take this opportunity of explaining very briefly what I mean by strict methods, 
an opportunity that is the more suitable because Father Schmidt's note is itself an 
example of the worst methods. 

The subject of the controversy may be explained in a few words. After a careful 
study of the Andamanese mythology, conducted during a residence of several months 
among the Andamanese themselves, I was forced to certain conclusions concerning a 
being named by them Pnluga (Biliku, Oluga), conclusions which differed from those 
drawn by an earlier student of the same people, Mr. Man. Briefly these were that 
Puluga is a personification of the N.N.E. monsoon, and is one of a pair, the other 
being Daria, the S.S.W. monsoon. I showed reason to believe that the JS".E. monsoon 
was originally regarded as female, as it is in the majority of the tribes at the present 
day. I urged that it was a misrepresentation of the Andamanese beliefs to speak of 
Puluga as resembling an All-Father or Supreme Being. Father Schmidt controverts 
these statements of mine. 

Father Schmidt appears to disbelieve, not only my arguments, but also my obser- 
vations. He implies that the earlier observations of Mr. Man and Mr. Portman are 
more reliable than mine. This question, for obvious reasons, is one which it is very 
disagreeable for me to discuss. In my book I shall describe fully the methods of obser- 
vation that I adopted, and I shall compare the results of my own observations with 
those obtained by the earlier writers. For the present, however, I leave aside the 
question of methods of observation. I will only reply to Father Schmidt's suggestion 
that some of my information was obtained by leading questions, by saying that there 
is not a single statement in my paper for which I relied on answers to questions. 

The real issue between myself and Father Schmidt does not, however, turn on the 
question of the facts, but on that of their interpretation. I will therefore explain, as 
briefly as possible, the methods I followed in my attempt to interpret the Audamanese 
beliefs, and will then pass on to consider the methods that Father Schmidt follows 
in his note. 

(1) The first rule of scientific method is to approach every new problem with a 
mind free from preconceived opinions. I have always endeavoured to follow this rule 

[ 33 ] 



No. 17,] MAN. [1910. 

as faithfully as possible. On the contrary, it must be evident to all readers of 
Father Schmidt's writings that he is always seeking, not the truth, but evidence for 
a pre-formed theory.* 

(2) In interpreting the Andamanese beliefs I relied on the intimate knowledge 
of their ways of life and thought acquired during my stay with them. I should 
hesitate to attempt to interpret in the same way the beliefs of any people of whom 
I had no personal knowledge. I shall point out that Father Schmidt's criticism not 
only shows complete ignorance of the ways of Andamanese thought, but contains 
several important false statements about matters of their daily life. 

(3) In my interpretation I relied entirely on the comparison one with another of 
the different beliefs and customs to be found in the Andamans, explaining one belief 
by the light thrown upon it by others. That is to say, I tried to understand the 
Andamanese mentality as a whole. My paper in Folk- Lore is part of a much 
larger whole, which can properly only be judged as a whole. It is on this feature 
of my method that I most wish to insist. 

(4) I carefully abstained from comparing the beliefs of the Andamanese with 
those of any other people, whether related or unrelated, because I am convinced that 
such comparisons are more dangerous than they are helpful. If we had full and 
adequate knowledge of any people known to be related to the Andamanese for 
example, the Semang and particularly if I myself had a personal knowledge of such 
a people, then a comparison of the two sets of beliefs would be justifiable. What 
is quite unjustifiable is the comparison which Father Schmidt makes between the 
Andamanese and the unrelated group of peoples that he calls Austronesian. 

(5) 1 have carefully avoided attributing to the Andamanese, even in the past, 
any belief for which there is not direct evidence, that is, evidence of observation that 
the belief does actually exist in some part of the Andamans. Father Schmidt's 
argument is based on the gratuitous assumption that the Andamanese once had a 
lunar mythology similar to that found in some parts of Austronesia. 

(6) Taking into consideration that the Andamauese have for centuries lived in 
little groups almost entirely isolated from one another, I have presumed that whatever 
beliefs are to be found in all the groups are essential and original portions of the myth, 
while beliefs which are different in different groups are not so essential. Father 
Schmidt seems to be of exactly the opposite opinion, and holds that the essential 
feature of the myth in question is a set of beliefs which do not actually exist in the 
Andamans, while all the beliefs which do there exist are secondary and relatively 
unimportant. 

(7) In comparing the beliefs of the different groups I have made allowance for 
the fact that the mythology of the southern group of the Great Andaman is, like their 
language, more highly developed than that of the northern group, and has, therefore, 
probably undergone more change. 

I will now briefly examine some points of Father Schmidt's arguments. I quoted 
a native as saying that throwing a firebrand at someone in anger was the sort of 
thing he would expect a woman and not a man to do. Father Schmidt replaces the 
word firebrand by the word torch, and says that a torch is as much an object of man's 

* I take the following from a review by Father Schmidt of the Report of the Cambridge 
Expedition to Torres Strait in An/tbropot, Vol. V, page 272 : ij Mr. Haddon concludes his researches 
on the religion of the Eastern Islanders with the brief remark : ' We did not discover in Torres 
Strait anything like an All-Father or Supreme Being.' Mr. Haddon has taken care to formulate 
exactly what he was able to state, and I shall endeavour not to be less exact by holding the thesis : 
' There must have been an All-Father or Supreme Being in the religion of the Eastern Islanders.' " 
It is clear that Father Schmidt will not let the most careful observations of the most thorough 
investigators carry the least weight against the theories that he has formed about a people whom 
he has never seen. 

[ 34 ] 



1910.] MAN. [No. 17. 

use as of woman's. Father Schmidt's use of the word torch is simply a suggestio falsi. 
In the stories I give in my paper I used the word firebrand because that was the 
word used by the natives who told me the tales. There was never any question of 
a torch, for which the Andamanese have a quite different word. Father Schmidt has 
no reason for substituting one word for the other except that it suits his argument 
to do so. 

Father Schmidt complains that I did not give any explanation of the connection of 
Biliku with the spider. I did not do so for the simple reason that I could find no 
sufficient evidence for any of the explanations that suggested themselves to me. 
Father Schmidt is, of course, ready with a theory, and that theory rests on two 
grounds. First, there is a connection in Austronesian mythology between the spider, 
the plaiting and spinning women, and the waning moon. Such may be the Austro- 
nesian belief, or the belief of any other people, but it is not the belief of the 
Andamanese, and until there is direct evidence that they have such a belief the 
argument is entirely worthless. Secondly, Father Schmidt's argument rests on a 
purely gratuitous confusion of the pearl shell with the Cyrena shell. The former 
is used in all parts of the Andamans for cleaning and slicing vegetables. It is used 
for no other purpose whatever, and is practically never used by men. The Cyrena 
shell is used equally by men and women, and for the most various purposes, including 
the preparation of fibre for rope and string. There is no connection between Biliku 
and the Cyrena shell such as Father Schmidt supposes for the sake of his argument. 
Moreover, it is quite wrong to say that string-making in the Andamans is " in most 
" cases the work of women." It is not. 

Father Schmidt completes his theory by identifying the south-west monsoon 
( Tarai, Teria, or Daria) with the waxing moon. Apparently his reason for this is 
the similarity of the name to that of the new moon as given by Portman. The 
word for new moon in the Bea language is Ogar-dereka-da, and apparently Father 
Schmidt wishes to suggest that there is a philological connection between dereka 
and Daria. He does not state that there is such a connection, but he carefully 
omits to give Mr. Portman's analysis of the word. Ogar means " moon," and dereka 
means " baby." In all the languages of the Great Andaman, the name of the new 
moon is compounded in the same way, and can be translated literally " baby-moon." 
It can be confidently stated that there is no philological connection between the 
names of the south-west monsoon and the various words for " baby " in the different 
languages. 

Father Schmidt supposes that the reason why the Andamanese associated the 
south-west monsoon with the waxing moon (which there is no evidence that they ever 
did) is because the new moon rises in the west-south-west portion of the horizon. The 
Andamanese have not, perhaps, a very acute sense of direction, but I doubt if even they 
would confuse the west-south-west with the south-south-west, whence blows the 
monsoon. 

I have, I think, sufficiently demonstrated the nature of Father Schmidt's arguments. 
There are two more of the numerous errors of his paper that I wish to correct. Teria, 
or Daria, is never regarded as the " wife " of Puluga or Bilik, and Father Schmidt 
cannot find in my paper, or in Mr. Man's book, any warrant for his assertion on page 3 
that Daria is sometimes the wife of Puluga. It is one of the essential features of the 
myth that the south-west monsoon (Term, Daria, Tarai) is always male, and this is 
one of my reasons for thinking that the north-east monsoon (Puluga, Biliku) was 
originally everywhere female. 

Sir Richard Temple, as quoted by Father Schmidt, gives Oluga as the Onge-Jarawa 
(Little Andaman) word for thunder. The real word for thunder in that language is 
gi dododu, literally, " it thunders." What evidently happened is that Sir Richard 

[ 35 ] 



No. 17.] MAN. [1910. 

Temple enquired the name of thunder, and the native replied " Olvgm" meaning that 
it is Oluga (Puluga) who makes the thunder. 

The whole of Father Schmidt's argument rests on the supposition that the 
Andamanese have at one time had a set of beliefs about the waxing and waning 
moons such as are actually found amongst people having no racial or cultural affinities 
with them. His note would afford no evidence that they had had these beliefs, 
even if it were not full of errors such as those pointed out above. Moreover, even 
if it were true that the present beliefs of the Audamanese concerning Puluga are 
derived from lunar mythology, it is impossible to see how this affords any evidence 
that the Andamanese formerly believed in a Supreme Being. Yet this is the thesis 
which Father Schmidt is anxious to defend. The present Andamanese certainly do 
not believe in a Supreme Being.* 

The more important faults of Father Schmidt's methods may be resumed as 
follows : 

(1) His arguments are rendered suspect from the beginning by the fact that he 
is not seeking truth with an open mind, but is looking only for support for a 
preformed theory. 

(2) He has no intimate knowledge of the people whose beliefs he would interpret, 
and even such knowledge as he might obtain from the writings of others he is 
unable to use because he continually misreads and misquotes his authorities. This 
I have shown above in connection with the torch, the Cyrena shell, the name of the 
new moon, and the sex of Daria. In making use of the writings of others the first 
rule is never to go beyond what is actually said, never to suppose that the writer 
means something that his words do not warrant. This rule Father Schmidt habitually 
breaks. Thus when I write " firebrand " Father Schmidt substitutes " torch " ; 
because Mr. Man says that the Cyrena shell is used in making string, Father Schmidt 
supposes that the pearl shell is also used for that purpose ; in quoting a word from 
Mr. Portman he omits to give Mr. Portman's analysis of that word into its components, 
and thereby creates a false impression in the minds of his readers, and without any 
warrant at all he states in his note that Daria is sometimes female. 

(3) His argument rests on suppositions concerning the former beliefs of the 
Andamanese, for which there is not, and never can be, any evidence. The argument 
is an extreme example of a kind unfortunately still very common in ethnological 
literature. As long as such arguments are tolerated and listened to, so long must 
ethnology remain in its unscientific stage. The only way in which it is possible to 
prove that a given belief or institution is a survival of another belief or institution, is 
to show that, historically, the one belief has followed the other in some particular 
society, and that the change from one to the other is due to a particular cause. Then, 
if we find the later belief existing in another society, and also find direct evidence 
that the same cause or causes have been at work, there is a probability for the 
existence, in that society, of the earlier belief. This probability can be strengthened 
in many ways, but it can never become certainty till we have proved that the 
later belief could not arise in any other way, and this is a task which is in nearly 

* In my work in the Andamans I had the help for several months of a native of the. Bale group, 
Luke, who had been educated as a Christian. He never once in my many talks with him (and with 
others when he was present) on the subject of Puluga suggested that there was any resemblance 
between Puluga and the God of whom he had learnt as a child. Once, however, when I was trying to 
understand certain points in what a Puchikwar man was telling me about a mythical person named 
Tomo, Luke, of his own accord, came forward with the suggestion that Tomo was God. Tomo is 
identified by Mr. Man with the Adam of the myths of Genesis. Luke's knowledge of the legends of 
his people was more extensive than his knowledge of the dogmas of the Christian Church. I do not 
attach any importance to the incident, but it shows what was the idea of the God of the Christians 
that had formed itself in the mind of an intelligent Andamanese. 

[ 36 ] 



1910.] 



MAN. 



[Nos. 17-18. 



all cases quite impossible. Father Schmidt needs a few lessons in the logic of 
induction. 

I have replied at length upon Father Schmidt's attack upon me, because it brings 
forward the fundamental disagreement that exists between those of us who are 
endeavouring, by an insistence on strict methods, both of observation and interpreta- 
tion, to make ethnology a science fit to rank with other sciences, and those writers 
who, by following such unjustifiable methods as those to be found in Father Schmidt's 
note, hinder the progress of our science. It is probably too late to hope that Father 
Schmidt will change his methods, but I have availed myself of this opportunity of 
showing what those methods are. We shall probably be justified in concluding that 
they are habitual with him, and thereby the whole of his work is rendered suspect. 
Theories elaborated on such a basis must be treated with the utmost scepticism, if 
indeed they are worthy of any attention at all. A. R. BROWN. 



Africa, Central. 
Alphabet Boards from Central Africa. 



Stannus. 



By Hugh S. Stannus, M.B. 4Q 

In the number of MAX for December 1908 [102] Mr. H. W. Garbutt, 10 
writing from South Africa, gives some excellent photographs of what he calls alphabet 












U*-^> 







\ 



boards, seen by him in the possession of some natives from Nyasaland. As his notes 
upon them are scanty I write to supplement them, and illustrate two such boards 
herewith. 

[ 37 ] 



Nos. 18-19.] MAN. [1910. 

The boards, for which the Yao word is ubau, are commonly two feet in height, 
one foot broad, and half an inch thick, though smaller and larger are to be met ; 
they are made from the wood of the Mlombwa tree. 

The surface is often whitened by painting with a paste made from white wood- 
ashes, Pulusa, and the writing is then done with a reed pen, and ink made from either 
soot taken from cooking pots or burnt maize rubbed up with water. 

The characters and language are Arabic. The making of these boards was 
introduced from the coast along with Mohammedanism among the Yao, and practically 
they are only found among the Machinga Yao in this country, with a centre at 
Fort Johnston. 

One of the aims of the Mohammedan native is to read the Koran, and to this end 
he learns, firstly, the Aliph, Be, Ta, or Arabic A, B, C ; then short words of one 
syllable, and later other written matter. 

But though he reads, and always aloud, his Koran and the extracts from it 
written on these boards, he does not, except in rare cases, understand a word of it. 
Having learned, however, to write in Arabic characters, he uses his knowledge to 
write, letters, &c., using the Swahili language. 

One of the two boards illustrated belonged to a corporal of police named Nkwanda, 
at Fort Johnston. He had copied out a portion of the Koran, and, though able to 
read it again, did not understand what he read. 

A man going to another part of the country takes his board with him, hence 
the reason of one finding its way to South Africa, whither natives from this country 
go to work. 

Mr. Garbutt would rather lead one to imagine that these boards were common 
among the natives all over this country ; this is erroneous, and the idea that they 
serve as " slates " is hardly correct. 

They are only found among Mohammedanised Yao, and serve rather as prayer- 
boards, so that not having a Koran the native may still read some part of it. 

HUGH S. STANNUS. 



Africa, Uganda. Kagwa: Ishmael. 

Old Customs of the Baganda. Translated by G. C. Ishmael. 4 Q 

The following is a translation of two chapters in Sir Apolo Kagwa's lU 
book of Old Customs. 

" These are our old customs about law : 

"In a case where a man has 'been defrauded, or his property kept from him, 
the aggrieved party takes 22 shells and goes to the chief to lodge a complaint. 
When the complaint is lodged, the defendant is summoned, and on his arrival the 
case begins. After both sides have been heard, the chief repeats to each party the 
statement he has made, and asks if it is correct, and the person questioned answers 
in the affirmative. After this the chief orders each party to give him a he-goat and 
a bark cloth. Two or three days are allowed for the payment of this fee. When 
the fee has been paid, the case is heard again, the evidence being repeated and 
questions asked as before. The chief then decides who has lost the case, and gives 
the grounds for his decision. If the loser is satisfied he returns the other side's 
property and pays his costs. If he is not satisfied, he neither returns the property nor 
pays the costs, but lays his complaint before a higher tribunal. If he loses his case 
here, he takes it before the Katikiro's (prime minister's) court. If he again loses, he 
takes it before the King in Parliament. If the king does not decide in his favour and 
the petitioner is still unsatisfied, he asks that he and the other party may be allowed 
to drink a cupful of datura seed juice. Both parties are then sent by the King, with 
one of his men, to Magunda, the chief who administers the drug. Magunda extracts 

[ 38 ] 



1910.] MAN. [No. 19. 

the juice from the datura seed and a cupful is drunk by each party. After they 
have drunk. Maguuda makes a speech to the effect that the party who is not guilty 
will go to Magunda and thank him, while the guilty party will not move from the 
spot where he drank the datura juice. Dried banana leaves are placed in front of the 
two men, and they have to jump over these on their way to thank Magunda. After 
a time, when Magunda perceives that the drug has taken effect, and the people who 
are present shout out and make a noise, he strikes the earth with a stick, in order 
that the two persons who drunk the datura juice should become very intoxicated and 
roll about on the ground. He then calls the two men to come to him. The one who 
is the less m intoxicated and can jump over the leaves, goes and thanks the chief. 
The one who is too intoxicated to jump over the leaves and thank the chief loses his 
case. This decides the case finally. 

" If a man go before a chief and accuse another of bewitching him or his 
relatives, and, the chief having ordered them to drink datura juice, the drug takes 
no effect on either, each party has to give the chief one bead of cattle, one goat, 
and one bark cloth as compensation for bringing a false case before him. 

" If a man digs a pit (game ?) and covers it with grass on uncultivated land, 
and a cow or bull from a new grazing falls into it. the man who dug the pit gets 
a hind leg which he takes to his chief. The pit is then considered the property of 
the chief. The owner of the animal is entitled to the rest of the meat. The chief 
receives the leg of any animal which falls into the pit. The person who dug the pit 
is considered blameless, as all people who dig pits inform everybody in the neighbour- 
hood of the position of the pit, and warn them against taking cattle to graze anywhere 
near it. 

" If a person has any of his property stolen and suspects that it is in a certain 
house he informs his chief, who goes with him and searches the house in question. 
If none of the stolen property is found in the suspected house the complainant has 
to give the owner of the suspected house one head of cattle and one goat as 
compensation, and to prove that he had no grounds for his case. 

" If a man commits adultery with another man's wife he is arrested, and all his 
property, his wives, children, cattle, goats, and all articles found in his house go to the 
husband of the woman with whom he committed adultery. The chief of the village 
receives a portion of the property. The prisoner is also handed over to the offended 
husband, but if the prisoner's chief is rich he buys him and pays for him in cattle. 

" If a man has intercourse with the king's or chief's wife he is killed, as also 
is the woman. If, however, he should be a blood brother he is not killed, but is 
mutilated, his ears being cut and his eyes put out, or his teeth are extracted, his 
hand amputated, or his nose and lips cut off. The same punishment is meted out 
to the woman. 

" Should a man to whom any sum is due meet his debtor on the road, he calls 
to anyone who happens to be passing to arrest both himself and the debtor. Having 
arrested them the passer-by instructs them to fetch their masters, chief, or sub-chief, as 
the case may be, to whom he hands them over after the debtor and creditor have each 
given him a goat. The passer-by receives these goats as remuneration for being 
instrumental in preventing a fight and bloodshed. 

"If two men happen to be drinking together and one of them breaks or pulls up 
the doorpost of the other, the owner of the house receives one white goat, one white 
fowl, and a bead called Ensinda emu.* The act was considered unlawful, as the door- 
posts protected the house. When a person pulled down a house he could not use the 
doorposts for building or any other purpose ; they had to be thrown away. When 

* The natives originally paid the hut tax with these beads. 
[ 39 ] 



No, 19.] MAN. [1910. 

the owner of a house dies his successor sits on the doorpost when he succeeds ; 
all the children are given names, and the owner or occupier washes his face seated 
on the doorpost every morning. 

" Should travellers find any cooked food in a cooking-pot and take it forcibly, the 
woman who cooked it raises an alarm, and the people in the surrounding houses come 
out and fight the travellers. Should any of those who came to the woman's assistance 
wound one of the travellers, the woman is held responsible. If the case goes against 
her, when she is taken before the chief, she is handed over to the travellers, who take 
her away with them ; the law being that cooked food does not kill a man. Should 
a man find food in the entrance of a house he is entitled to eat it. Should he, 
however, kill one of the inmates of the house over the food he is treated as a murderer, 
and is handed over to the relations of the deceased to be put to death. 

"No one is allowed to sell or purchase anything of value, such as a woman, 
cattle, or goat, unless some one is present who will act as a witness and receive 
payment for his services. The percentage on the sale of a woman is a goat which 
has had a kid ; on a slave, a he-goat ; on a full-grown nanny goat, 5 shells (this was 
raised to 50 shells in the reign of Sama II) ; on an old shield, on which percentage 
had already been paid, 20 shells, and on an old spear, 10 shells. All articles had to 
pay a percentage. The custom prevented theft. Anyone found with an article, on 
which he had not paid a percentage, was considered a thief, but anyone who could 
prove that he had paid a percentage, when he purchased an article, was not considered 
to have stolen it. The person who received the percentage has to find the person 
who sold the article in question. When he finds him he gives the percentage 
received and points out the person who actually sold the article. If that person 
agreed to its sale he says to the man who received the percentage, ' Take your shells 
' and go away. Let the proper man take your place. I did sell the article and am 
* prepared to defend an action.' The person who was accused of theft is then blame- 
less. The man who is looking for his property goes to the chief in whose jurisdiction 
the person who sold the property in question is living, and complains. The chief 
then instructs the complainant to bring his own chief to listen to the case, and, 
when the chief arrives, the defendant's chief hears it. Should the complainant lose 
he is termed a thief, and has to compensate the defendant as directed by the chief. 
The complainant's chief can pay the compensation and redeem the complainant should 
he care to do so. If the complainant is unknown to the chief, he will tell him to 
bring his father before him so that he may know him in case the complainant runs 
away. The complainant then becomes the chief's slave, and not a mere tenant on his 
land as before. The party who has won the case receives a part of the fine, say 
30 per cent. If the man on whom the property is found fails to produce his witness, 
he is considered a thief, even if he be a chief, and has to pay heavy compensation to 
the owner. In the reign of Kakaka Suna, a man found with stolen property had all 
his possessions confiscated and was even put to death ; hence the saying, ' If you can't 
' find your witness, your middle finger is cut off.' 

" If a man sets fire to grass and the fire destroys a house, that man has to pay 
the owner of the house the value of the house and of all property destroyed in it. 

" If two men quarrel and one of them strikes the other with a stick, and the one 
so struck loses his temper and spears the other, the one with the spear wound wins 
the case, as the law holds that the spearer should have used a stick too. If A chases 
B and B strikes A gently with a stick, and B retaliates, and A then strikes him so 
hard as to cut his head open or do him grievous hurt, B would be considered guilty, 
as he was the first to use a stick. 

" If a man goes into a village to trade, he must first give the chief some present 
before he sells anything, as otherwise the chief has the right to send him away. 

[ 40 ] 



1910.] MAN. [No. 19. 

Should he sell anything and refuse to give the chief a present when asked, he is 
driven away, and the man in whose house he sold anything has to give the chief a 
goat for entertaining the trader. 

" If a bachelor guest commits an offence, the host is not responsible for him ; the 
responsibility lies on the offender. If the host is unable or unwilling to redeem his 
guest, he gives the persons offended a kahazi (send off) of one head of cattle and one 
goat. (For such purposes the value of a cow is 2,500 shells and of a goat 1,000 shells.) 
The guest is then handed over to the offended parties, who can either put him or her 
to death or enslave him until such time as he is redeemed. 

" Should a herd of cattle or goats eat or destroy crops, the owner of the crops 
keeps one goat until it has been redeemed by a hoe. Should the goat be eaten by 
wild beasts or stolen while held as a surety, the impounder is not considered responsible 
and the owner of the animal has no claim against him. 

" Should a herdsman take his cattle through a graveyard, the owners of the 
graves detain one of the herd until it has been redeemed by the owner. It is con- 
sidered a great disgrace to have graves trampled on by cattle. Should the animal 
be not redeemed within a short time, the owners of the graves can do what they 
like with it. 

" Should one of A's cattle or goats gore one of B's cattle or goats and the 
animal die of the wound, A has to replace the dead animal, and the carcase of the 
dead animal is given him by B. 

" Should a herdsman strike an animal not belonging to his herd, and that 
animal die of the effects, the employer of the herdsman has to replace the dead 
animal. 

"If a man borrow a he-goat for the purpose of covering his nanny-goats, and 
the he-goat gets eaten by wild animals, the borrower has to give the owner of the 
lost animal a she-goat which has already had a kid. Hence, the saying, ' He who 
' lends a male gets back a female.' 

" If two boys who are herding together fight, and one of them loses an eye, the 
one who knocked out the eye has to give him a young woman, one cow, and two 
goats, because a one-eyed person is not loved by women and cannot obtain a wife. 
Should a boy knock out a girl's eye she receives two cows and a goat. 

" If a woman wanders about and a man discovers her, or she goes to him, the 
man has to take her before the chief and explain the circumstances under which he 
found her. The woman then goes to the man's house, by the chief's order. Should 
she not be claimed within a year she becomes the man's wife, and is called a Mom- 
boze, or one who has come of her own free will. Should her relatives or husband 
discover her at any time they can take her away. If she has had children by the 
man with whom she is living, the children are the property of that man, and not of 
the person who claims the woman. If a man finds a woman, or she goes to his 
house and he does not report it to the chief, he is liable to be put to death or to 
become the slave of the person entitled to the woman. 

" When the whereabouts of cattle- or goat-thieves is reported, the chief sends his 
men to arrest them. If the accused do not resist, they are brought before the chief and 
tried. If guilty they are punished with death, but they can be redeemed for girls or 
other articles. If the accused resist apprehension and some are killed, those sent out 
to arrest them are not liable to punishment. 

" Persons found stripping the bark off bark cloth trees, or stealing bananas or 
potatoes at night, are speared. If the person so speared dies, he is thrown into the 
road with the article he was stealing tied round his neck, so that passers-by may know 
he was a thief. Should a thief be arrested, he has to pay very heavy fines and to be 
redeemed. The chief gets a goat or a cow out of the fine. 

[ 41 ] 



No. 19,] MAN. [1910. 

" Should a woman steal from another household a konew (a wooden bowl in which 
banana fibres are pounded), and it is proved against her, she becomes the most degraded 
slave of the man of the household for ever. Should she be married, the husband gives 
the man whose konew was stolen a white goat, and the konew is taken back to the 
owner and the woman is released. 

" Twins. A midwife who delivers twins does not return home until the father 
has gone through one of the ceremonies connected with the birth of twins. On her 
departure she is given a goat. On the birth of twins, the word twins is not mentioned ; 
should it be mentioned, the twins will die shortly afterwards. The word is not 
mentioned in order that the children may live. It was considered an ill omen to 
mention the word soon after the birth. The day after the birth the father consults 
a Lubale (god). The Lubale instructs him to consult the priest of the god Muwanga. 
Two days after his return he goes to his father or his father's successor to ask him to 
clothe the children. This is called Okuluka abalonga (to dress the twins). His father 
gives him a Salongo muto (small father of twins), and a Lubuga (an unmarried sister). 
The father of the twins (Salongo) is not allowed to look at these two persons in 
after life. 

" On his return from his father's house he goes to his father-in-law's house where he 
is given another Lubuga. He then returns to his house with his relations and his wife's 
relations. On his arrival he sends for the god whom he consulted, who blocks up the 
door of the house and makes two holes in the back walls. The house is then divided 
into two rooms. The Nalongo (mother of twins) remains at the back of the house with 
her relations, who have come to dance the twin dance. The Salongo lives in the front 
part of the house. This ceremony is called Kibululu. The Salongo then steals a bunch 
of Nakitembe bananas, from the shamba of the person who is shut in the Kibululu, and 
wraps it in a grass called Bombo. He leaves this bunch of bananas in the entrance. 
The Salongo shaves a thin line, about the thickness of a finger, from his brow to the 
nape of his neck and from one ear to the other (resembling a St. George's cross). This 
ceremony is called Amagoba. The Salongo also wears bells round his legs, so that he 
should be known as a Salongo, and consequently not assaulted but allowed to take 
bananas from other people's shambas without hindrance. The parents are only allowed 
to eat bananas which have been cooked in their skins until the ceremony of Mugerengejo 
has been performed. A drum has to be beaten, one stroke at a time, continuously for 
a month after the birth of twins. The Salongo then instructs his relations to collect 
fibre and make dancing skirts. The skirt for the Nalongo is made of banana leaves that 
have been used for wrapping food in to be steamed. The Salongo muto wears at the 
dance a headdress made out of parrots' feathers. 

" After these ceremonies have been performed the Salongo goes very early in the 
morning to the houses of his friends, and throws in the doorways bits of dried banana 
leaves, tied up neatly into little bundles. He then returns to his house for the twin 
dance. On the night appointed by the Lubale, that is on the appearance of the new 
moon, the Salongo kills a goat and a feast takes place. Any person who has committed 
adultery does not partake of this feast. This ceremony is called Mugerengejo. After 
the feast they go into the grass to perform the ceremony of Kugalama (to lie down). 
On arrival the Nalongo spreads a bark cloth on the ground and sleeps on her back. She 
is surrounded by people holding reed torches. These people turn their backs to her. 
She then places a banana flower on her abdomen. The Salongo strips, approaches 
her, and knocks the banana flower off with his penis. After this the people gather 
together, shout and dance and drums are beaten. On their return to the house the 
priest (who is known as a Mutaba) takes the bags in which the twins were born and 
places them inside the lumps of ant hill, used for placing under the cooking pots before 
the birth of the twins, and takes them into the grass. 

[ 42 ] 



1910.] 



MAN. 



[Nos. 19-20, 



" Should twins die after birth they are not buried until some time after death. 
The bodies are packed very firmly in Bombo grass and handed over to the Nalongo, 
who places them near the cooking place and the heat of the fire dries the grass and 
the bodies." G. C. ISHMAEL. 



20 



55' 



- 31*1.317 



UU/f/llli. ..Ml.. .>.n.> .nun.. 

"A -Ffo.\7i.-u.-m 



OT* 



England : Archseology. Holden. 

The Existence of an Early Palaeolithic Bed beneath the Glacial 
Boulder Clays in South-West Suffolk. />'// /. Sinclair Holden, M.I). 

The finding of even a few rude implements, in situ, beneath the blue boulder 
clay is of considerable interest and importance, as they afford evidence that man must 
have existed on this old land surface long before 
the commencement of the Glacial period. The 
following are particulars : 

During 1909 three deep private wells were 
sunk in this portion of south-west Suffolk. They 
were about five miles apart, and ranged east and 
west. As they were all in parishes in the district 
for which I am medical officer of health, I kept 
them under observation. 

The accompanying section shows the geological 
formations which occur here, and the average thick- 
ness of the boulder clays, at the O.D. height of 270 
to 280 feet, on which level all the wells were 
situated. 

After sinking through the chalky boulder clay, 
and the blue boulder clay, to a depth of over 
100 feet, a seam of unrolled flint gravels was 
struck in each well averaging about 2 feet thick. 
I carefully examined what was bucket raised of 
this gravel, and found a few rude flint implements 
among it. These I sent to Mr. Reginald Smith, at 
the British Museum, who had them also examined 
by other authorities, and some were passed as being 
of human workmanship. Allowing for the very 
limited area from which these were obtained, if 
only two or three are genuine, it is still sufficient 
evidence of man's existence prior to the Glacial 
period. 

The site of the wells was in the following 
parishes : First, Great Waldingfield ; yielded three 
genuine and several doubtful implements. The 
Rev. E. Hill, F.G.S., was with me at the time 
I first observed these indications, and also took 
section of the well. Second, Stanstead ; yielded 
one genuine and several doubtful implements. Third, 
Hawkedon ; specimens all doubtful. 

An interesting connection with these wells 
occurs in a large gravel pit in the parish of Acton. 
This pit lies about four miles south of the line of 
the three wells and at the lower level of 130 feet on the slope of the Stour Valley. 
Here there lies, beneath 20 to 30 feet of chalky boulder clay, an accumulation of 
gravel, probably derived from the melting and retreating of the blue boulder clay 

[ 43 ] 



T^lue 



(\e.cl O ^r>cL : 



Silt 



C^ < ol Q 16 J 

t>oji-t i-o 



Nos. 20-22.] MAN. [1910. 

during an interglacial period. Boulders and gravels are much chipped and battered, 
showing torrent action ; still among them are found some genuine flint implements 
of similar type to those I found in the deep wells, washed down, I would say, from 
a more southern portion of the same preglacial laud surface. 

The first find of palaeoliths in Acton pit, about four years ago, was made by the 
Rev. J. D. Gray, late vicar of Nayland, and afterwards, with Mr. F. J. Bennett, F.G.S. 
and myself, various types were found. I think there can be little doubt that there is 
a connection with the implements in this pit and my wells. 

There are some perplexing problems yet to be solved with regard to the glacial 
boulder clays in East Anglia ; in north Suffolk the chalky and the blue are to be found 
lying side by side, while in south-west Suffolk the chalky boulder clays overlie the 
blue, with evidences of a long interglacial period. J. SINCLAIR HOLDEN. 



England : Archaeology. King. 

Small Kist and Urn at Tregiffian Vean, St. Just-in-Penwith fll 

Cornwall. By H. King. fcl 

During ploughing operations in a field on the farm of Tregiffian Vean in 1903 
the ploughshare grated on a flat stone hidden by the soil. The farmer testing this 
with a crowbar, broke it, and the bar slipped into a cavity below. He raised the 
stone and found a broken urn, portions of which he brought to me some time afterwards. 
The field was sown and lay under grass till the spring of 1907, when it was brought 
again under the plough and I had an opportunity of examining the place. I found a 
small kist with sides of small flat slabs standing on edge resting on undisturbed " rab " 
(i.e., the stiff, stony loam produced by the decomposition of the local granite) and 
covered by a slab broken in two. This I removed to my lawn at Cam Eve for its 
preservation. 

The inside measurements of the kist are base, 24 ins. by 15 ins. ; height, 12 ins. 

The broken urn has been pronounced by the authorities at the British Museum 
as of date 400 B.C. No bones or ashes were found, but the original discoverer said 
the pot was lying on its side. H. KING. 



REVIEWS. 
India : Mysore, Coorg. Rice. 

Mysore and Coorg from the Inscriptions. By B. L. Rice. Published for the A A 
Government of Mysore by A. Constable & Co. London, 1909. Pp. 238. LL 
25 x 16 cm. 

Since 1865 Mr. Rice has been engaged in the task of deciphering and translating 
the ancient inscriptions which are found in more abundance in southern India than in 
any other part of the country. Of these, twelve volumes, under the title of Epigraphia 
Carnatica, have already appeared. In the present book Mr. Rice has abstracted the 
historical information supplied by the inscriptions, some of which are found on copper 
plates, others engraved on religious and secular buildings. Thus for the first time 
the history of Southern India has been placed on a safe chronological basis, and the 
fortunes of many obscure local dynasties have been elucidated. The most interesting 
discovery in the course of the survey was that of a copy of the edicts of the great 
Buddhist Emperor, Asoka, thus proving that his dominions extended to the very south 
of the peninsula. 

This book provides much material to the student of religion and social life. The 
original faith of the people was snake worship. A legend, which seems to have little 
historical foundation, ascribes the introduction of Jainism, which supplanted the 
primitive animism, to the famous Chandragupta, the contemporary of Alexander the 

[ 44 ] 



1910.] MAN. [Nos. 22-23, 

Great and the founder of the Mauryau dynasty. He is said to have become a Jain 
recluse at the end of his life. Jainism for many centuries remained the state religion, 
and one of its most remarkable monuments, the colossal image of Gomata, 57^ feet 
.high and carved out of the solid rock at Sravaua Belgola, dates from about A.D. 983, 
and is illustrated by Mr. Rice. Jainism gave way to Brahmanism, first the cult of Siva 
being popularised in the eighth century of our era, and that of Vishnu in the twelfth. 
Brahmanism was thus introduced at a comparatively late period, and the characteristic 
form of South Indian Hinduism was allowed to develop free from Aryan influence. 

The chapter dealing with manners and customs contains much of interest. The 
habit of self-immolation, not only in the form of suttee, of wives on the funeral pyres of 
their deceased husbands, but also of men who sacrificed their lives on the death of their 
raja or in fulfilment of a vow, was common. The earliest reference to the healing art is 
contained in a quaint story which tells how some soldiers on a campaign in the 
eleventh century were compelled by famine to eat human flesh, and were cured of the 
resultant indigestion by doses of elephant meat. The chapter on administration 
supplies many instances of the remarkable methods of government in this primitive 
community. 

Mr. Rice and the Government of Mysore, by whose liberality this important work 
has been completed, deserve the congratulations of all interested in the history and 
ethnology of Southern India. W. CROOKE. 



Ceylon. Parker. 

Ancient Ceylon. By H. Parker. London : Luzac, 1909. Pp. xiv + 695. OO 
26 x 16 cm. Price 25s. U 

This important and valuable work deals with ancient Ceylon in various aspects. 
Mr. Parker has spent more than thirty years in irrigation work in the island, and 
during that period has devoted his attention not only to strictly professional subjects, 
but to others of archaeological and anthropological importance. In this book he gives 
the result of his researches in these subjects, and this result is, and will long remain, 
of the greatest value to students. There has, in fact, hitherto been no compendious 
treatise comprising information on all these subjects, and Mr. Parker's work fills a 
real gap in the literature dealing with eastern races. A mere resume of the points 
raised is sufficient to show the comprehensive nature of the book. 

In the first part he deals with the first inhabitants of Ceylon, and especially with 
the Vaeddas or Veddas, both ancient and modern. He considers that the name Vedda 
should be identified with the Pali Vyadha or hunter, and hence that the name was 
once bestowed on the aboriginal inhabitants by the northern invaders. The modern 
Veddas, both the settled village Veddas and the forest Veddas, are remnants of this 
ancient race which have not yet been assimilated by the Sinhalese, although they 
have lost their ancient language, and their present tongue is a dialect of Sinhalese. 
Further, Mr. Parker holds that a large part of the Sinhalese population is of Vedda 
or aboriginal blood, and that the Kandian Sinhalese, especially, may be identified with 
them. The Wanniyas stand in very close relation to the Veddas, but have lost the 
peculiar dialect and speak ordinary Sinhalese. The coast tribes have in a similar 
manner been influenced by the Tamil population and have adopted the Tamil language. 
The Nagas of the north coast Mr. Parker compares with the Nayars of the Malabar 
coast of South India. These conclusions appear to be borne out by the mass of information 
Mr. Parker has brought together as to the history, physical anthropology and customs 
of these primitive tribes, and will probably be found in accordance with the recent 
researches of Dr. Seligmann, with whom Mr. Parker has been in communication. The 
result seems to amount to an establishment of the theory that the Veddas are a 
remnant of a pre-Dravidian race formerly in possession of the greater part of Ceylon, 

[ 45 ] 



Nos. 23-24.] MAN. [1910. 

and the general admission of the fact that they are of high caste, in spite of their 
present debased condition, points to the fact of their having been originally a ruling 
race enjoying a higher degree of civilisation than at present. This is opposed to the 
opinion of Virchow, who however, had not access to many now well-established facts. 
The chapters on archaeology, on coins, weapons, tools and games are all full and 
instructive but cannot here be dealt with in detail. The games, both indoor, outdoor 
and religious, Mr. Parker compares with those of India, Arabia and Africa, with which 
he is personally acquainted. Attention may also be drawn to a most interesting 
disquisition on the meaning and origin of the cross and Swastika (Chapter XV). 
Mr. Parker considers that the cross is in origin a charm against evil spirits, one bar 
representing a river or obstacle to be overcome, and a transverse bar representing 
its successful crossing or conquest. The developed cross is often enveloped in a 
protective square from which the Swastika is evolved. This theory is fully worked 
out with abundance of illustration and will evidently furnish a fruitful subject for 
discussion. M. LONGWORTH DAMES. 



Spain. Meakin. 

Galicia, the Switzerland of Spain. By Annette M. B. Meakin. London : Al 
Methuen, 1909. Pp. xi + 376. 224 X 14 c.m. fcT 

Miss Meakin has done good service in calling attention to a little-known corner 
of Europe, which possesses much interest for travellers of all classes for the student 
of archaeology and ethnology as well as for the lover of the picturesque ; though the 
ordinary armchair tourist must not expect the luxurious hotels and travelling facilities 
that he enjoys in Switzerland proper. Galicia, situated in the extreme north-west 
angle of Spain, just north of the Portuguese frontier, occupies an almost unique position 
in the Iberian Peninsula, having never been completely subjugated by either Roman or 
Moor, and consequently retains many features of the old Iberian and Celtic times. The 
author writes ably and concisely on the racial question, and notes the influence of the 
old Phoenicians and of the invasion in the fifth century by the Sueves, who form the 
subject of so many Spanish historical legends. With archaeology and architecture 
Miss Meakin deals at length. She gives a comprehensive description of the cathedral 
at Santiago, while the legend of the bringing of the body to St. James the Apostle to 
Spain is vividly told, as, indeed, are many other historical and legendary episodes. 
There is an interesting account of a visit to the prehistoric rock-drawings and so-called 
" cup and ball " marks, which have been recently discovered by Senor E. Campo near 
Pontevedra. " Cup marks," writes the author, " are to be found in many varieties in 
" almost every part of the world, the most frequent being concentric circles with a 
" central cup or dot, and this is the kind that I found upon some flat granite boulders 
" on a rocky slope near a pine wood about half-an-hour's walk from Pontevedra." 
Miss Meakin illustrates these, does not agree with the theory of their Phoenician origin, 
and compares the marks with those found in India, Scandinavia, Cornwall, and the east 
coast of Scotland. Referring to some illustrations in the Proceedings of the Society of 
Antiquaries for 1899, she writes, " Many of the drawings are almost exactly like those 
" I brought with me from Pontevedra. They look as though they must have been the 
" work of one and the same race. As they are nearly always found close to the sea, 
" it looks as if they must have been done by a seafaring people." Space prohibits 
any extended review of this work, which is brightly written, well illustrated, and, besides 
being a pleasant record of the author's travels, forms quite an antiquarian, archaeo- 
logical, and historical encyclopaedia of the places visited. The social life, manners, 
and superstitions of the peasantry are duly noted, the flora and fauna are not neglected, 
while it may gladden the heart of some readers to learn that trout " abound in all 
" the rivers, and would furnish plenty of sport to British anglers." T. H. J. 

[ 46 ] 



1910.] MAN. [Nos. 25-27. 

Melanesia. O'Ferrall. 

Santa Cruz and the Reef Islands. By the Rev. W. C. O'Ferrall, a 
Missionary in Santa Cruz, 1897-1904. Published by the Melanesian Mission, 
Illustrated by fourteen photographic reproductions by I. W. Beattie, of Hobart, 
Tasmania. 15 x 20 cm. Price 1*. 

This little account of one of the most interesting of the Western Pacific groups 
opens with an historical sketch. The group includes, besides the three large islands 
of Ndeni (Santa Cruz), Utupua, and Vanikolo, the Duff group (Taumako) and the 
Swallow or Reef Islands. It was on Santa Cruz that Mendana first landed, and where 
he afterwards died. Quiros, his successor, on a later voyage (1605) discovered 
Taumako, and Captain Carteret in 1766 visited the Reef Islands, which bear the name 
of his ship. In 1797 Captain Wilson, of the missionary ship Duff, touched at the 
group, and it was at Vanikolo that the ill-fated Perouse perished ; such, Mr. O'Ferrall 
says, is briefly the romantic story of the discovery of these islands. 

After a sojourn of seven years in the group, the author has been able to gather 
much information about the habits and customs of the natives, which he has put into 
a concise and pleasing description. Some day he may be induced to write a more 
substantial work ; in any case, he has set an example which might well be copied by 
all missionaries stationed among savage races. Missionaries owe a large debt to 
ethnologists for their neglect in the past in this respect, and before it is too late we 
hope they will do their best to collect and publish what material is still left. 

The photographs are full of interest and well illustrate the subject, such as canoes, 
round huts, club houses, mat making, ghost houses, and dancing grounds. It is a pity, 
however, that the little book is not paginated. J. EDGE-PARTINGTON. 



India : The Bahawalpur State. Malik Muhammad Din. 

The Bahawalpur State Gazetteer. By Malik Muhammad Dm, M.R.A.S. OIJ 
Lahore, 1908. Pp. 392. 27 X 17 cm. Price 6*. U 

The Bahawalpur Native State, situated in the south-west of the Panjab, supplies 
a link, geographical and ethnological, between that province, Sindh and Rajputaua. 
The most interesting geographical feature is the progressive deterioration of the 
fertility of the soil, which apparently resulted from a diversion of the courses of the 
Sutlej and Jumna rivers. This seems to have been one of the causes which produced 
the desert tract, known as the Thar, or Great Western Desert, which extends from the 
south-west Panjab into Sindh and the Rajput States of Bikaner and Jaisalmer. This 
part of India has hitherto been little known, and this monograph supplies much 
interesting information. The writer deals little with pure ethnology, except that he 
furnishes valuable information on the identity of the Jats with the Rajputs. He 
supplies a complete account of the domestic rites, which illustrates the survival of 
animistic practices among a people who have now been converted to Islam. His 
account of the many holy places, especially Uch Sharif, where every inch of ground 1 
is said to cover the remains of a saint, is full of interest, and is a valuable supplement 
to other records of Muhammadan hagiology. Material clearly exists, among these 
primitive races, for a more detailed ethnographical survey conducted on the lines of that 
now being carried out by Mr. H. A. Rose in the neighbouring province of the Panjab. 

W. CROOKE. 

New Britain Archipelago. Pullen-Burry. 

In a German Colony. By B. Pullen-Burry. London : Methuen & Co., AT 

1909. Pp. ix + 234. Illustrations and two maps. 19 x 12cm. Li 

In a German Colony is an account of a lady's visit to Herbertshohe, the capital 

of the German Protectorate on the island of New Britain, the stopping place of the 

German mail-boat sailing monthly between Sydney and Hong Kong. The Protectorate 

[ 47 ] 



Nos. 27-28.] MAN. [1910. 

includes the New Britain Archipelago, German New Guinea, the Marshall, Caroline and 
Ladrone Islands with Buka and Bougainville, the westernmost islands of the Solomon 
Group. From the outset the difficulty of the nomenclature of this part of the world is 
realised by the authoress, as on the same page she speaks of New Britain and New 
Ireland as well as the Bismarck Archipelago. " I prefer," she says, " to employ the 
" names with which our atlas has familiarised us, for the nomenclature of these regions 
" is maddening. In addition to the names which the islands had received from their 
" discoverers, who were mostly British navigators, there are those with which the 
" Germans re-baptised them on the acquisition of the colony. Then there are the native 
" appellations in constant use between the planters and the Kanakas." Herr von 
Luschan some time ago strongly urged the retention of native names, and it seems a pity 
that this has not generally been adopted. In her notes on native customs the authoress 
has evidently derived much of her information from Parkinson's Dreisig Jahre in der 
Sudsee (reviewed MAN, 1908, 49), and from a visit she paid to the author of that work, 
as well as from Bishop Coppee of the R.C. mission. 

The probable aboriginal inhabitants of New Britain are the Baining, inhabiting the 
mountain regions to the west of the peninsula, and having both language and customs 
dissimilar to those of the other inhabitants of the archipelago. Gustav Fritsch, a 
German traveller, has examined fifty skulls of these people, and considers they resemble 
the Australian type. With regard to these people the authoress refers to Dr. Snee's 
work on the South Seas, but gives no title or reference. Amongst the inhabitants of 
the Gazelle Peninsula magic is the dominating influence of all actions ; everything they 
wear, all the face ornamentation, have their special significance. Shedding of tears is 
denoted by three lines from the eyes downwards on to the cheek, lines from the root 
of the nose semicircling Ihe eyes represent a butterfly ; circles round the eyes, an owl. 
Certain patterns belong to particular families. 

Consequent on the number of channels from which the authoress derived her 
information there is a certain amount of repetition, but, considering the shortness of her 
stay in the group, and that mostly at Herbertshohe, she has collected sufficient matter 
to make her work both interesting and instructive ; in addition there are seven (not 
eight) photographic reproductions of natives and two maps. J. E.-P. 



Eugenics. Whetham. 

Eugenics and Unemployment. By W. C. D. Whetham, M.A., F.R.S. Cam- 
bridge : Bowes and Bowes, 1910. Price 1*. 

The author of this book gives some significant statistics tending to show that the 
changes introduced into our national life by the deleterious teaching of Malthus and 
modern industrial conditions are slowly but surely lowering the average efficiency of the 
people. He points out that the crude annual birth-rate of England and Wales has 
fallen from 36 per 1,000 in 1876 to 26 per 1,000 in 1909, owing, no doubt, to the wide 
dissemination of the Malthusian heresy at about the earlier date. To show that this 
fall in the birthrate has taken place almost exclusively among the more efficient 
classes of the population, he points out that, in the case of the families of persons 
whose biographies appear in Who's Who, the average number of children before 1870 
was 5 ' 2, while after 1870 it was only 3 '08. In contrast with this select class is 
that of those persons whose children use the special schools for the mentally defective, 
&c., where the average number in the family is now 7 ' 3. 

The application of the principles of Eugenics to the problem of unemployment 
suggests measures widely different from those advocated by popular politicians, and 
though the author wisely admits that the science of Eugenics is still in its infancy, he 
clearly shows that enough has already been achieved to make a knowledge of its 
principles essential to all true social reformers. J. G. 

Printed by EYEE AND SPOTTISWOODE. LTD., His Majesty's Printers, Bast Harding Street, E.G. 



PLATE D. 



MAN, 1910. 





O 




1910.] MAN. [No. 29. 

ORIGINAL ARTICLES. 

Africa : Benin. With Plate D. Read. 

Note on Certain Ivory Carvings from Benin. /'// C. H. Read, AQ 

LL.D., P.S.A. tU 

It is not to be expected that the city of Benin itself will for the present continue 
to supply any great number of works of art. Such specimens as come into the 
market will doubtless form part of collections made at the time of the punitive 
expedition. Most of these, however, are well known, and it is improbable that any 
great surprises are in store. The late Sir Ralph Moor, who was directly instrumental 
in securing the bulk of the Government share of the loot, was fortunate enough to 
obtain for himself some pieces of exceptional merit, and the whole of these were 
dispersed after his death. The carvings shown in the plate have been added to the 
already fine collection at the British Museum, where they fill a gap, and serve to show 
that Sir Ralph Moor was a good judge of the quality of native work. 

The three objects shown in the plate are all of exceptional merit and interest. 
They consist of two elaborate armlets and a mask, carved in ivory. The armlets are 
practically identical, and the description of one will serve for both. Each consists 
of two cylinders working one within the other, carved from the solid tusk, but so 
contrived in the carving that the two are interlocked by the projecting ornament 
on the inner cylinder passing through openings in the outer one, and so making the 
two inseparable without violence. This arrangement recalls certain Chinese carv- 
ings, in which, 
however, such 
extravagant 
ingenuity is 
held to be 
natural and 
characteristic. 
Complicated as 
the design in 
these armlets 
may appear at 

first sight, a 

,. , . 3 ' FIG. 1. 

slight analysis 

shows it to be quite simple. In reality there are but two factors applied to the 
making of it. First of these is a standing figure of a king, with legs in the form of 
catfish, and hands upraised, each holding a leopard ; his legs form a kind of arch, and 
in the middle is a crocodile head grasping a human hand in its mouth ; he wears a 
cap, surcoat, gorget, and necklet all of coral beads.* The details of the catfish, 
crocodile's head, and the spots of the leopards are all overlaid with copper plates. 
This figure is repeated four times around the armlet, and is carved as part of the 
outer cylinder, the whole of the background being cut away. Between the figures of 
kings are repetitions of a curious design. This on examination proves to be composed 
of two elephants' heads, one pointing upwards, the other down ; the shape of the 
head is emphasised by three bold ribs, from the outer of which proceed the two tusks, 
meeting in front ; the trunk is a twisted bar terminating in a human hand, grasping 
two branches with leaves ; the outlines of these proceeding from above and below 
form an oval. The spaces between the ribs on the heads and the middles of the 
leaves are filled with copper inlay. This design is on the inner cylinder, and is 
carved in even higher relief than the figures of the kings on the outer ; the whole of 

* 67. Read and Dalton, Antiquities from the City of Benin, Plate XVII. 

[ 49 ] 




No. 29.] 



MAN. 



[1910. 



the background that can be reached by a tool has been pierced with rows of small 
holes close together.* 

The mask stands oh a much higher plane, artistically, than the armlet, and is 
clearly the work of one of the best artists that the Bini court possessed. It is carved 
from the middle of a large tusk, and both in design and finish is the finest thing that 
has come from Benin. The sculptor had a knowledge and observation, and a capacity 

for using both, that are but rarely found in savage Africa, 
and this much can be seen from the figure in the plate. 
The eyes are outlined with iron, recalling the ancient 
Egyptian method, and the tribal marks on the forehead 
were of the same metal ; beside these are groups of four 
faint ribs proceeding vertically from the inner side of the 
orbit. The hair, which is squarely cut over the forehead and 
ears, is indicated by a series of closely set knobs, each 
having a hole in the middle ; and a kind of triple tiara is 
produced by twisting up the hair in small tails, each having 
a bead on the end ; the front row is symbolically treated, 
and carved to represent a row of heads of Portuguese with 
long straight hair and beards, the eyes and hats being 
shown in copper. The ears of the mask are well carved, 
and above and below each is a pierced lug which has clearly 
served for a cord to pass through for suspending the mask, 
probably from a man's neck. A collar of coral beads is 
conventionally represented beneath the chin, and from this 
proceeds a pierced flange on which is carved a plaited 
design inlaid Avith copper. The hollow back of the mask 
is as highly finished as the front, though unornamented. 
A mask of this kind is in the Pitt-Rivers Museum at 
Farnham, Dorset, but, though an interesting and good 
specimen, is not comparable with the exam'ple now in 
question.f 

The other two ivory carvings shown in Figs. 1 and 2 
are not of such exceptional character as those just referred 
to, but they are at the same time unusual. The first of 
these is the figure of a leopard, a favourite animal in 
Bini art, carved from the tusk near the butt, so that the 
section of the carving is C shaped. The style is some- 
what conventional, the spots of the beast being left as 
plain circles on a roughly hatched surface, and in the 
middle of each spot is a stud of copper. Such an object 
from its form would be well suited to ornament a horizontal 
pole in a house, and around the edge are seven large holes 
which might well have served to attach it in some such 
position. The other object is a baton surmounted by a 
mounted warrior dressed in all the richness of Bini fashion. 
He is riding astraddle, holding a spear in his right hand, 
and the single rein in his left ; he wears the usual high 
collar of coral beads, a necklace of large teeth, and an elaborate surcoat reaching to 
his knees. Such batons are not uncommon in Benin collections. General Pitt Rivers 
(op. cit., PI. V., Figs. 19-24) gives figures of several in his collection ; and in the 

* For a similar armlet of simpler make see Read and Dalton, 1899, PI. VI, 5. 
t Figured in A. Pitt-Rivers' Aiitlque Works of Art from Benin, 1900, PI. 6, Figs. 25, 26. 

[ 50 ] 



FIG. 2. 



1910.] MAN. [Nos. 29-30. 

British Museum the bronze panels frequently show the natives holding such staves, 
sometimes surmounted by a bird (Read and Dalton, PI. XXX). 

In the large volume on the Benin antiquities by Mr. O. M. Dalton and myself, 
just referred to, we reproduced a number of ivory carvings, cups, hunting horns, 
and spoons, that bore in many cases representations of European design, such as, for 
instance, the coat of arms of Portugal. This class of objects is found in a good 
many continental museums, and not infrequently described as being of mediaeval Euro- 
pean work. That they are of negro manufacture, however, there can be no question, 
though it might fairly be argued that there is no evidence to prove them to be of 
Bini make. The interest of the specimens now in question, apart from their obvious 
artistic qualities, is that they show conclusively that the Bini craftsmen were fully 
capable of producing work of quite as high a type, without the aid of European 
motives, and, as far as we can tell, without European suggestion. A comparison of the 
mask in the plate, for example, with any of the pieces showing European ideas is, of 
the two alternatives, rather in favour of the former. A great deal of time has been 
spent by various writers in attempting to trace different origins for this very remark- 
able native art. Some enthusiasts have even gone as far as to attribute it to the 
influence of the art of ancient Egypt. A recent writer in Globus* has been at great 
pains to reproduce a number of Indian panels of superficially the same kind as those 
characteristic of Benin, and is convinced that he has shown the style and make of 
these latter to be derived from Indian models. It is hardly worth while to repeat 
the evidence in favour of the Portuguese influence that is given at length in the 
British Museum volume just referred to. But it is just as conclusive now as when 
it was written eleven years ago, and a cas.t bronze panel with reliefs from Italy or 
France necessarily presents the same features as one from India or Benin, and would 
te of equal weight as showing French or Italian influence. 

In the case of the panels from Benin the style of the art is unquestionably native, 
while the metal of which they are made has been shown by Professor Gowland's 
analysis to be certainly Portuguese. To argue for an Indian origin in face of these 
two facts is only to waste time and serves no useful purpose. C. H. READ. 



Andamans. Lang. 

Puluga. By A. Lang. Qfl 

Though I am greatly guilty of a " theory of a primitive All-Father," U U 
which to Mr. A. R. Brown seems " nothing but a system of elaborate misinter- 
pretation " (Folk-Lore^ XX, 3, p. 258), yet his article, and his controversy with Pere 
Schmidt, are full of interest to me, and I think I discern the point where Mr. Brown 
and I diverge. It is a point of great importance. He writes (MAN, 1910, 17, 
p. 34). : " I carefully abstained from comparing the beliefs of the Andamanese with 
** those of any other peoples, whether related or unrelated, because I am convinced 
" that such comparisons are more dangerous than they are helpful." Thus it appears 
that there is to be no study of comparative mythology. But Mr. Brown may mean 
that an observer on the spot should merely give his facts ; what I doubt is, whether 
or not he allows the stay-at-home reader to try to strike light out of comparisons. 
Assuming that liberty, under all reserves, I will try to show how the case of Puluga 
strikes an inquirer bred in the old-fashioned comparative method. I should say that 
I have no preconceived opinions to the effect that the male Puluga of the isles Bale 
and Bea is part of an older belief, though it is of a far more usual type of belief 
than that in the female Biliku or Bilika of the more northern group. 

Mr. Brown's conclusions are that " Puluga is a personification of the N.N.E. 
" monsoon, and is one of a pair, the other being Daria " (elsewhere Tarai, Teria, 

* W. Crahmer, Qlobux, Bel. 94 (1908), p. 301 ; Bd. 95 (1909), pp. 345, 360 ; Bd. 97 (1910), p. 78. 

[ 51 ] 



No, 30.] MAN. [1910. 

Deria), " the S.S.W. monsoon" (MAN, p. 33). The words Biliku, Bilika, denote 
spider, as well as the being Biliku, in the northern isles ; in the southern Bilik and 
Puluga are only applied to the mythic being, and, I presume, in these isles the 
common spider is otherwise named (Folk-Lore, p. 259). It seems to me conceivable 
that the southern islanders have tabued puluga for spider, and reserved it for the 
mythic being. Mr. Brown " could find no sufficient evidence for any of the 
" explanations that suggested themselves to him " " of the connection of Biliku with 
the spider" (MAN, p. 35). 

Why a monsoon should be called a spider is indeed a puzzling question ! In 
my old-fashioned comparative way I am anxious to know whether any parallel exists 
in the mythology of other peoples dwelling in the region of monsoons ? We must 
remember that the N.E. wind is not called Biliku, but is styled Biliku Boto, Bilik 
Tau, Puluga Toa, Puluga Ta ; while in the four northern isles the S.W. wind is not 
styled Tarai, but Tarai Boto. I do not observe that Mr. Brown translates Boto, 
Tau, Toa, and Ta, but we may, under correction, and corroborated by Mr. Man 
(Journ. Anthr. Inst., XII, 38, for Ta), guess that these words mean wind : wind of 
Biliku and of Puluga, wind of Tarai. If so, at present the winds are distinguished 
from the beings who send them. 

Mr. Brown " has carefully avoided attributing to the Andamanese, even in the 
" past, any belief for which there is not direct evidence . . ." (MAN, p. 34 (5)). 
But he is human, and has reached the conclusion, for which there can be no " direct 
evidence," that " Puluga is a personification of the N.N.E. monsoon." We cannot 
travel into the past, and observe the ancestors of the Andamanese while destitute of 
Puluga, but beginning to personify the S.E. wind under a name meaning spider, 
certainly a strange name for a wind. This spider (or his brothers or sons) is not the 
wind, but he, or his kinsfolk, sends the winds. The N.N.E. wind accompanies fine 
weather, and it is not Tarai, of the rainy wind, but Puluga, who sends all storms. 
This " particularly puzzles " Mr. Brown (Folk-Lore, p. 267), and I do not wonder at 
it. But why Spider ? 

On my obsolete method of comparison, though I cannot explain why a spider,, 
of all things, was chosen as the name of a potent being (not of a wind, Puluga and 
Biliku do not mean wind), I can at least offer parallels. The spider, as a potent 
being, is Ananzi, the spider of negro mythology. Stories about him and his feats are 
called " Nancy stories " in our West Indian colonies. I have no books at hand on 
Ananzi the spider in African beliefs, but it is plain that a spider may be a leading 
character in mythology, in places wholly remote from the Andaman Isles. 

Again, we all know the potent being of Bushman belief, named (in Bleek's theory) 
after the Mantis insect, Cagn. On Cagn I have read Orpen (Cape Monthly Magazine, 
IX, 1877, July) and Bleek, who identifies Cagn with the Mantis insect (Brief Account 
of Bushman Folk-Lore, London, 1875, cf. Myth, Ritual, and Religion, II, pp. 34, 35, 
1901). Father Schmidt quotes, as to Cagn, Arbousset and Daumas (1872), A. 
Merensky (1875), Wangemann (1872), Orpen, and Bleek, but doubts certain points 
in Bleek's version. He does not like the entomological etymology (Schmidt, Die 
Stellung der Pygmden Volker, pp. 236-241). It is superfluous to name other 
theriomorphic potent primal beings of savage belief usually opposed to each other 
like Tarai and Biliku. We all know the North American Wolf and Raven, and the 
South-East Australian Eagle Hawk (Punjel) and Crow, the American Great Hare, and 
so forth. There is the usual confusion ; Puluga, the spider, is anthropomorphic (like 
Ba'iame and Daramulun) (Folk-Lore, p. 270). 

Now, guess for guess, I think, from the parallels adduced, that Biliku (female) 
and Puluga (male) are creations of imagination in search for a first cause : Biliku 
" created " earth, sea, and sky in many myths, and they (or he and she) are " definitely 

C 52 ] 



1910.] MAN. [No. 30. 

" separated from the ancestors, and are not regarded as one of them " {Folk-Lore, 
pp. 262, 264-267). Thus, as far as I may conjecture, Biliku-Puluga spiders are not 
the personifications of the N.N.E. monsoon, which is their Boto, Tau, Toa, Ta their 
Wind of God," as in Kingsley's " Ode to the East Wind." 

The question is of no great moment. Puluga is there now, however he came there, 
about which neither Mr. Brown or I can do more than guess. 

The great peculiarity about Andamanese mythology is that, in the dualism so very 
common in savage and other beliefs, Biliku " has come to occupy so large a place in 
*' Andaman mythology compared with the other " Tarai. This has caused Mr. Brown 
to " wonder many times " (Folk-Lore, p. 267). If he did not think that " comparisons 
" are odious " he would wonder less, for in savage mythology the better of the two 
opposed beings, though often thwarted by his opposite, is much the more prominent 
and victorious figure. In the isles " there seem to be no legends at all concerning 
" Tarai " (Folk-Lore, p. 267), so that Tarai, if there be no legends at all about him, 
can scarcely be regarded as a potent being, and as " the counterpart of Biliku " (Folk- 
Lore, p. 259). Yet, as in the north he is the husband of Biliku, he is so far personified, 
and it is curious that there are no legends about him ; some may, perhaps, be discovered. 
A person of whom no legends are known, at all events, is no "counterpart" of a 
person about whom there are so many legends, and who is so puissant as Biliku- 
Puluga. 

As to his or her ethical aspect Mr. Brown found no corroboration of Mr. Man's 
statements. He therefore "ventures to think that, perhaps unwittingly, Mr. Man 
" suggested to his informant that Puluga was angry if one man wronged another, and 
" the native of course agreed. . . " (p. 271). That is cutting the knot with an axe ! 
Can anyone believe that Mr. Man inquired of only one informant, made suggestions to 
him, and accepted his evidence ? 

Mr. Man, confessedly a careful observer, who lived rather longer (namely, eleven 
years) in this region than Mr. Brown did, writes thus : " I have taken special care, not 
" only to obtain my information on each point from those who are regarded by their 
" fellow tribesmen as authorities, but who, from having had little or no intercourse with 
u other races, were in entire ignorance regarding any save their own legends. I have 
" besides, in every case, by subsequent inquiry, endeavoured to test their statements, 
" with the trustworthiness of which I am thoroughly satisfied " (Journ. Anthr. 
List., XII, p. 157). 

Mr. Brown can " speak with ungrudging praise " of Mr. Man's book (Folk-Lore, 
p. 257). I think we may suspend our opinion where the two authorities differ, without 
deciding that Mr. Man was, on this point, so strangely careless in collecting and testing 
evidence. 

I have but one other remark to make. Mr. Brown speaks of a suggestio falsi 
in Pere Schmidt's use (in English) of the word " torch " where Mr. Brown uses " fire- 
brand." But as, in German, Pere Schmidt employs the term Feuerbrand where 
Mr. Brown uses " fire-brand," perhaps we need not blame the learned writer for a 
suggestio falsi ; some accident of translation seems more probable than suggestio falsi ; 
and this view is not the less courteous. I refer to Pere Schmidt's Die Stellung der 
Pygmaen-Volker, p. 206 (Stuttgart: Strecker und Schroder, 1910). Both Puluga 
and mortal men " brandish burning logs," says Mr. Man, against evil spirits (Journ. 
Anthr. Inst., XII, pp. 97, 152). We are likely to understand the subject better when 
we have Mr. Brown's book in our hands and can compare it with that of Mr. Man. 
In the meantime, between monsoons and moons in mythology, and arguments drawn 
from conchology and conjectural etymology, a wise passiveness seems an appropriate 
mental attitude. A. LANG. 

[ 53 ] 



No. 31.] MAN. [1910. 

New Zealand. Edgre-Partingrton. 

Maori Forgeries. By J. Edge-Partington. Of 

Since my note on Maori forgeries appeared in MAN (1909, 31) I have Ul 
received two very important communications on this subject, one from Professor 
Andree, of Munich, confirming my statement with regard to the manufacture of green- 
stone objects in Germany, and drawing my attention to a visit he made to the factory, 
described by him in Zeitschrift fur Ethnologic, Heft 6, 1907, p. 943. I append a 
translation of part of this article, but would refer those who take an interest in this 
question to the original, since the whole is extremely interesting and important : 

" I had heard that the lapidaries of Oberstein and Idar manufactured objects of 
New Zealand jade, and, moreover, produced extraordinarily accurate copies of the old 
Maori weapons and ornaments. 

"In order to investigate the matter, in the summer of 1907 I visited the pretty 
little localities in the Nahe valley (on the Bingerbriick-Metz line), in Birkenfeld, an 
outlying province of Oldenburg, where a large number of lapidaries are engaged in the 
cutting of hard stones. . . . The hardest material which is worked there is New 
Zealand jade, the cutting, grinding, and polishing of which is, however, relatively easy 
of accomplishment. 

" Articles which a Maori never could have manufactured, at the expense of any 
labour, such as goblets, cigar cases, bowls, coffee cups, of jade, as well as ornaments 
of the most varied description, are to be seen in the Gewerbehalle ; but such things 
were of less importance to me than the imitations of Maori weapons, Tiki, Mere, and 
ornaments, which had also been made in Idar. The principal firm is that of Jakob 
Wild, who most courteously showed me his method of manufacture, into the techni- 
calities of which I will not enter. I must make it clear that there is no question here 
of forgeries ; the manufacturer quite openly advertises them as his own work, copies 
of genuine originals, and sells them as such. 

" It must be noted that these objects are mostly made in response to commissions 
received from England, and are also sent direct to New Zealand. Here they are sold 
to globe-trotters at a high price ; or even are put on the market as genuine Tiki, &c., 
and so, as I know from actual experience, find their way into Ethnographical Museums. 
These Idar facsimiles are absolutely exact copies of the originals ; at least 
I could perceive no difference, though such might be apparent to an expert after a 
closer comparison. The material is genuine, the forms are exact reproductions of the 
original antiques, and the polish is equally good." 

The other communication was from Mr. Hamilton, the Director of the Dominion 
Museum, Wellington, N.Z., in which he says : 

" I have reason to believe that some things recently purchased in London, made of 
bone and brought out here, are not genuine, and it is also quite true that a considerable 
number of bone relics of various kinds are manufactured in Auckland. So long as they 
are simply bought as curios by the ordinary tourist it does not matter so much, but, 
if they proceed to give them to museums and they take their place in the show-cases 
as specimens of Maori work, the matter is more serious. I lately had a visitor from 
Auckland who brought down a considerable number of most interesting specimens to 
sell to me. They were so well made that I must honestly confess I should have been 
deceived in at least two instances. The value of the collection was, at current prices, 
somewhere between 40 and 50. Fortunately the vendor left them with me for 
examination at my request, and I discovered ample proof that, although no exception 
could be taken to the method of the work or design or pattern from their general 
appearance, yet they were undoubtedly forgeries. I think it would be well if you were 
to insert the tenor of this letter in MAN, and more especially to point out that, so far 
as these bone and wooden curios are concerned, there is an infallible test. A very old 

[ 54 ] 



1910.] MAN. [Nos. 31-32. 

and genuine-looking feeding funnel, which I wanted extremely and which had a splendid 
story attached to it as to how it was found in the draining of the Piako swamp, was 
put to this test and proved to be a forgery." 

Mr. Hamilton, of course, refers only to the finer class of forgeries, which are 
capable of deceiving those conversant with Maori handiwork. But at a recent sale in 
London, out of the fifty or so lots there was only one genuine specimen ; the others 
would not have deceived any ordinary collector interested in Maori work. Unfortu- 
nately there are many buyers who have no knowledge, and it is through them that 
these " fakes " get distributed about the country, finding their way into our local 
museums. It was only lately that I visited one of our most important museums in the 
west of England and was shown two such which had recently been purchased, and I 
am sorry to say at a very high figure. I hope that Mr. Hamilton's confession that he 
is capable of being deceived will make those who purchase New Zealand " curios " in 
this country all the more careful. 

The foregoing communications refer to articles in wood, bone, and greenstone, 
but in the Journal of the Polynesian Society, Vol. VII, p. 244, there appeared an 
article by Mr. W. W. Smith on " spurious stone implements " mostly of a dark-coloured 
limestone in which the " polishing had undoubtedly been done with very fine emery 
u paper, which did not efface the coarser circular markings, on their flat faces and 
" sides, of the grindstone." The author points out that an examination by a strong 
lens revealed their mode of manufacture and apart from this their faces and sides 
were too flat, too level, and too broad at the part where they begin to bevel to 
the cutting edges. Instead of the neatly bevelled and polished cutting edge, as in 
old Maori implements of this class, the bevelling was flat. 

From the evidence that we have now received on this subject it would appear 
that no class of New Zealand " curios " is exempt from the imitator's art. It resolves 
itself into a case of supply and demand. J. EDGE-PART1NGTON. 



Australia. Brown. 

Marriage and Descent in North Australia. By A. R. Brown, '/../. QA 

In connection with certain work I recently found it necessary to go thoroughly U4L 

into the question of the rules of descent in those Australian tribes which have eight 

matrimonial classes. Mr. R. H. Mathews, in a number of publications (e.g., MAN, 

1908, 83), has criticised the statement of Messrs. Spencer and Gillen that in the tribes 

having eight matrimonial classes, descent, so far as class is concerned, is in the male 

line. As I do not think that Mr. Mathews has stated the position quite clearly, I 

venture to raise the subject once more. 

To illustrate the discussion it is necessary to use a simple diagram, such as the 

following, which represents the rules of descent in a 

.., , . ,, p DIAGRAM I. 

tribe having the tour-class system. 

A, B, C, D represent the four classes. The sign = 
means " marries," and may be read either way, that is, 
from left to right or from right to left. The arrows 
show the relation between the class of the mother and the 
class of her child, and may be read either up or down. 

Thus, the rules of marriage and descent may be expressed as follows : 
A male marries B female and the children are D. 

** W 99 ** 99 9' 9' *'' 

^99 *' 99 99 99 "' 

-L* 99 99 ^ 99 99 9> " 

If we substitute for A Ipai, for B Kubbi, for C Kumbo, and for D Murri, the 
diagram illustrates the Kamilaroi system as given by Howitt. 

[ 55 ] 



No. 32.] 



MAN. 



[1910. 



If we apply this diagram to the eight-class system of the Aruuta we find that 

A represents Panunga + Uknaria. 

B Purula + Ungalla. 

C Kumara + Umbitjana. 

D Bulthara + Appungerta. 

We can read the diagram as before, but in order to represent the eight-class system 
exactly we must have eight divisions. 

DIAGRAM II. 





This diagram is to be read in much the same way as the other save that each of 
the lines at the side is to be read in only one direction, indicated by the arrow. 
The following table will help the reader to understand the diagram : 
A' marries B' and the children are D" 



A' 

C' 

C" 

B' 

B" 

D' 

D' 



B" 

D' 

D" 

A' 
A" 
C' 

C" 



D' 
B' 
B" 
C" 

C" 
A" 
A' 



As I propose to deal with the Arunta and Chingalee (Tjingilli) tribes 1 give 
below the equivalent classes for the letters of the diagram. The Chingalee classes are 
given according to the spelling of Mr. R. H. Mathews : 

ARUNTA. CHIXGALEE. 



A' 

A" 

B' 

B" 

C' 

C" 

D' 

D" 



Panunga - 

Uknaria 

Purula 

Ungalla 

Kumara 

Umbitchana 

Bulthara - 

Appuugerta 



Chuna. 

Chimitcha. 

Chnla. 

Chungalee. 

Chemara. 

Champina. 

Taralee. 

Tungaree. 



Thus in the diagram we see that the child of a B'' man and an A" woman is C". 
In Arunta terms, if an Ungalla man marries an Uknaria woman, the offspring are 
Umbitchana, and similarly for all the classes. 

In dealing with questions of descent in Australia we must remember that there 
are three distinct questions, concerned with descent of (1) phratry ; (2) class ; and 
(3) totem. 

[ 56 ] 



1910.] MAN. [No. 32. 

If the classes are arranged in phratries consisting of the couples A + C and B + D, 
then, as long as only regular marriages occur (i.e., marriages in accordance with the 
diagram) the phratry is exogamous, and descent as regards phratry is matrilineal, the 
child belonging to the phratry of its mother. If, on the other hand, the classes are 
arranged into phratries in the couples A + D and B + C, then, as long as only regular 
marriages occur, descent as regards phratry is patrilineal, the children belonging to the 
phratry of the father. Spencer and Gillen tell us that among the tribes with eight 
classes, the classes are arranged into phratries consisting of A + D and B + C. There- 
fore, in these tribes, as long as only regular marriages occur, descent as regards phratry 
is patrilineal. 

Before discussing the question of descent of phratry in cases of irregular marriages, 
let us turn to the question of descent of class. As long as marriages are all of the 
type represented in the diagram, that is, as long as only regular marriages occur, we 
cannot say that descent as regards class is either matrilineal or patrilineal. The child 
of an A' man and a B' woman is D", but we cannot decide whether it is so because 
its father is A', or because its mother is B'. As long as only regular marriages 
are found there can be no question as to whether descent of class is in the male or 
the female line. However, in all the tribes with which we are dealing, irregular 
marriages sometimes take place. 

What is meant by an irregular marriage is as follows : A man of the Class A' 
is required by the law of the tribe to .take a wife from the Class B'. This is his 
regular wife, or, following the nomenclature of Mr. Mathews, the marriage is of 
Type I. It may happen, however, that there is no Avife to be found for him in 
Class B', and he therefore takes a wife from Class B". This is a marriage of 
Type II, an irregular marriage of the first order of irregularity. Occasionally it hap- 
pens that a man of Class A' marries neither into B' nor into B", but takes a wife 
from A' . This we shall call a marriage of Type III. Finally, there are said to 
be cases when a man of Class A' marries a woman of his own class. This last mar- 
riage we shall speak of as Type IV. On no account, apparently, does A intermarry 
with C or D. 

Now, though it is impossible to tell from a marriage of Type I (that is, a regular 
marriage) whether descent is traced in the maternal or the paternal line, it is possible 
to do so in cases of irregular marriages of Types II, III, or IV. Thus, if A' marries 
B' the children are D", and if A" marries B" the children are D'. Now take a case 
of marriage of Type II, where a man of A' marries a woman of B" If descent is 
reckoned through the father the child will be D", while, if through the mother, it will 
be D'. Similarly, in case of a marriage of Type III, when a man of A' marries a 
woman of A" the child will be C" in case of maternal descent, and D" if the descent 
is paternal. Finally, in marriages of Type IV, where A' marries into his own class, 
the child will be C' if its descent is traced from its mother, and D" if from its 
father. 

All we need, therefore, to decide whether a tribe in which irregular marriages occur 
is patrilineal or matrilineal is a certain number of genealogies. Mr. Mathews has realised 
this, and has published at different times genealogies of the Arunta and Chingalee tribes. 
In the American Anthropologist, Vol. 10, page 90, he gives the record of twelve 
marriages of Arunta men and women, eight of which are regular, while the other four 
are all of Type II. These four are as follows : 

Purula marries Knuraia, children Kamara. 
Paltara Mbitjana, Knuraia. 
Bangata Kamara, Pananka. 
Pananka Ngala, Bangata. 

In the following table I have substituted the letters of the diagram for the names 

[ 57 ] 



No. 32.] 



MAN. 



[1910. 



of the classes, and in the fourth column I have given the class to Avhich the child 
would belong if the mother had married into her regular class : 

B' marries A", children C' (C"). 
D' C", A" (A'). 
D" C', A' (A"). 
A' B", D" (D'). 

In the Journal and Proceedings of the Royal Society of N.S. Wales, Vol. XLI, 
p. 151, Mr. Mathews giA 7 es a further list of eight Arunta marriages. In one case 
there are no children : the other seven as follows : 

Paltara (D') marries Mbitjana (C"), children Knuraia (A"). [Three cases.] 

Pananka (A') Ngala (B") Bangata (D"). 

Bangata (D") Kamara (C') Pananka (A'). 

Purula (B') Knuraia (A") Kamara (C'). [Two cases.] 

From a consideration of these cases (eleven in all) I think we are justified in 
stating the following law : Among the Arunta, when a man, instead of marrying into 
his regular class, enters into a marriage of Type II, the children belong to the class 
to which they would have belonged if they had been his children by a regular marriage, 
and they do not belong to the class to which they 'would have belonged if they had 
been the offspring of their actual mother by a regular marriage. We are therefore 
justified in asserting that what evidence there is shows that the Aruuta count descent, 
as regards class, in the paternal line. 

We turn now to the Chingalee (or Tjingilli) tribe. In the Journal and Pro- 
ceedings of the Royal Society of N.S. Wales, Vol. XLI, p. 72, Mr. Mathews gives 
some genealogies, from which we extract the following marriages : 
1. Champina marries Tungaree, children Chungalee. 



2. 
3. 
4. 
5. 


Tungaree 
Chungalee 
Tungaree 
Chimitcha 


6. 


Chula 


7. 


Chimitcha 


8. 


Tar alee 


9. 
10. 


Tungaree 
Taralee 


11. 


Chuna 



Taralee, 

Chula, 

Chemara, 

Chungalee, 

Chuna, 

Chuua, 

Chemara, 

Champina, 

Champina, 

Chuna 



Chula. 

Tungaree. 

Chimitcha. 

Taralee. 

Chemara. 

Chemara. 

Chimitcha. 

Chuna. 

Chuna. 
(JSo family). 



Substituting the letters of the diagram we get the following table : Column I 
is the man, column II his wife, and column III their children. Column IV gives 
the class to which the children would belong if they were the children of their actual 
father by a regular marriage, and column V gives the type of the marriage which 
has actually taken place. 






I. 


11. 


III. 


IV. 


V. 


1. 


C" 


D" 


B" 


B" 


I. 


2. 


D" 


D' 


B' 


A' 


III. 


3. 


B" 


B' 


D" 


C" 


III. 


4. 


D" 


C' 


A" 


A' 


II. 


5. 


A" 


B" 


D' 


D' 


I. 


6. 


B' 


A' 


C' 


C' 


I. 


7. 


A" 


A' 


C' 


D' 


III. 


8. 


D' 


C' 


A" 


A" 


I. 


9. 


D" 


C" 


A' 


' A' 


I. 


10. 


D' 


C" 


A' 


A" 


II. 


11. 


A' 


A' 


No children. 


IV. 



[ 58 



1910.] MAN. [NOB. 32-33. 

If the reader will study this table by the help of the diagram he will see that 
its results may be summarised in the following law : Amongst the Chingalee, when a 
man, instead of marrying into his regular class, enters into a marriage of Type II 
or Type III, the children belong to the class to which they would belong if they had 
been the offspring of their actual mother by a marriage of Type I, and they do not 
belong to the class to which they would belong if they had been the children of their 
actual father by a regular marriage. That is, the Chingalee reckon descent, in so far 
as concerns the class, through the mother. 

It is obvious that irregular marriages may make a difference as regards descent 
of phratry. Dealing first with the Arunta, we lind that marriages of Types III and 
IV apparently never take place. If we regard the phratries, on Spencer and Gillen's 
evidence, as consisting of A + D and B -f- C, we can say that among the Arunta the 
phratry is always strictly exogamous, and descent as regards phratry is patrilineal. 

Amongst the tribes of the Chingalee type, on the other hand, the phratries 
(A + D and B + C) are not strictly exogamous, since marriages of Types III and 
IV are marriages within the phratry. Further, when marriages of these two types 
occur, the children belong to the phratry which is not that of their parents. Thus 
if an A' man marries an A" woman the child is C" and does not belong to the 
phratry of its father and mother. 

The facts concerning descent in tribes having eight matrimonial classes may be 
summarised as follows : 

(1) Phratry. In tribes of the Arunta type the phratries are strictly exogamous 
and descent is patrilineal. In tribes of the Chingalee type the phratry is not strictly 
exogamous, and descent, while generally patrilineal, is sometimes irregular. 

(2) Class. In tribes of the Chingalee type the class of the child is determined 
by that of its mother. In tribes of the Arunta type the class of the child is determined 
by that of its father. 

(3) Totem. In tribes of the Arunta type the totem is not acquired by inheritance. 
In tribes of the Chingalee type it would seem that the totem of a child is generally 
inherited from its father, but there are numbers of exceptions. About these exceptions 
further information is urgently needed. 

The tribes of the Arunta type are the Arunta, llpirra, Iliaura, Unmatjera, and 
Kaitish. To the Chingalee type belong all the other eight-class tribes of which we 
have any information. 

I have been concerned only in this note to elucidate the facts, not to theorise about 
them. The facts I have pointed out do not, however, seem to have been understood by 
the writers who have dealt with the problems of the social organisation of the eight- 
class tribes, and much of what has been written on that subject is on this account 
unsatisfactory. Any theory of the origin of the eight-class system, and the relation of 
the Arunta to tribes of the Chingalee type, must take account of the facts I have 
presented if it is to be of any value. A. R. BROWN. 



India : Assam. Shakespear. 

Note on the Manipuri "Yek." By Lieut. -Colonel J. Shakespear, C.I.E., QQ 

D.S.O. 00 

With reference to my remarks regarding the possibility of the Manipuri " Yek " 
being a totemistic division (MAN, 1908, 106), I have made inquiry, and the following 
is the result : 

There are in the Meithei population seven main divisions called Salai or Yek, 
each is named after a mythical ancestor. There were originally nine such divisions, 

[ 59 1 



No. 33.] MAN. [1910. 

but in the Raja Gharib Nawaz's reign the Nangang division was made to amalga- 
mate with the Ningthouja and the Khaba with the Nalba division, forming the division 
now known as Khabanalba ;. in both these cases the smallness of the division 
absorbed was given as the reason for the action taken. Each of these Salais or Yeks 
is subdivided into a large number of Sageis or Yumnaks, each named after its 
founder. 

Each Salai or Yek has a certain flower, animal, &c., which is preferred by the god 
of the Salai and used in his worship. The following is a translation of a portion of 
a paper given me by Mr. Hodson for purposes of inquiry : 

" Angom was born from the brain (of Guru, the most excellent spirit) : his day 
it is Sunday, his month it is Wakening, his star it is Chingjaroibi, his letter (ma, 
his Yek letter) it is Ko, his flower it is Leisang, his fruit it is heibong, his fish it is 
ngawa, his animal it is the crow-pheasant, his direction it is north-west towards 
Kaobaru, his Lai (god) it is Soraren-namungba, his leaf it is leihou, his firewood it is 
chinghao, his navel, cord, and after-birth all three are in the Kongba river. His dao 
is the Dao Pukap. The woman who received him on his birth was Khakpa Ning- 
thauchanu, his colour is white, his fire is sixfold." 

The explanation given me is that the direction is that in which Angom was 
born, and his descendants face that way in domestic worship ; the various flowers, 
fruits, &c. are offered in this worship, and they are eaten by the worshippers ; the 
bird, on account of the people having become Hindus, is no longer killed or eaten, but 
my informants say that probably it used to be eaten. The fire of the god must be lit in 
this way : first one piece of wood is lit, then from that another, and so on six times, 
and with the sixth the fire is lit. There are similar rules for all the seven Salais. 

None of these articles are in any way tabued to the clan. 

The Salais are exogamous. Further, marriages of persons connected on the 
maternal side within three generations are prohibited, though they belong to different 
Salais, for children take the Salai of their father. Formerly this restriction extended 
to five generations, but Maharajah Chandra Kriti changed it. The letter Ko is 
chosen, as it represents Kok, i.e., head whence Angom was born. It seems that Yek, 
used as an equivalent for Salai, is taken from the fact that each Salai has a special 
letter. Ziak in Lushai means " to write." Angom is now considered a Lai or god, but 
the domestic worship is paid to Soraren-namungba. 

There is no common tabu for the whole Angom clan, but each of the Sageis, or 
Yumnaks, into which the Salai is divided, has particular tabus of its own. Thus, the 
Sarangthem Yumnak of the Chenglei Salai, may not eat, cut or plant a tree called 
Heinang, touching or seeing it is not prohibited. Nor must a member of that Yumnak 
kill a bamboo rat, and, though seeing it is not unlucky, my informant said he would fear 
to touch one. The penalty for breaking one of these tabus is a serious illness in the 
family of the offender. To avoid this the god of the Salai is worshipped by the head 
of the household, who makes offerings of the appropriate flowers, fruits, &e., which are 
subsequently eaten by the family. If the householder likes he may call a Maiba (priest) 
to perform the ceremony. The reason of these tabus in this Yumnak is said to have 
been an order from the god to the founder of the family, but I think this is a guess ; 
probably there is some more definite reason as in the case of the Hijam, Yumnak, 
of the Luang Salai, whose members are prohibited from eating gourds, because their 
ancestor was accidentally killed trying to pluck a gourd. The Thaurem Yumnak of 
the Khumul Salai may not put the wood of the Semel cotton tree into their mouths 
nor use its charcoal in the hukahs because the clan Lai, Pakhangba, once turned 
himself into a semel tree and fell into the river, and Khumul drank of the water and 
went mad. Cutting and touching and looking at it are not prohibited. The same 
Yumnak may not kill nor eat the uthum bird. When I asked the reason I was told 

[ 60 ] 



1910.] MAN. [Nos, 33-34. 

glibly that the reason was that the uthnm was the bird of the Salai, but on my asking 
if, then, the tabu extended to the whole Salai I was told no ; only to the Thaurem 
Yuranak, and my informant could not account for this, but further enquiries elicited the 
fact that once when the ancestor of the Thaurem was offering the uthum bird to the 
lai of the Salai, the bird flew away, and so the Thaurem no longer kill it. 

It appears, therefore, that I was wrong in saying that there were some reasons 
for thinking the Manipuri Yek a totemistic division. J. SHAKESPEAR. 



REVIEWS. 
Archaeology. Lockyer. 

Stonehenge and other British Sto?ie Monuments Astronomically considered. OJ 
By Sir Norman Lockyer, K.C.B., F.R.S., &c. London : Macmillan & Co. UTT 
1909. Second edition. Pp. xvi x 499. With 106 illustrations. 23 x 15 cm. 
Price 14*. net. 

Sir Norman Lockyer's work amongst our rude stone monuments is so well known 
to all students of the subject, that the adjustment of their own views towards it is 
probably settled beyond the possibility of being materially changed by anything that 
may be said in the small space available for a notice in MAN : it -will, therefore, be 
better to devote that space to a consideration of the new matter brought into this 
edition rather than to a review of the whole book. Chapters 1 to 30 are apparently 
a verbatim reprint of the first edition ; the new matter begins at page 325 and extends 
to page 479, after which there are various appendices and the index, also in part new. 
Beginning at the end not always a bad thing to do we find from " A General 
" Summary " (Chapter 44) that the inquiry has been carried on at intervals since March, 
1890. when Sir Norman Lockyer observed the magnetic bearing of the temple axis of 
the Parthenon, and that until 1894 the research was almost entirely limited to Egypt, 
where the author " found that the Egyptians carefully built their temples so that the 
" rising and the setting of certain stars, and of the sun at certain times of the year,. 
" could be watched along the temple axis by the priest in the sanctuary," for the 
purposes of : (1) determining the time at night ; (2) observing a star rising or setting 
about an hour before sunrise on the chief festivals (so as to have sacrifices, &c., ready); 
and (3) to determine when the sun had reached a certain part of its yearly path at 
which the festivals occurred. A further conclusion was that the Egyptians " commenced 
" with a year beginning in May the ' May-year ' the first used in Britain, and still 
" determining the quarter-days in Scotland ; later they passed to the ' solstitial year,' 
" June 21, the beginning of the Nile rise, and the longest day, being the new new 
" year's day. This is the origin of our present English year." 

A consideration of our rude stone monuments on the basis of their having served 
similar purposes causes Sir Norman Lockyer to think that the " stone-rows " and other 
avenues, whether of stone or earth, were the simplest and the oldest, the cromlechs or 
dolmens, simple and compound, and allees couvertes following, and being connected 
with the avenues until in them " we are absolutely face to face with the ground-plan of 
" Egyptian temples, so much so that there can be no question that those who built 
" those magnificent monuments in Egypt some 2,000, 3,000, or 4,000 years B.C. got their 
" ideas of the buildings they wished to erect from the traditions of people who built 
" cromlechs, and who had lived in and used them." This statement will doubtless 
delight Sir Norman Lockyer's Druidic friends, but we would rather not be between them 
and the Egyptologists when they discuss that phase of the matter. The circles, though 
connected with the avenues and dolmens, represent in the author's eyes " a later 
" development, and this view is strengthened by the fact that there are no circles in 

[ 61 ] 



No, 34.] MAN. [1910. 

" Egypt, where the avenue-cromlech system is most developed." The circle with its 
outstanding stones was quite as useful astronomically as any Egyptian temple, and far 
easier and cheaper to construct. 

Returning to the beginning of the new matter, which deals mostly with 
monuments visited by Sir Norman Lockyer, after the publication of his first edition, 
we find, in the first place, an argument in favour of the dolmens having been made, 
not for tombs, but for dwelling places and observatories for the priests, who carried 
on the ceremonies in the circles, or, rather, perhaps in the dolmens themselves, before 
the circles began to be erected, for, generally speaking, where circles abound dolmens 
do not, and where dolmens are numerous circles are scarce. Even in West Cornwall 
where they are more mixed than in most places, they are not in very close association 
with each other. Most of the dolmens mentioned by the author point towards the 
sun-rising at various times of the year ; the exception is the chamber inside the 
circle at Callernish, which is suggested to have been directed to the rising of the 
Pleiades in 1330 B.C. When Sir Norman Lockyer has time to visit Callernish himself 
he will probably come to the conclusion that that chamber is a parasitic addition, 
made, perhaps, a thousand years after the date mentioned. Dolmens generally were 
certainly oriented, most frequently towards a winter sunrise, but it no more follows 
from this that they were used to watch for it, than it follows from the orientation 
of our churches that they were intended for that purpose. At Carrowmore in 
Ireland there were a hundred dolmens or more in one square mile, and these could 
hardly have been anything but tombs. In some cases, however, dolmens, differently 
constructed, were probably used as shrines, and, perhaps, at some times and places 
even as habitations. Maeshowe, in Orkney, resembles much more the ancient houses 
in Lewis than the ordinary dolmens, and was probably, as Sir Norman Lockyer says, 
a " Priest's house " ; but New Grange, with which it is often compared, is quite a 
different thing, and, as a habitation, would combine the greatest amount of labour in 
construction with the smallest convenience in use ; now the ancient men did not give 
themselves much unnecessary trouble in their works. 

After dealing with various lines and avenues, Sir Norman Lockyer takes up the 
Aberdeenshire circles. Most of these are distinguished from all others by the long 
stone set on edge between two uprights, and now commonly called the recumbent 
stone. Mr. Coles, who has measured all that remains of these circles, has found 
sixty-one of these recumbent stones, sixty of which are in the southern half of their 
respective circles (the sixty-first may not have been a recumbent stone at all) ; he 
strongly objects to the idea that the builders of these circles took any account of sun 
or stars, but has not yet explained how the southern half of the circles could have 
been differentiated from the north without some recourse to one or the other ; and it 
*can hardly be contended that all the recumbent stones got into the southern half, 
if not indeed into the southern quarter, by accident, or that the builders had magnetic 
compasses. Sir Norman Lockyer has himself examined twenty-nine of these circles, 
and says fifteen of them were for "clock stars" (to determine the time at night), 
rtwo u May-year," three solstitial, four facing north and one west, the latter is the 
sixty-first mentioned above. He associates the northward facing with a watching 
of the nightly voyage of the Great Bear round Polaris, and this view might find 
support from Northern Asia. Dolmens are, as he says, scarce in Scotland, but with 
regard to what he calls " chambered cairns," Sir Norman Lockyer will be interested 
to hear that, while there are none round Aberdeen, there are several, surrounded by 
circles, round Inverness, where the circles with recumbent stones are not found. A 
model of one at Clava a small edition of New Grange was shown in the Science 
.Department of the Franco-British Exhibition under his own presidency. 

There are chapters on the Inter-relation of Monuments, Cromlechs in North Wales, 

[ 62 ] 



1910.] MAN. [Nos. 34-35. 

the Welsh Gorsedd, and " Multiple Circles," concerning all of which something might 
be said if space permitted. 

The observation of the snn and stars by the builders of the rude stone monuments, 
and their nse of some of the stones for the purpose, may be regarded as certainly 
established ; and the " May-year " is also an indisputable fact, since it still exists in 
Scotland ; but the dating of the monuments is admitted to be subject in all cases 
to more precise observations of them and their horizons, and it must also be subject, to 
other considerations. Although some stones certainly were set up on an astronomical 
basis it does not follow that all were, and the particular monument under discussion 
at any moment may have served some other object, and may even not have been in 
existence at the date suggested by the stars. What is wanted is some corroborative 
evidence of a different description as to the age of the particular stones in question, 
but that is difficult to obtain. Excavation may help in some cases, but it is expensive 
and not always possible ; at Arborlow and Avebury it has tended to show a neolithic 
origin for those circles, and so far helps to support Sir Norman Lockver's views as 
to their age ; and much might be done in this way on the sites of the Aberdeenshire 
circles, which very likely belong to a later period. 

Whatever result may be obtained from further investigations and there is room 
for many of various kinds Sir Norman Lockyer's essays must always be considered 
as characteristically courageous and original attempts to solve a difficult and complex 
problem, and not to be neglected by any who come after him, even if they should not 
ultimately be found correct in every particular. The photographs of many little-known 
monuments in very different parts of the country, most of which have been taken by 
Lady Lockyer, add greatly to the interest and value of the book, and are alone worth 
the additional price of the new edition. A. L. LEWIS. 



New Guinea. Ker. 

Papuan Fairy Tales. By Annie Ker. London : Macmillan, 1910. Pp. xi+149. QC 
21 X 14 cm. Price 5.9. UU 

During the last thirty or forty years the output of traditional tales has been 
enormous, alike in collections and in scattered contributions to periodicals. They are 
the vogue. This is the result partly of their newly-discovered anthropological value, 
but partly also of their naivete, their artistic value and their capacity, wherever they 
may have been gathered, to interest the children of civilised communities. For the 
latter purpose, however, it is necessary at times to modify such as may be of savage 
provenience, to soften some of their ruggedness, and to omit or disguise their more repul- 
sive features. Whether they can be depended on for scientific ends is therefore a 
question to be determined not only by reference to the qualifications and opportunities of 
the collector, but also by the class of readers for whom they are intended. 

Mrs. Ker's little book is addressed mainly to children and non-scientific readers. 
It is written in simple and charming English. The tales are obviously genuine, and 
they seem to be told with little alteration of their original incidents. The authoress 
has not, indeed, avoided all difficulties, as witness her slurring of the Joseph-and- 
Potiphar's-wife incident in the story of The Unlucky Man. She does, however, preserve 
items of native belief and traits of manners that must, one would think, be a stumbling- 
block to children, even with their almost unlimited power of granting implicit postulates, 
and of investing themselves with the strange atmosphere of a foreign tale. 

Fairy Tales, it need hardly be said, is a misnomer. Fairies are only once mentioned, 
and they are not fairies but jungle spirits more or less hostile to mankind. The stories 
are for the most part, like the Australian and other savage traditions, aetiological. 
They account for the legs and wings of the crane, the customs in war of various 

[ 63 ] 



Nos, 35-36.] MAN. [1910. 

tribes, remarkable rocks, and so forth. While many of the incidents are strange to 
us, they include plenty common to the traditional stories of mankind, such as those of 
Supernatural Forgetfulness, the Magical Flight, the Life Token, the Theft of Fire, the 
Supernatural Birth. It is interesting to find that of the child born of a woman left 
alone in a deserted village, who grows up a hero and slays the monster that ravages 
the neighbourhood a story common in North America, but, perhaps, not so well known 
elsewhere. 

It is to be regretted that the authoress has not stated definitely where and from 
what tribe she collected the tales, and that she has not told us something about the 
people. These things do not concern children, but she evidently seeks to interest 
others also ; and, seeing that so few Papuan tales have yet reached this country, the 
collection will not be without its uses for anthropologists. A vocabulary of the native 
terms should have been added. The plates, reproduced from photographs, are of 
varying value ; some of them give a good idea of native types and surroundings. 

E. S. H. 



Anthropology. Dieserud. 

The Scope and Content of the Science of Anthropology. By Juul Dieserud, 
A.M. Chicago (Open Court), 1908. Pp. 200. 20 x H cm. 

Mr. Dieserud's essay is divided into three sections. The first, dealing with the 
scope and content of anthropology, is mainly critical ; the second consists of a 
classification for the use of librarians and bibliographers ; the third contains a 
bibliography with a summary of the main conclusions, and the trend of each work 
noted. The second section, in addition to its primary object, is, of course, valuable 
in assisting the reader to grasp Mr. Dieserud's point of view in his discussion of the 
definitions of the scope of anthropology, and the classifications of the subject-matter 
of the science which have been proposed from time to time by other writers. A brief 
historical introduction precedes Part I. 

Adopting Topinard's definition of anthropology as " the branch of natural history 
" which treats of man and the races of man," a definition which, he points out, 
practically all anthropologists accept without any general agreement as to its meaning, 
he divides the science both on terminological grounds, and for reasons of convenience, 
into two main divisions, physical or somatological and " ethnical " anthropology, the 
latter not a very satisfactory term covering the function of anthropology as a 
" psycho-socio-cultural science." 

Mr. Dieserud accepts as the main constituent elements of somatological anthro- 
pology : human anatomy, physiology, pathology, comparative or zoological anthropology, 
and psychology. It is in discussing how far anatomy, physiology, pathology, zoology, 
and psychology come within the confines of anthropology that the author makes what is 
perhaps his most useful contribution to the discussion by the emphasis he lays upon 
the fact that it is not so much the actual subject-matter of investigation, as the point 
of view from which it is approached, that brings an enquiry within the scope of the 
science. To English anthropologists the section dealing with the use of the terms 
ethnology and ethnography will probably prove the least satisfactory, and with the 
conclusions of which they will find themselves least in agreement, the author's view 
being that ethnology should be regarded as synonymous with Professor Holmes's 
" culture anthropology." E. N. F. 



ERRATUM. 

The price of Santa Cruz and the Reef Islands (reviewed in MAX, 1910, 25) 
was incorrectly stated to be one shilling : it should have been sixpence. 

Printed by EYRE AND SPOTTISWOODE. LTD., His Majesty's Printers, East Harding Street. E.G. 



MAN, igio. 







O 

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DC 

O 
O 

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1910.] 



MAN. 



[No. 37. 



ORIGINAL ARTICLES. 

Africa, West. With Plate E. Thomas. 

Decorative Art among the Edo-speaking Peoples of Nigeria : 
I. Decoration of Buildings. By N. W. Thomas, M.A. 

In this linguistic family, of which the Bini are the best known and most populous 
tribe, there is, on the whole, a marked absence of incised, plastic, or laid-on ornament. 

In Benin City individual houses are found with colours laid on the outer walls in 
geometrical or other simple design ; in one case I have noticed the niche of an ebo 
(commonly translated " juju ") with a circle of radiating coloured bands around it ; 
and one house has plastic figures of Europeans and others upon it ; but all these cases 
are sporadic and due to individual taste or eccentricity. 

In Uzebu, a western suburb of Benin City, where Ojumo resides, I found on the 
wall of a house a rosette, the name of which was given as ukegbe (tortoise-shell) 
and a scroll pattern termed pbanuli, or " 200 mark " ; this was, with one exception, 
the only occasion on which I got a definite name and interpretation for a pattern ; 
the other instance was that of the single hatching /////////// which is called ebewana, 
'' palm leaf " ; in all other cases I could not get more than the name oba (mark) ; 
other scroll patterns are found in Uzebu. Very fine examples of them are preserved 
in the mess-room of the Resi- 
dency in the shape of two large 
chests, the surfaces of which 
are covered with this design and 
with rosettes. 

Next to the scroll work, 
of which examples are figured 
from Ugo, one day's march 
east of Benin City, close to the 
Agbor district ; Jeduma, two 
days north-east of Benin City ; 
Eviakoi and Iguichimi, both ten 
or twelve miles north of Benin 
City ; and Ugboviato, in the Ora ^^^l 
country, the most frequent form 
of ornament was a series of con- BMVfl 

centric circles, shown on the left 

of Fig. 1 in the plate. I noted FJG - 5 - 

this also at Ewu, near Agbede, in the Ishan district. Almost equally frequent is a 
small incised triangle, not shown in the illustration, but analogous to the rectangular 
depressions in the lower part of Fig. 2. Non-incised coloured triangles are in the main 
the groundwork of the decoration of the shrine of Ovato at Jeduma, shown in Fig. 1. 

As a rule these decorations are found in the house dedicated to the ebo, as at 
Jeduma and Eviakoi, in the king's house, as at Ugo, or in ruined houses, as in the 
case of Ugboviato and Iguichimi. 

In the extreme north-east of the Ifon district, on the boundary of Northern 
Nigeria, but not, so far as I was able to observe, extending over the boundary, is found 
the singular type of decorative art shown in Fig. 4. The example is from the interior 
of the king's house ; it is the work of women, and is renewed or replaced by new 
designs annually. I found similar designs at Otna, some five miles away, and they 
occur sporadically near Afuge, a day's march south-east, but in this case inter-marriage 
affords a probable explanation. Another example is faintly seen on the left of Fig. 2, 
above the scroll work. 

[ 65 ] 




Nos. 37-38.] 



MAN. 



[1910. 




FIG. 6. 



Human figures, of which one is seen in the centre of Fig. 2, are rare in plastie 
art except where they represent an e.bo, usually Esu, the mischievous ebo whose figure 
is never found save outside the house, usually on the left of the door. I could get na 
explanation of the figure at Ugboviato. 

On the aluebo at Iguichimi (Fig. 3) are seen, on the right of the scroll, an ada, 
or chief's knife, carried by the omada on state occasions ; below are two cocks, and 
on the left the ebe, or ceremonial sword. 

The objects depicted on the wall at Okpe are (1) a tortoise, (2) a big bird 
(owobo), (3) a small bird, (4) a butterfly (alotomi), (5) a court messenger accom- 
panying (6) the District Commissioner, 
(0 (9) purificatory medicine (aba), 
and (8) a pepper pounder (innobo). 

Fig. 5 is from the house sacred 
to Ochwaie, at Eviakoi, near Benin, 
City. Above the scroll work is seen 
a snake, the emblem of this ebo. 
Fig. 6 is from a small oguedion in. 
front of the king's house at Ugo ; 
lying beneath the number are the- 
uchure which represent his ancestors, 
and over which the sacrificial blood 
is poured. 

With the exception of the Okpe- 
examples there is little stylicisation, 
though the human figure on the left of the convertical chevrons in Fig. 1, which is 
formed of triangles, coloured, or left blank, shows a tendency in this direction. As 
a rule, however, the objects depicted are easily recognisable. At Ifon I found a duck 
and a hoe on the wall of a house, and a figure more like a platypus than anything 
else, proclaimed by its spots to be a leopard. 

A lizard drawn before a shrine in a village close to Enyai Market showed a 
resemblance to the animal ; in the representations of chameleons and other animals 
on the osun, of which an example is to be found in the British Museum, we also find* a 
considerable amount of stylicisation ; but in this case we are hardly justified in speaking 
of the representations as decorative art, for the purpose was almost certainly magical. 
The present note deals exclusively with the design on walls ; I propose to discuss the 
patterns of rings, bracelets, and other objects of wood or metal on some future occasion. 

N. W. THOMAS. 

Andamans. Schmidt. 

Nochmals: Puluga, das hbchste Wesen der Andamanesen. ' "" QO 

P. W. Schmidt, S.V.D* 00 

In der Marz-Nummer des MAN (1910, 33fF) hat Mr. Brown eine Erwiderung auf 
meine Kritik (MAN, 1910, 2ff) seines Artikels in Folklore (Sept. 1909, S. 257ff) 
erscheinen lassen, die sich durch eine fiir wissenschafthche Erorterungeu ganz un- 
gewohnliche Heftigkeit des Tones bemerkbar macht. Ich werde mich durch dieselbe 
nicht abhalten lassen, auf seine Ausserungeu in aller Ruhe zu antworten. 

Mi\ Brown hat mir auf meine Interpellation hin den Gefallen getan, sich iiber 
die " strict methods " zu aussern, die er befolgt hat. D. h. fiir jetzt nur iiber seine 
Methoden in der Erklarung der Tatsachen ; die Darlegung seiner Beobachtungs- 

* Ich muss die Redaktion und die Leser des MAN bitten, mir zu gestatten, bei diesem Artikel 
mich meiner Muttcrsprache zu bedienen, da es mir hier darauf ankommt, mehr noch als sonst, Sinn 
und Tragweite meiner Worte und Satze genau abmessen zu konnen, was, wie ich fiirchte, ich beim 
Gebrauch des Englischen nicht immer mit voller Sicherheit konnte. P. W. SCHMIDT. 

[ 66 ] 



1910.] MAN. [No, 38. 

methoden verschiebt er auf sein deranlichst erscheinendes Buch. Er meiut inbezujr 

c^ 

auf letztere : " Fatber Scbmidt appears to disbelieve, not only my arguments, but also 
" my observations." Ich wiisste nicbt, wo ich ein " disbelieve " gegeniiber den 
Beobacbtungen Mr. Brown's in dieser Allgenirinln-it zum Ausdruck gebracht hatte. 
Thatsache ist vielmehr (1), dass icb beziiglicb einiger Punkte, die ich namhaft, gemacht, 
keine Ursache sehe, Mr. Man und Mr. Portman weniger zu glauben als Mr. Brown ; 
(2) dass ich die Wahrhaftigkeit Mr. Brown's bei alien seinen Beobachtungen gerade 
so wenig in Zweifel gezogen, als er, wie ich denke, die Wahrhaftigkeit Mr. Man's und 
Mr. Portman's. Dagegen ging Mr. Brown so weit, mir alle und jede Wahrhaftigkeit 
abzusprechen ("he is always seeking, not the truth, but evidence for a pre-formed 
u theory ") ; indes dariiber werde ich zum Schluss noch ein Wort zu sagen habeu. 

Seine Methode der Interpretation der Tatsachen gibt Mr. Brown dann in sieben 
Punkten kund, jedesmal eine Beurteilung dessen, was er fur meine Methode halt, 
daranschliessend. Insofern diese letztere nur eine allgemeine Abschatzung bedeutet, 
habe ich keine Veranlassung darauf niiher eiuzugehen ; es liegt bis jetzt nichts vor, was 
derartigen Urteilen Mr. Brown's eine besondere Bedeutung verleihen konnte. Wo er 
dagegen konkrete Punkte bespricht, werde ich nicht verfehlen, ihm Antwort zu geben. 

Fast alle methodischen Grundsatze nun, die Mr. Brown aufstellt, mit Ausnahme 
des ganz selbstverstandlichen " mind free from preconceived opinions," bediirfen starker 
Korrekturen oder wenigsteus Ergiinzungen. Wenn er in (2) die Forderung aufzustellen 
scheint, dass nur der in irgend einer Weise iiber ein Volk urteilen diirfe, der selbst bei 
ihm geweilt habe, so ist das nur die Erneuerung der torichten Ansicht von Howitt, 
die aber dann u. a. von N. W. Thomas in sehr nachdriicklicher Weise zuriickgewiesen 
wurde, was nachzulesen Mr. Brown sehr niitzlich ware, s. Folklore, XVII. (1906), 
SS. 306-307. Nach diesem Grundsatze konnten sich, um nur englische Namen zu 
nennen, Manner wie Tylor, Hartland, Lang, Frazer, Haddon, Marett, u. s. w. in der 
Ethnologic entweder gar nicht oder nur iiber sehr beschrankte Gebiete ein Urteil 
erlauben. 

Dass man (3) (4) ein Volk. so weit es geht aus seiner eigenen Mentalitat erklaren 
soil, ist bis zu einem gewissen Grade richtig ; in der Unbeschranktheit angewendet, 
wie Brown diese Forderung ausspricht, wurde sie zu den grossten Ungeheuerlich- 
keiten fiihren. Sie ist dann nichts anders als die nun schon veralternde Theorie 
des absoluten Elementargedankens von Bastian. Auch die Andamanesen sind mit 
ihrer Mentalitat nicht vom Himmel gefallen und haben sie danu ohne jede Eiuwirkung 
von aussen weiter entwickelt. Sondern Einwirkungen von aussen und Zusammen- 
hlinge dahin sind von vornherein wahrscheinlich, und jeder exakte Forscher hat 
nicht nur das Recht, sondern auch die Pflicht, sich nach ihnen umzusehen. Und 
dass hier auch positiv schon bedeutend mehr gesagt werden kanu. als Mr. Brown zu 
glauben scheint, davon kann er sich in meinen Pygmaen-Werke (s. MAN, 1910, S. 7, 
Anm. 2), S. 273 ff., iiberzengeu. 

Es ist mir nicht recht gewiss, was Mr. Brown uuter " direct evidence " (5) 
versteht. Wenn sie bloss die Beobachtungen umfassen, die man mit Augen sieht und 
mit Ohren hort, und ausschliessen soil alles, was mau aus diesen Wahrnehmungen 
durch legitime Schlussfolgerungen ableiten kann, so ist die Forderung Brown's, dass 
man auch fur die Konstatierung der vergangenen Entwickelungsformen uur derlei 
" direct evidence " verwenden diirfe, geradezu ein Nonsens, da die Vergangenheit ja 
doch mit unmittelbarer Beobachtung niemals erfasst wird, sondern immer und ohne 
Ausnahme nur durch Schlussfolgerungen zu erreichen ist. Vielleicht muss ich hier 
hinzunehmen, was Mr. Brown, S. 36, unter (3) sagt. Hier begeben sich aber recht 
seltsame Dinge. Mr. Brown meint dort, meine Methode sei " an extreme example 
" of a kind unfortunately still very common in ethnological literature. As long as 
' ; such arguments are tolerated and listened to, so long must ethnology remain in its 

[ 67 ] 



No. 38.] MAN. [1910. 

u unscientific way." Diese pretentiose Altklugheit bei einem jungen Forscher, der 
uns sein erstes wissenschaftliches Buch noch erst zu schenken hat, macht sich ganz 
kostlich. Ja, und sind wir jetzt wirklich so gliicklich, den Messias gefunden zu haben, 
der uns den einzig moglicben Weg aus all diesen Wirrsalen herauszukommen, eroflfnet ? 
Horen wir, wie Mr. Brown fortfahrt : " The only way in which it is possible to prove 
*' that a given belief or institution is a survival of another belief or institution, is 
*' (1) to show that, historically, the one belief has followed the other in some 
u particular society, and (2) that the change from one to the other is due to a 
*' particular cause. Then (3) if we find the latter belief existing in another society, 
*' and also (4) find direct evidence that the same cause or causes have been at work, 
" there is (5) a probability for the existence, in that society, of the earlier belief." 
Nun sind wir aber doch einigermassen enttauscht ; denn was uns da als neue Weisheit 
so stolz verkiindet wird, wurde in solider Forschung doch schon so lange gettbt, dass 
jemand, der mit diesen Dingen bekannt ist, das nicht hatte als neuen eigenen Fund 
ausgeben diirfen. Und gar keine andere als diese Methode habe auch ich selbst 
hier angewendet. Die Bedingungen (1) und (2)* habe iche in meinem soeben 
erschienenen Werk iiber die Religionen und Mythologien der austronesischen Volker 
(s. MAN, 1910, S. 5, Anm. 1) erfiillt. Die Erfiillung der Bedingung (3) liegt in den 
Hinweisen auf die ahnlichen Formen der andamanesischen Mythologie : BUikiCs Identi- 
fikation mit der Spinne und mit dem abnehmeiiden Mond, Teria-Darid's Zusaminen- 
hang mit dem zunehmenden Mond, die Identifikation von Oluga und Patia mit der 
Eidechse, das zeitweilige Bruder- oder Freundesverhaltnis von Daria zu Puluga (MAN, 
1910, SS. o, 6). Die Forderung (4) ist erfiillt durch den Nachweis, dass eine 
Anzahl von Punkten rein zufalliger Natur hier gerade so zueinander gehoren, wie 
auch in der austronesischen Mythologie, was auf die Wirksamkeit gleicher Ursachen 
schliessen lasst. Das alles gibt dann (5) die Probabilitat, das auch die friih eren Zu- 
stande der beiden Mythologien gleiche oder ahnliche gewesen sind. Denn dass ich 
fiir diese letztere Schlussfolgerung nicht mehr als Probabilitat in Anspruch genommen, 
habe ich doch geniigend zum Ausdruck gebracht dadurch, dass ich die ganze Schluss- 
kette nur als eine Theorie bezeichnete. Was will also Mr. Brown denn eigentlich 
noch ? Was er dann jetzt noch weiter folgen lasst, ist beinahe unglaublich ; denn es 
bedeutet nichts anderes als die glatte Leugnung einer Mb'glichkeit, iiberhaupt 
irgendwie vergleichende ethnologische Forschung zu treibeu: "This probability can be 
" strengthened in many ways, but it can never become certainty till we have proved that 
u the latter belief could not arise in any other way, and this is a task which is in 
" nearly all cases quite impossible." Was Mr. Brown zu diesen Seltsarakeiten gebracht 
hat, ist wohl einerseits sein jugendliches Sichfiihlen als " Spezialforscher ", zweitens 
aber auch der Umstand, dass ihm die scholastischen Eierschalen noch zu sehr anhaften. 
Das letztere schliesse ich daraus, dass er so besorgt ist mir einige Lektiouen in der 
Logik der Induktion zu empfehlen ; er weiss also nicht, dass in den Geschichtswissen- 
schaften und zu diesen gehort ja die Ethnologic eine metaphysische Gewissheit weder 
raoglich noch notig ist, dass eine moralische vollstandig geniigt. Was fiir Lektionen 
ich Mr. Brown empfehlen wiirde, werde ich am Schluss noch sagen. 

Ich kehre zu Punkt (6) (S. 34) der Methode Brown's zuriick. Mr. Brown hat 
" presumed that whatever beliefs are to be found in all the groups are essential and 
original portions of the myth." Hier ist das Wort- " original " zweideutig ; soil es 
heissen, dass die Meiuungen ganz in der Form, wie sie jetzt in alien Stammen vorliegen, 
auch friiher^ ursprunglich in alien Stammen so gewesen seien, so ist die Regel falsch. 
Es ist durchaus moglich, dass auch diese, in alien Gruppen verbreiteten Teile sdmtlich 
schon verandert sind; was nun in Wirklichkeit der Fall ist, das zu bestimmen, niitzt 

* Die Ziffern oben in dem Zitat aus Mr. Brown habe ich selbst der grosseren Ubersichtlichkeit 
halber eingesetzt. 

[ 63 ] 



1910.] MAN. [No. 38. 

die Brown'sche Regel garnichts, das muss in jedem einzelnen Fall untersucht werden. 
Noch schlimmer steht es mit der folgenden Regel : u . . beliefs which are 

different in different groups are not so essential." 1st dieser vage Ausdruck " not so 
essential " aus der Verlegenheit oder aus der Fliichtigkeit des Schreibers hervor- 
gegangen ? Oder meiut Mr. Brown wirklich, dass es in der u Essentialitat " noch 
verschiedene Grade- gebe ? Zur Sache ist zu betonen, dass auch Mythenteile, die nur in 
einzelnen Gruppen vorkommen, ganz gut wesentliche Teile der urspriinglichsten Form 
der Mythe sein konnen. Auch hier niitzt die Brown'sche Regel garnichts ; es ist wieder 
die besondere Untersuchung, die entscheiden muss, was im einzelnen Fall vorliegt. 

Es scheint fast, dass Mr. Brown als kluger Feldherr seine Truppen so aufgestellt 
hat, dass die schwacheren weiter zuriick ihren Platz bekommen. War schon (6) nicht 
viel mehr wert, so ist (7) vollends ohne jeden Halt. Denn abgesehen davon, dass jeder 
Beweis fehlt fiir die Behauptung, dass die Mythologie der siidlichen Gruppe von 
Gross Andaman wie ihre Sprache (? ? ?) hoher entwickelt gewesen sei (vgl. z. B. 
Mr. Brown's eigene Angabe : " in the south Teria is generally ignored "), so haben wir 
in der abgeleiteten Schlussfolgerung, dass sie deshalb die spateren Formen aufweise, 
nur ein um mit Mr. Brown zu reden " extreme example of a kind unfortunately still 
very common in ethnological literature ", ein Beispiel namlich jener unentwegten 
Evolutionstheorie, die so gar nicht an das Vorkommen von Verkiinimerungen glauben 
kann, sondern, einzig und allein, nur Entwickelungen von unten nach oben kennt. 
Der Schlussfolgerung Mr. Brown's fehlt denn auch der bescheidenste Grad von 
Probabilitat. Denn Mr. Brown weiss nichts zu erwidern auf das, was ich ihin 
vorgehalten, dass die Entwicklung gerade so gut von Siidandaman (Bea, Bale) durch 
Puchikwar, Kol, Juwoi, nach Nordandaman gehen konne, als umgekehrt ; ferner, dass 
nicht Perlmutterschale und Feuerbrand ganz indiscriminatim in den Mythen aller 
Gruppen erscheinen, sondern Perlmutterschale nur in der nordlichen, Feuerbrand nur 
in der mitlleren und siidlichen Gruppe, und dass Feuerbrand zweifellos gegeniiber 
Perlmutterschale das Friihere darstelle. Diese Argumente bleiben in ihrer Kraft 
gegen Brown's Auffassung bestehen, auch wenn meine Theorie iiber die fruhere 
Mondmythologie der Andamanesen vollstiindig fallen wiirde. Nach der gleichen 
Richtung sprechen auch die beiden Tatsachen, die Mr. Brown in seinem Artikel in 
Folklore (a.a.O., S. 267) selbst berichtet und aufrichtig gesteht nicht erklareuzu konnen, 
und die in der Tat zu seiner Auffassung in scharfem Widerspruch stehen : dass Daria 
im Siiden nahezu unbekannt ist, und dort Puluga alle Stiirme zugeschrieben werden, 
dass aber auch im Norden Blitz und Gewitter nicht mit Tarai, sondern nur mit Biliku 
in Verbindung gebracht werden, obwohl letztere den Nordostmonsun repriisentirt, der 
fiir gewohnlich schones Wetter bringt. 

So ist der jetzige Artikel Mr. Brown's interessant nicht nur durch das, was er 
bringt, sondern noch mehr durch das, was er iibergeht. Das sticht um so mehr hervor 
gegeniiber der Vehemenz und der sittlichen Enstriistung, mit der er jetzt einige 
Inkorrektheiten hervorhebt, die er bei mir gefunden haben will. Zumal die sittliche 
Entriistung ist hier etwas sehr seltsames. In wissenschaftlichen Diskussionen reifer 
Manner entschliesst man sich nui auf die schwerwiegendsten Griinde bin, seinem Gegner 
den guten Glauben abzusprechen ; ich erinnere mich keines Falles, wo dieses Gesetz 
mit solchem Leichtsinn iibertreten worden ware, als es von Mr. Brown geschieht. 
der mir hier " suggestio falsi " und " careful omissions " vorwirf t. Wenn ich in die 
Fussstapfen Mr. Brown's treten wollte, so miisste ich jetzt sagen, dass die entriistete 
Vehemenz Mr. Brown's sich aus dem Bestreben erklare, die Aufmerksamkeit der 
Leser abzulenken von den entscheidendeu Punkten, die er unwiderlegt lassen musste. 
Ich hiite mich, eine solche Beschuldigung auszusprechen. 

Mr. Brown wirft mir zuerst vor, dass ich das Wort " firebrand " durch " torch " 
ersetzt und gesagt babe, dass u torches " gerade so gut von Miinnern wie von Frauen 

[ 69 ] 



No. 38.] MAN. [1910. 

gebraucht wiirden. Diese " substitution " meinerseits hat tatsiichlich stattgefunden, 
aber nur in dem ganz allgemeinen Sinne, als ein vom Feuer genomnienes brennendes 
Scheit Holz eine Fackel, im Deutschen wenigstens, genannt werden kann. Das geschah 
ganz ohne weitere Absicht. Fiir diese hatte auch jede Veranlassung gefehlt, da ich 
mit einer " substitution " in dem anderem Sinne gar nichts gewonnen hatte ; im 
Gegenteil, da gerade die " torches " von Frauen gernacht werden.* Ferner ist es 
zweifellos, dass nicht nur " torches " im eigentlichem Sinne, sondern auch " firebrands " 
nicht nur von Frauen, sondern auch von Mannern gebraucht werden, wenn sie, die 
sich doch auch ans Feuer lagern, dort zufallig in Zorn geraten. Das wird ja zu allem 
Uberfluss auch noch positiv bezeugt von dem ganz bestimmt nur mdnnlichen Puluga 
der Bea, der dem Feuerrauber einen Feuerbrand nachwirft.f Dazu komnt die schon 
oben hervorgehobene Tatsache, dass gerade in der nordlichen Gruppe, wo Biliku 
weiblich ist, der Feuerbrand in der Mythe nicht vorkommt. Es zeugt iiberhaupt von 
einem sehr anfangshaften Stand des Forschens Mr. Brown's, dass er uns zumutet, 
auf ein hingeworfenes Wort eiues einzigen Eingeborenen eine ganze wissenschaftliche 
Theorie aufzubauen. Das ist hier um so weniger zuliissig, da die Ursache noch ganz 
gut angegeben werden kann, aus welcher der Eingeborene zu seiner Meinung kam : er 
gehorte zu der Mischgruppe Juwoi, Kol, Puchikwar, in der das Geschlecht Bulk's ja 
schwankend ist.J 

Nun kommt der einzige Punkt, in welchem, sachlich genommen, eine Beanstandung 
Mr. Brown's zu einem Teil zurecht bestehen konnte. Sie bezieht sich darauf, dass 
ich, um die Verbindung der Biliku der nordlichen Gruppe mit der Spinne zu erklaren, 
statt der Perlmuttermuschel, welche Biliku wirft, die Cyrena-Muschel heranzog, welche 
auch zum Verfertigen von Schniiren und Faden gebraucht wird. Mr. Brown stellt dem 
die doppelte Versicheruug gegeniiber : (1) die Perlmuttermuschel wird in alien Teilen 
der Andamanen, praktisch genommen nur von Frauen, zum Spalten (Offnen) und Reinigen 
von Pflanzennahrung [vegetables] und so fiigt er jetzt hiuzu zu gar nichts anderem 
gebraucht ; (2) die Cyrena-Muschel wird in gleicher Weise von Mannern und Frauen 
und fur die verschiedensten Zwecke, einschliesslich Bereitung von Faseru fur Faden 
und Schniire, gebraucht. Die Hinzufiigung, die Mr. Brown jetzt macht, dass die Perl- 
muttermuschel zu garnichts anderen verwendet werde als zum Offhen und Reinigen der 
Pflanzennahrung, schliesst allerdings ihre Verwendung zur Bereitung von Schnur-Fasern 
aus. Indes darf wohl hinzugefiigt werden, dass diese jetzt gemachte Hinzufiigung, 
deren subjektive Zuverlassigkeit keinem Zweifel zu begegnen braucht, doch nicht von 
solcher objektiven Zuverlassigkeit ist, wie eine Konstatierung, die unabhangig von einer 
kontrovertierten Hypothese an Ort und Stelle selbst vorgenommen worden ware ; Mr. 
Brown macht ja selbst ganz zutreffend diesen Unterschied beziiglich einer anderen 
Angabe geltfind, die er auch erst nachtraglich gemacht hatte. Ferner was insbeson- 
dere die Angabe Mr. Brown's augeht, dass die Perlmuttermuschel in so hervorragender 
Weise in alien Teilen der Andamaneu gebraucht werde, kann ich doch uicht umhiu, 
es sehr auffallend zu finden, dass weder E. H. Man in der doch ziernlich eingehenden 
List of Objects made and used by the Andamanese,\\ noch in der List of Shells and 
Shell Fish commonly known to the Andamanese*\ derselben irgend eine Erwahnung 
tut ; dasselbe ist der Fall in dem grossen, 2,286 Worter enthaltenden vergleichenden 
Worterbuch von Portman,** in welchem wohi die Perlmuttermuschel, nicht aber "cyrena 

* E. K. MAN, On tlie Aboriginal ' Inliabitants of the Andaman Islands, S. 185. 

t Portman, Notes of the Languages of the South Andaman Group of Language*, S. 97. Portman gibt 
dasselbe fiir die Puchikwar an, bei denen er Bilik ebenfalls nur als mannlich gefunden hat, S. 100 

I Brown, Folklore, a.a.O., SS. 266, 260. Folklore, a.a.O., SS. 268, 269. 

|| E. H. Man, a.a.O., SS. 175-187. f A.a.O., SS. 214-215. 

** V. Portman, Notes on the Languages of the South Andaman Group of Tribes. Vocabulary, 
SS. 1-191. 

[ 70 ] 



1910.] 



MAN. 



[Nos, 38-39, 



shell,"* fehlt ; in einem anderen Werke Portman'sf findet sich zwar " mother of pearl ", 
aber ohne weitere Angabe, also, wie es scheint, als blosses Naturobjekt. Dagegen 
weist die sehr eingehende List of Articles made and used by the Andamanese^ die 
Perlmuttermuschel nicht, wohl aber wieder " Cyrena-shell, used as a knife," auf. 

Gerade diese Tatsache nun, dass bei Man und Portman von der Perlmuttermuschel 
und ihrem Gebrauch als " kitchen knife "|| ganz und gar nichts zu finden war, wahrend 
dagegen die Cyrena-Muschel bei dieseu Autoren immer wieder, und zwar gerade auch 
" used as a knife " angefiihrt wird, diese Tatsache war es, die mich dazu veranlasste 
und, wie ich glaube, jedenfalls vor der neuen Erklarung Mr. Brown's, auch dazu 
berechtigte, anstatt der Perlmuttermuschel die Cyrenamuschel einzusetzen. Das 
zunachst aber nur in der Weise und bis zu dem Grade, dass ich annahm, wie ich es 
auch schon in meinem vorigen Artikel deutlich zum Ausdruck brachte,1f die Cyreua- 
muschel sei aus irgend einem Grunde im Norden, ganz oder zum Teil, durch die 
Perlmuttermuschel ersetzt worden, da ja nur in der Nordgruppe die mit der Perlmutter- 
schale verbundene Biliku zu finden ist. Aus all dem geht hervor, dass Mr. Brown 
zu seinem heftigen und verletzenden Vorwurf keine Berechtigung hat. Ferner bleibt 
bestehen, was ich iiber die objektive Zuverliissigkeit seiner neuen Hinzufiigung gesagt 
habe, und es liegt Mr. Brown insbesondere ob, wenn er seine Angabe iiber den Gebrauch 
der Perlmuttermuschel in alien Teilen der Andamanen aufrecht halt, die auffallende 
Tatsache zu erklaren, dass Man und Portman von derselben fur ihre Gebiete keine 
Erwahnung tun. (Fortsetzung folgt.} P. W. SCHMIDT. 



Asia Minor : Archaeology. Thompson. 

On some Prehistoric Stone Implements from Asia Minor. By QQ 
R. Campbell Thompson, M.A., F.R.G.S. UU 

While travelling between Angora and Eregli in Asia Minor last year Mr. Joseph 
Weissberger and I obtained the stone 
implements which are portrayed in this 
article. Nos. 1 and 2 we found on 
the surface on the rolling ground half 
a day south-east of Angora, at our 
bivouac at Uzal. The neighbouring 
soil was covered with pieces of broken 
pottery, but we obtained nothing ex- 
cept these two implements and half 
a ring of stone, which may have been 
a hammerhead. No. 3 is an axehead, 
which was found near the entrance of 
the Soghanli Dere, about twenty-five 
miles west of the great mountain 
Argaeus. I am indebted to Dr. G. T. 
Prior, of the Natural History Museum, 
for his courtesy in identifying them 
geologically as andesite. 

No. 4 is a beautifully polished 
axehead of serpentine, which my friend 
bought at the Hittite ruins of Euyuk 
and gave to me. Dr. Dodd, of the 




No.l 

IMPLEMENT OP ANDESITB FEOM NEIGH- 
BOURHOOD OF ANGOBA. (f) 



* Mit der Angabe, "This is the primitive knife of the Andamanese," S. 228. 

t Portman, A Manual of Hie Andamanese Language* (London, 1887). J A.a.O., SS. 204-215- 

A.a.O., S. 208. || So Brown's Benennung, Folklore, a.a.O., S. 263. ^ MAN , 1910, S. 5. 

[ 71 ] 



Nos. 39-40.] 



MAN. 



[1910. 



American Hospital at Talas, showed me several small polished axeheads which had 
come from other Hittite sites, but none were as large as this. 

There are many prehistoric remains in the country between Angora and Eregli. 
Near Angora itself are sixteen tumuli, and there are scores of them in the district 
between Yuzgat and Ismail Dagh. At a place, Ajemi, between Erkekli and the Aje Su, 




X0.2. 




IMPLEMENT OP ANDESITE FROM NEIGH- 
BOURHOOD OF ANGORA. ($) 



No. 3. 

AXEHEAD FROM SOGHANLI DERK. 




No. 4. 



254- 
AXEHEAD FROM EUYUK. 



INCHES 



south of Yuzgat (a route not marked as explored on Kiepert's map), lies a prehistdric 
village of stone hut circles, extending for more than a mile down a small valley. 

I am indebted to the Society of Biblical Archaeology for their courtesy in 
publishing an account of these and other antiquities of the district in their Proceedings. 

R. CAMPBELL THOMPSON. 



Africa, West. Palmer. 

Note on Traces of Totemism and some other Customs in Jfl 

Hausaland. By H. R. Palmer, M.A., LL.B. "HI 

At the present day almost all the peoples called " Hausa " are Muhammadans. 
There exist, however, small isolated communities which have not been converted, and 
retain in a greater or less degree the customs of their forefathers. These communities 
are known as Maguzawa, a word which is probably a Sudani form of Majusuu a 
Magian ; hence " any idolater." 

[ 72 J 



1910,] MAN. [No. 40. 

Though not professing Islam, these Maguzawa have been influenced by their 
Muslim rulers and conquerors, and have in some cases dropped so much of their 
original custom that the remnant is in all but name a crude monotheism with some 
local spirit in place of Allah. On the other hand, sufficient survivals exist to indicate 
the nature of the beliefs which Islam has displaced. 

Besides these Maguzawa there are a certain number of pagan Fulani, and other 
non-Moslem peoples of Berber affinity, who have migrated into Hausaland at different 
times in the past. 

Hausa is the lingua franca of the country. There is only one Hausa equivalent 
for the words "tabu" and "totem." It is kan-gidda ("head of the house" or "that 
which is upon the house "). 

It would appear that from the earliest times there have been two kinds of people 
in the northern portion of Hausalaud nomadic atid settled. The nomads were Berbers, 
the settled peoples negro or negroid. 

For the last few hundred years the country has been inhabited by Hausa (negroid) 
and Fulani (Berber). 

We naturally expect to find an antithesis in manners and customs between these 
two elements in the population. 

The Hausa was polygamous and exogamous, while the Fulani was monogamous and 
endogamous. The Hausa acquires a wife practically by purchase, and takes her to 
his own house ; while the Fulani, in his nomad state, does not expect his wife to come 
and live with him till two years after marriage. In fact, the sexual relations among 
the Bush Fulani are very closely similar to those existing among the Tuareg, where 
the husband goes to live with the wife, not the wife with her husband. There is the 
same pre-nuptial looseness of morals, though after marriage rules are strict. 

The totems of such pagan Fulani as are found in the northern portion of Hausa- 
land seem to be mostly birds, though some of them have a beast or reptile totem in 
addition to the bird. Examples are : 

Bojabi Fulani. Totem fakarra (partridge). 
Rahazawa makorua ., 

Kununkwo ,, (i) fakarra 

(ii) dammo (iguana). 

Sulibawa kurchia (dove). 

They all believe that if they kill these birds their totems they will die. 

In addition to these acknowledged totems there is a tabu on sheep and cattle, and 
the killing of them except on certain occasions. With regard to sheep, it is a common 
practice among the Yerimawa Fulani to keep a sheep with black rings round the eyes 
(tumkia maitozali), which is supposed to bring them luck. A ram with similar marking 
is sent by a bridegroom to his wife's father after marriage. It may be noted that 
painting rings round the eyes is a very common custom among the " women " to avert 
" Nemesis," and the ill-luck that would follow anyone praising their beauty. With 
regard to cattle, most non-Moslem Fulani will not kill their own beasts except at a 
festival, which is called " Biwali." 

This festival takes place when the first son is born to a newly-married couple on 
the day that his name is given him. The friends and relatives of the couple assemble 
under a big tree. An ox is killed and flayed ; the various joints are divided in a 
manner which is laid down between the paternal and maternal relatives ; the heart 
and flesh which covers the stomach is kept apart and is called " Biioali^ The bride- 
groom, or rather ex-bridegroom's ' best man at the time of the wedding, then comes 
forward, seizes the Biwali in one hand and a blazing brand in the other, and runs 
away. His friends pursue him, but only two are allowed eventually to catch him. 
The three then go to a tree and light a fire ; they roast the Biwali and eat it. No 

[ 73 ] 



No. 40.] MAN. [1910. 

one else is allowed to eat, but if there is any over they may take it home and give 
it to the bridegroom.* 

Among some of these pagan Fulani, e.g., the Rahazawa, marriage between children 
of the same father is permitted, the only bar to marriage being in the case of persons 
having the same mother. At the end of the year a feast called Girewali is held. 
The youths and maidens gather in the forest ; the youths form a line. Each maiden 
then comes np and selects her youth ; food is cooked and the couples spend the night 
together. The observance of this feast is supposed to be of great importance to the 
prosperity of the clan. Any father who prevents his children going is expelled from 
the community. 

On marriage, a girl of the Rahazawa is given a white cock by the bridegroom. 
She releases the cock, which remains in her house and is sacred. 

The Hausa pagans or Maguzawa have a custom known as "Fita furra" Several 
girls and an equal number of boys are in the autumn shut up together in an enclosure 
and left there for a month. Food is taken by an attendant to them. The whole 
expense is borne by some rich man, who thinks that thereby he confers a benefit on the 
community. At the end of the time any of the girls who are found to be enceinte 
are considered to be the wives of the youths they have lived with. 

A " jigo " or " gausami " (a long upright pole) is erected inside the enclosure. 
Sacrifices of goats, sheep, fowls, &c., are made to the spirits Kuri and Uwargari or 
Uwargona. 

Doubtless this custom is in origin much the same as the Fulani Girewali. The 
differences between the two are illustrative of the settled as opposed to the nomadic 
life, while their similarity leaves no doubt that the rite was practised to ensure 
fecundity in the clan. 

At the present day, descent traced through females hardly exists south of the 
country occupied by the Kelgeres. 

All Maguzawa own to at least one " totem " or " tabu." They sacrifice to certain 
spirits, but do not make images or fetishes. The chief spirits worshipped are Kuri 
and a female divinity called sometimes Uwardawa and sometimes Uwargona. Kuri is 
a woodland deity, Avho wears a goat's skin and "barks" like a dog in the woods. 
He is the Hausa Pan. Uwardawa is the goddess of hunting their Diana and 
Uwargona is Cybele or Demeter in her attributes. With these is usually associated 
rather loosely the god of storms and rain, Gajimari, who lives in the rainbow. Sacri- 
fices are made to these deities in the farm, at some well or tree, or at the house, 
according to circumstances. Each has his or her appropriate offering. Kuri likes 
a young red he-goat, Uwardawa a red she-goat or a red cock, while Uwargona's 
emblems are white, e.g., a white ewe. The psychological beliefs vary from rather 
intricate rules of the transmigration of souls in the same family to an apparent 
absence of any definite idea about what happens after death. 

It must be noted that these clans of Maguzawa bear no fixed relation to the 
political divisions of the country as they exist at present and have existed for some 
five or six hundred years. The political grouping of the various Hausa peoples is 
denoted by facial marks which are tattooed on to the children quite irrespective of 
their spiritual and other beliefs. 

While there is no doubt that the Maguzawa in general represent the most 
primitive historical Hausa, especially those of them who originated in Gobir, Katsina 
and Daura, there are a fair number of Maguzawa who admit that they have migrated 
from Bornu and elsewhere. In considering the beliefs of the latter there is apt to 
be a doubt whether they brought them with them or adopted them after arrival. 

* The first-born sou always lives with his mother's relations till his father dies. He is called 
his father's kunya (shame). 

[ 74 ] 



1910.] MAN. [No. 40. 

As will be gathered, therefore, from what has been said above, Hausa totemism 
exists only in patches. It is impossible to go to any one man or even community 
and find out what their primitive beliefs were. 

We may take as examples, putting as nearly as may be in the words of the native 
informants replies to questions asked on the' subject during the last few years : 

1. A Katsina Hausa hunter community. (Mahalbawa.) Totem is the kwakia (a 
short black snake.) If the kivakia kills an animal, that animal cannot be eaten ; 
when a boy is born the kwakia which, if friendly lives in the rafters comes down 
to the floor of the hut. The Mahalbawa think they are descended from the kwakia, 
and that anyone who killed a kicakia would die. The totem descends in the male 
line. They never marry a woman having a kwakia as totem. 

2. Yan Dorina. Hausa (children of a hippopotamus). Totem the hippo- 
potamus sacrifice to the hippo on the banks of a stream a hen of the same colouring 
as an ostrich. 

3. Biritchi Hausa. Maguzawa, called "" kai na fara" Totem a fowl with no 
feathers (? diseased). Informant says this fowl (kuduku kaza) is sacrificed on very 
special occasions once a year. 

Tabus : (i) They may not eat food if iron has touched it. 

(ii) If fire has burnt the town they do not eat what is left of the corn. 

(iii) They do not carry fire in a kworia (calabash) or part of one, but only 

in an akwashi (earthenware dish). 
These Hausa do not work on Sunday, but sacrifice on that day. 

4. Garubawa of Keffindukuduku. (Katsina) say that they are of Berber origin, 
and that their customs are from the East. Totem a frog (kwado). Will not touch 
the totem. Distinguish souls as good and bad. The bad soul wanders after death. 
The good soul returns into the womb of a woman of the family, and generally reappears 
in a grandson of deceased. Rub the head of a child with milk when it is shaved for 
the first time. Village pole (a " kanya " tree), where wrestling contests are held. 
As long as the pole (gansami) stands so long will the prowess of the village youth 
remain. If the pole is blown down it is not erected till the next generation. 

NOTE. Gansami is a Kanuri word, and means "son of the Queen." 

5. Kutumbatva. (Hausa) of Kazauri and Kano say that their totems are two 
trees, the " dashi " (black thorn) and " tsamia " (tamarind). They may not burn or 
cut these trees. Tabu on boys No unmarried boy may put on sandals. Further say 
that their totem is dan magurji (a large green snake), which they do not kill or touch ; 
and that they are originally Domawa of Bornu and hunters. Sacrifice, on the.